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Journal articles on the topic 'Ulster (Northern Ireland and Ireland) in literature'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 July 2025

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1

Wichert, Sabine. "The Northern Ireland Conflict: New Wine in Old Bottles?" Contemporary European History 9, no. 2 (2000): 307–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300002095.

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James Loughlin, The Ulster Question since 1945 (London: Macmillan, 1998), 151 pp., £10.99 (pb), ISBN 0–333–60616–7.David Harkness, Ireland in the Twentieth Century. Divided Island (London: Macmillan, 1996), 190 pp., £9.99 (pb), ISBN 0–333–56796–X.Thomas Hennessey, A History of Northern Ireland, 1920–1996 (London: Macmillan, 1997), 347 pp., £12.99 (pb), £40.00 (hb), ISBN 0–333–73162–X.Brian A. Follis, A State Under Siege. The Establishment of Northern Ireland, 1920–1925 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1995), 250 pp., £35.00 (hb), ISBN 0–198–20305–5.Dermot Keogh and Michael H. Haltzel, eds., Northern Irelan

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2

Heron, Timothy A. "Alternative Ulster: The First Wave of Punk in Northern Ireland (1976-1983)." Études anglaises 71, no. 1 (2018): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etan.711.0067.

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3

McCafferty, Paul. "A small scale project that involved citizens in the education of social work students during their placement in Northern Ireland." Journal of Practice Teaching and Learning 9, no. 2 (2012): 115–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/jpts.v9i2.392.

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This article outlines my attempt to create a small scale project, with the aim of involving citizens in the education of student social workers whilst on their placement in Northern Ireland. The article outlines the literature on the subject, describes how the project evolved and discusses how citizens were involved in the direct teaching process. The article continues by describing how the teaching input of the citizens was then transferred into educating five students. The article evaluates the educational impact on the students and discusses the value of involving citizens in the education

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4

Kruczkowska, Joanna. "The Use of Ulster Speech by Michael Longley and Tom Paulin." Text Matters, no. 1 (November 23, 2011): 241–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10231-011-0018-3.

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The article examines the application and exploration of Ulster dialects in the work of two poets of Northern Irish Protestant background, Tom Paulin and Michael Longley. It depicts Paulin's attitude to the past and the present of their community of origin, the former positive and the latter negative, which is responsible for the ambiguities in his use of and his comments on the local speech. Both poets employ the vernacular to refer to their immediate context, i.e. the conflict in Ulster, and in this respect linguistic difference comes to be associated with violence. Yet another vital element

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5

Douglas, Robert A., W. D. H. Woodward, and Robert J. Rogers. "Contact Pressures and Energies Beneath Soft Tires: Modeling Effects of Central Tire Inflation–Equipped Heavy-Truck Traffic on Road Surfaces." Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board 1819, no. 1 (2003): 221–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3141/1819b-28.

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Much has been made of the use of tires with low-inflation-pressure systems called central tire inflation (CTI) systems. Great benefits have been noted in numerous trials, including the reduced requirement for truck maintenance, improved gradeability, longer tire life, improved ride for drivers, reduced road rutting, and reduced road maintenance. Reports of successful field trials in the literature are confirmed by other supporting theoretical studies. However, the studies reported in the literature tend to relate to unsealed, unbound roads. Given that in some quarters there is now a desire to

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6

Bew, Paul. "How the British have misunderstood Ireland and Northern Ireland." Journal of the British Academy 12 (May 22, 2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/jba/012.a04.

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This article probes the mainstream UK structure of feeling—to use the classic term invented by Raymond Williams—on the Irish question. It argues that there was, and is a historic inability in a largely peaceful stable society to face up to the life and death issues, more recently those connected with political violence, posed by Ireland. The material covered ranges from the Irish famine of 1846 to 1850, to the war of independence 1919 to 1921 and the modern Ulster Troubles. It notices how often the need to preserve a comfortable often, but not always, liberal self-image involves a significant

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7

Norris, Paul. "The 1998 Northern Ireland Assembly Election." Politics 20, no. 1 (2000): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00109.

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The result of the assembly election in Northern Ireland in June 1998 was a victory for those who support the assembly, but it was not such a triumph for David Trimble and the Ulster Unionist Party. I will examine both the Unionist vote and the Nationalist vote and the consequences.

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8

Reynolds, Chris. "Northern Ireland’s 1968 at The Ulster Museum." VIEW Journal of European Television History and Culture 6, no. 12 (2017): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2017.jethc135.

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In the dominant and increasingly prevalent transnational narrative of 1968, the case of Northern Ireland has been marginalised. As well as explaining how such an erroneous absence is to be understood, this article, through the example of an ongoing project at Belfast’s Ulster Museum, will argue that the current post-Troubles context provides fertile terrain for a recalibration of how this period is remembered from both within and without. It is concluded that such a project offers potentially valuable lessons for handling the difficult question of the past in Northern Ireland and beyond.

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Okhoshin, Oleg. "25-th Anniversary of the Belfast Agreement: Prospects for Northern Ireland." Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, no. 2 (2023): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics21020232530.

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On April 11-15, 2023, US President Joe Biden visited Northern Ireland and the neighboring Republic of Ireland, timing the visit to the 25th anniversary of singing the Belfast Agreement in 1998, which ended the bloody confrontation between Catholics and Protestants in Ulster and contributed to the creation of autonomous authorities in the region. The purpose of the trip was complex – to overcome the protracted political crisis in Northern Ireland and promise to increase US investment in the regional economy should the regional government resume its work; the personal goal of the US president is

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10

Butler, William. "The formation of the Ulster Home Guard." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 158 (2016): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.26.

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AbstractThis article explores the problems encountered in the formation of the Ulster Home Guard, supposedly a direct equivalent to its well-known British counterpart, as part of the paramilitary Ulster Special Constabulary in Northern Ireland, during the Second World War. Predictably, the Ulster Home Guard became an almost exclusively Protestant organisation which led to many accusations of sectarianism from a variety of different national and international voices. This became a real concern for the British government, as well as the army, which understandably wished to avoid any such controv

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11

Ollerenshaw, Philip. "Northern Ireland and the British Empire–Commonwealth, 1923–61." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 142 (2008): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400007057.

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Despite the unprecedented interest shown by historians in Ireland and empire in recent years, comparatively little research has focused on Northern Ireland’s connections to the British Empire-Commonwealth in the post-partition decades. This article utilises some new sources to throw light on both the centrifugal and centripetal aspects of the imperial relationship. The discussion begins with the imperial significance of visits to Northern Ireland by statesmen such as William Massey, Prime Minister of New Zealand, to his native Ulster in 1923, and that of Gordon Coates, also Prime Minister of N

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Hughes, T. J., R. H. Buchanan, K. A. Mawhinney, et al. "Reviews of Books and Maps." Irish Geography 10, no. 1 (2016): 116–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55650/igj.1977.861.

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REVIEWS OF BOOKSIRELAND IN PREHISTORY, by Michael Herity and George Eogan. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977. 302 pp. £8.95. Reviewed by: T. J. HughesTHE LIVING LANDSCAPE: KILGALLIGAN, ERRIS, CO. MAYO, by S. Ó Catháin and Patrick O'Flanagan. Dublin: Comhairle Bhéaloideas Éireann, 1975. 312 pp. Reviewed by: R. H. BuchananTHE IRISH TOWN: AN APPROACH TO SURVIVAL, by Patrick Shaffrey. Dublin: The O'Brien Press, 1975. 192 pp. £5.00. Reviewed by: K. A. MawhinneyLOST DEMESNES: IRISH LANDSCAPE GARDENING 1660–1845, by Edward Malins and the Knight of Glin. London: Barrie and Jenkins, 1976. 208 pp.

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13

Gardner, Peter R. "Ethnicity monopoly: Ulster-Scots ethnicity-building and institutional hegemony in Northern Ireland." Irish Journal of Sociology 26, no. 2 (2018): 139–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0791603518780821.

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Ulster-Scots is a contemporary case of ethnicity-building, materialising in Northern Ireland at the end of the 20th century. As the ‘Troubles’ began to be reinterpreted as being about cultural identity in the 1980s, avenues were sought through which to find a ‘Protestant-ness’ comparative to the considerably more developed discourse of Irishness. It was at this point that Ulster-Scots emerged. While its initial decades were marked by derision, hostility, and resistance, it has gained considerable ground in recent years. This article outlines the development of Ulster-Scots from its beginnings

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14

Hill, John. "Television Drama and Northern Ireland: The First Plays 1959–67." Journal of British Cinema and Television 20, no. 3 (2023): 279–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2023.0677.

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This article sets out to map the largely forgotten history of the first television dramas about Northern Ireland by Northern Ireland writers during the 1950s and 1960s. It examines the first experiments in drama production by BBC Northern Ireland and Ulster Television alongside the work by Northern Irish writers produced by ITV companies and the BBC in London. It looks at the institutional and ideological contexts in which the work emerged before going on to examine the patterns of representation that resulted. Made prior to the emergence of the Troubles in 1969, the article considers the firs

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Ferguson, Frank, and Matthew Morrow. "‘Of Noble Sentiment and Of Noble Thought’: Burns Clubs and Commemoration in Ireland 1800–1950." Burns Chronicle 132, no. 2 (2023): 150–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/burns.2023.0084.

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The reception of Robert Burns's work and legacy in Ireland, particularly in its Northern province of Ulster has been well documented. Less explored is the range of clubs, commemorations and events that exist and have existed throughout Ireland to honour his memory. This article will explore the foundation and activities of a variety of Burns Clubs and in particular the Belfast Burns Association, one of the longest standing groups within the Burns Federation. While these clubs were mostly situated in the province of Ulster, the article will argue that the commemoration and celebration of Burns

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16

Boisseau, Maryvonne. "Focus on Ireland, edited by Jeffrey Kallen ; Philip Robinson, Ulster-Scots, A Grammar of the Traditional Written and Spoken Language ; Markku Filppula, The Grammar of Irish English ; Language Links, The Languages of Ireland, edited by John M. Kirk and Donall P. Ô Baoill ; Legislation, Literature and Sociolinguistics : Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland, and Scotland, edited by John M. Kirk and Donall P. Ô Baoill ; Raymond Hickey, A Source Book for Irish English ; id. Dublin English, Evolution and Change ; The Celtic Englishes TV, The Interface between English and the Celtic Languages, Hildegard L. Tristram (éd.)." Études irlandaises 31, no. 2 (2006): 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/irlan.2006.1774.

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17

McAreavey, Naomi. "Building bridges? Remembering the 1641 rebellion in Northern Ireland." Memory Studies 11, no. 1 (2018): 100–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017736841.

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This essay explores the changing place of the 1641 rebellion in the memory cultures of Ulster loyalist communities before and after the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. Focusing on the loyalist centres of Portadown and West Belfast, I show that commemorative activities particularly flourished during periods of crisis in these communities as they moved (or were moved) towards compromise. The 1641 Depositions Project has argued that the ‘memory’ of 1641 must be replaced by ‘history’. The potential for the transformation or dissolution of loyalist memories depends on the willingness of these commun

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18

Fleming, N. C. "'Incorrigibly Plural': Recent Histories of Ulster and Northern Ireland." Twentieth Century British History 21, no. 1 (2010): 110–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwp058.

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19

Gardner, Peter Robert. "Ethnicizing Ulster’s Protestants?: Ulster-Scots education in Northern Ireland." Identities 25, no. 4 (2016): 397–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2016.1244512.

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20

Murphy, Willa. "Steinbeck Ireland Symposium Student Panel." Steinbeck Review 19, no. 2 (2022): 210–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/steinbeckreview.19.2.0210.

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Abstract The Steinbeck Ireland Symposium, held on November 27, 2021, at Drenagh Estate in County Derry, included an interdisciplinary panel made up of students from Ulster University’s Environmental Science and American Literature courses. These student voices bring fresh insights on Steinbeck’s Log from the Sea of Cortez.

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21

Hackett, Mark. "Au revoir, Ulster Museum." Architectural Research Quarterly 13, no. 2 (2009): 190–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135509990297.

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The Ulster Museum is destined to remain a building that stands somewhat outside time and remote from its society. The building is in two parts that are merged into one: the first Classical, designed by James Wyness and built only in part by 1929, and the second, a transformative concrete extension designed by Francis Pym for a 1963 competition judged by Leslie Martin and opened in 1972 to the most violent year of the conflict in Northern Ireland. The extension is, as Paul Clarke, of the University of Ulster has written, ‘an icon to a period when architecture addressed at the very centre of its

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22

McCafferty, Kevin. "‘[T]hunder storms is verry dangese in this countrey they come in less than a minnits notice...’." English World-Wide 25, no. 1 (2004): 51–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.25.1.04mcc.

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It has been suggested that use of the Northern Subject Rule (NSR) in Southern Irish English (SIrE) is the result of diffusion from Ulster-Scots dialects of the North of Ireland, where many Scots settled in the 17th century. 19th-century Irish-Australian emigrant letters show the main NSR constraint — which permits plural verbal -s with noun phrase subjects but prohibits it with an adjacent third plural pronoun — to have been as robust in varieties of SIrE as it was in Northern Irish English (NIrE) of the same period. Before British colonisation of Ireland, the NSR was present in dialects of No

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23

White, Andrew. "Is Contemporary Ulster Unionism in Crisis? Changes in Unionist Identity during the Northern Ireland Peace Process." Irish Journal of Sociology 16, no. 1 (2007): 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350701600107.

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This paper addresses the way in which the Northern Ireland Peace Process has impacted on unionist identity. In particular, it offers a critique of the three constituent philosophies of unionism – cultural unionism, liberal unionism and economic unionism – and suggests that a new form of unionism that reflects the altered polity of Northern Ireland must be constructed.

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24

McKearney, Tommy. "Northern Ireland: From Imperial Asset to International Encumbrance." Journal of World-Systems Research 22, no. 1 (2016): 108–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2016.636.

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The Northern Ireland story is more complex than the trite tale of orange versus green or two warring tribes. Current inhabitants are not settling ancient scores. Northern Ireland is the product of colonialism, the plantation of Ulster, machinations of a British state determined to retain a strategic outpost, 50 years of one party discriminatory government and the recent conflict. The Good Friday Agreement facilitated an end to armed conflict but is inherently flawed. Compounding the Stormont Assembly’s very limited ability to steer the economy is reluctance by the political parties to accept t

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Hopwood, Duncan, and Stephanie Robertson. "Ulster fights its brain drain." ITNOW 32, no. 3 (1990): 12–14. https://doi.org/10.1093/combul/32.3.12.

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Abstract Belfast is just over an hour away from London’s Heathrow airport but, to many, it might just as well be the other side of the world. If they think of Northern Ireland at all, the majority of people in the rest of the UK still think first of bloody sectarian violence. Added to that distorted image is the reality of serious economic problems.

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Horning, Audrey J. "Focus found. New directions for Irish historical archaeology." Archaeological Dialogues 13, no. 2 (2006): 211–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203806262093.

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In 1999 the Irish Post-Medieval Archaeology Group (IPMAG) was established by a diverse group of Northern Ireland archaeologists and heritage professionals, drawn from the commercial, government, museum and university sectors. The aims of the organization, discussed at length at the group's inaugural conference held in Belfast in February of 2001, include (one) undertaking initiatives to raise the profile of post-medieval archaeology within the whole of Ireland, (two) fostering greater contacts between those individuals engaged in researching the archaeology, history and culture of post-1550 Ir

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Elliott, Laurence. "Religion and Sectarianism in Ulster: Interpreting the Northern Ireland Troubles." Religion Compass 7, no. 3 (2013): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rec3.12025.

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Hutchinson, Wesley. "Ulster-Scots in Northern Ireland: from neglect to re-branding." Études irlandaises, no. 38-2 (December 20, 2013): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesirlandaises.3617.

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29

McEvoy, Kieran, Karen McElrath, and Kathryn Higgins. "Does Ulster Still Say No? Drugs, Politics, and Propaganda in Northern Ireland Contemporary Issues concerning Illicit Drug Use in the British Isles." Journal of Drug Issues 28, no. 1 (1998): 127–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204269802800108.

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Considerable emphasis has been placed in Northern Ireland as elsewhere upon providing an estimate of the prevalence and pattern of drug misuse, yet despite the importance of this information, a less than adequate picture has emerged. In this paper, divided into three sections, we attempt to layout and explore the assemblage of factors influencing drug misuse in Northern Ireland and subsequently our knowledge of it. In the first section we endeavor to demonstrate that drug use, distribution, and policy cannot be examined in isolation from the politics and practices of the protagonists to the co

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30

Morgan, Hiram. "The end of Gaelic Ulster: a thematic interpretation of events between 1534 and 1610." Irish Historical Studies 26, no. 101 (1988): 8–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400009421.

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The period between the Kildare rebellion and the plantation of Ulster marks the final phase of a distinct political system. During these years the English administration in Ireland made strenuous efforts to reform Gaelic society. This paper aims to show that indigenous society was not inevitably doomed to submit before a superior Renaissance state. Indeed it proved flexible in responding to the challenge and was itself in the process of ‘modernisation’. This process was most marked in Ulster which was the strongest Gaelic region and the crown’s most intractable problem. The northern province w

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31

Chambers, Ciara. "Ulster versus Éire: Border Narratives in Cinema Newsreels." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 6, no. 2 (2023): 36–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v6i2.3217.

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Ulster versus Éire (1938) was an American March of Time newsreel exploring the complexities of Irish politics on both sides of the border. It came hot on the heels of an earlier film made by the same company, misleadingly titled Irish Republic (1937). The first film had sparked an attempt by the Northern Ireland government to present a propagandised film about the north in response to what was seen to be a favourable depiction of the south. Remarkably, the two films utilised much of the same footage to present two starkly contrasting narratives of ‘two Irelands’. This article explores how repr

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Holmes, Andrew R., and Stuart Mathieson. "Evangelical “Others” in Ulster, 1859–1912: Social Profile, Unionist Politics, and “Fundamentalism”." Church History 90, no. 4 (2021): 847–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721002894.

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AbstractThis article considers the existence of a distinctive form of fundamentalism in the northern-Irish province of Ulster. It does so by examining the Protestant minorities that grew significantly in the decades after the Ulster revival of 1859. These evangelical others are important because their members were more likely to have fundamentalist tendencies than those who belonged to the main Protestant churches. The existing scholarship on fundamentalism in Northern Ireland focuses on Ian Paisley (1926–2014), who was a life-long adversary of Irish republican separatism and a self-identified

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Okhoshin, Oleg Valer'evich. "The new political crisis in Northern Ireland." Contemporary Europe, no. 1 (February 15, 2023): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323010047.

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In Northern Ireland, after the 2022 local parliamentary elections, the two leading regional parties - the Unionists (DUP) and the Irish Nationalists (Sinn Féin) - failed to form an autonomous government. The article examines the causes of the political crisis in the region and presents an analysis of the model of consocial democracy according to the Belfast Agreement 1998. The political system of dual power, which requires the mandatory representation of religious communities (Catholics and Protestants) in local authorities, has repeatedly created the preconditions for long-term conflicts. The

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Maginn, Paul J., and Graham Ellison. "‘Ulster Says No’: Regulating the consumption of commercial sex spaces and services in Northern Ireland." Urban Studies 54, no. 3 (2016): 806–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098016674903.

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Commercial forms of sex such as prostitution/sex work, strip clubs and even sex shops have been the subject of much political debate and policy regulation over the last decade or so in the UK and Ireland. These myriad forms of commercial sex and land usage have managed to survive and even thrive in the face of public outcry and regulation. Despite being part of the UK we suggest that Northern Ireland has steered its own regulatory course, whereby the consumption of commercial sexual spaces and services have been the subject of intense moral and legal oversight in ways that are not apparent in

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35

McGrath, Michael. "The narrow road: Harry Midgley and Catholic schools in Northern Ireland." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 119 (1997): 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013249.

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The Ministry of Education was, and remains, the most important government department for the Catholic church in Northern Ireland. As Cormack, Gallagher and Osborne note, The Department of Education in Northern Ireland occupies a distinctive place in terms of the general relationships between the government and the Catholic community. Throughout the period since the creation of Northern Ireland, the most significant social institution over which the Catholic community has exercised control, principally through the Catholic church, has been the Catholic education system.The devolved government a

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Aveyard, Stuart C. "‘We couldn't do a Prague’: British government responses to loyalist strikes in Northern Ireland 1974–77." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 153 (2014): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003643.

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In May 1974 the Ulster Workers' Council (U.W.C.), comprising loyalist trade unionists, paramilitaries and politicians, mounted a general strike backed by widespread intimidation. Their target was the Sunningdale Agreement, which produced a power-sharing executive for Northern Ireland and proposed a crossborder institution with the Republic of Ireland. After a fortnight the U.W.C. successfully brought Northern Ireland to a halt and the Executive collapsed, leading to the restoration of direct rule from Westminster. Three years later the United Unionist Action Council (U.U.A.C.) adopted the same

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Mac Bhloscaidh, Fearghal. "The Caledon Lockout: Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Rural Ulster, 1918–1922." International Labor and Working-Class History 98 (2020): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547919000334.

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AbstractThis paper examines an unsuccessful strike by Irish Catholic and Protestant workers at a woolen mill in 1919. The location, Caledon in County Tyrone, is renowned as a stronghold of Ulster Unionism and Orangeism, yet in the context of the revolutionary period in Ireland from 1916–1926, traditional sectarian divisions briefly abated in the face of working-class solidarity. In this respect, the analysis offers something of a corrective to assumptions regarding the immutability of sectarian divisions in Ulster. The article also places Caledon within the context of a widespread and sustaine

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O'Donoghue, Martin. "Faith and fatherland? The Ancient Order of Hibernians, northern nationalism and the partition of Ireland." Irish Historical Studies 46, no. 169 (2022): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2022.4.

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AbstractIn 1912, the Ancient Order of Hibernians (A.O.H.) had become the most significant nationalist organisation in Ulster, a powerful auxiliary to the Irish Parliamentary Party, and a key part of what unionists feared would be Rome rule in a self-governed Ireland. However, while the A.O.H. is crucial to understanding nationalist Ulster and the border question, its reputation for fraternal secrecy and the apparent suddenness of its decline after the Irish Party's 1918 collapse has often seen it elude sustained academic enquiry. This article provides the first examination of the order from th

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KUSHNER, THOMASINE. "CQ Interview." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 11, no. 1 (2002): 97–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180102101162.

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Chris Shaw is the Chair of Biotechnology and Head of the Pharmaceutical Biotechnology Research Group at the University of Ulster in Northern Ireland. His concern for the unequal distribution of benefits has prompted him to take a leading role in developing partnership models for scientists doing research in underdeveloped countries.

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40

Dardis, G. F. "Fossil Ice and Sand Wedges in South-Central Ulster, Northern Ireland." Irish Geography 19, no. 2 (1986): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00750778609478826.

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41

Ganiel, Gladys. "Ulster Says Maybe: The Restructuring of Evangelical Politics in Northern Ireland." Irish Political Studies 21, no. 2 (2006): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180600707490.

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Dardis, G. F. "Fossil Ice and Sand Wedges in South-Central Ulster, Northern Ireland." Irish Geography 19, no. 2 (2016): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.55650/igj.1986.711.

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Spatial and temporal variations in the development of periglacial wedge structures in south-central Ulster. Northern Ireland can be related to climatic change during the earlier part of the late Glacial period. Ice wedges formed in the early stages of deglaciation (c.18,000 — 14,000 yrs B.P.) when cold and relatively humid periglacial conditions prevailed. Sand wedges formed during the later stages of deglaciation (c. 14,000 — 13,500 yrs B.P.?) and suggest a change to colder (?) and relatively drier climatic conditions.

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Bell, Jim, Maurice Murray, and Kate Madden. "Developing Exportise: An Irish Perspective." International Small Business Journal: Researching Entrepreneurship 10, no. 2 (1992): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026624269201000203.

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JIM BELL, MAURICE MURRAY AND KATE Madden are with the University of Ulster atJordanstown, Northern Ireland. Since 1986 the Northern Ireland Department of Economic Development has sponsored a series of export training programmes focusing on European and North American markets. Initially, these activities were developed in conjunction with AnCo (now FAS), the training agency in the Republic of Ireland and were partially funded by the International Fund for Ireland. In 1989, due to a change in remit, FAS took a decision to target training towards school leavers rather than graduates, thereby susp

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Szczecińska-Musielak, Ewa. "Społeczne i kulturowe uwarunkowania i ograniczenia procesu pokojowego w Irlandii Północnej." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 39 (February 15, 2022): 123–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2011.025.

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Social and Cultural Conditions and Limitations of the Northern Ireland Peace ProcessThe conflict in Northern Ireland, sometimes called “the Troubles” (by British government), sometimes called “war” (by nationalists), has lasted since 1921. The article presents the historical, structural and cultural background of the conflict in Ulster. Two main communities – Catholic and Protestant – are divided because of lots of reasons: one of them is different interpretation of history (“imagined histories”). On the social level the dominant position of the Protestant community was supported by a system o

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Gailey, Andrew. "King Carson: an essay on the invention of leadership." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 117 (1996): 66–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001258x.

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For Ulster Protestants, riven by division since the fall of Terence O’Neill as prime minister of Northern Ireland in 1969, the recent troubles have seen their future steadily being conceded by default. Where there was certainty, there is now confusion; where there was once leadership, there are now only leaders. Not surprisingly, there have been wistful glances back to the mythical heroes of the past, in particular to Sir Edward Carson, who had steered them through the home rule crisis of 1912–14 to the promised land of Northern Ireland. Carson not only mobilised all Ulster Protestants, but al

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Privilege, John. "The Northern Ireland government and the welfare state, 1942–8: the case of health provision." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 155 (2015): 439–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2014.2.

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Abstract Northern Ireland, the United Kingdom’s only self-governing region, recorded year-on- year the worst statistics on health and poverty. However, it was far from certain that the Unionist government in Belfast would enact the kind of sweeping post-war reform that occurred in England and Wales. The raft of legislation governing health and social care introduced in 1948 was, therefore, the product of conditions and circumstances peculiar to Northern Ireland. The government in Belfast needed to overcome the conservative instincts of Ulster Unionism as well as suspicions regarding Clement At

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Wilson, Peter, and Alana Cunningham. "Examples of recent rockfalls from basalt cliffs in Northern Ireland." Irish Geography 36, no. 2 (2014): 170–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.55650/igj.2003.220.

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Two examples of recent rockfalls from basalt cliffs in Northern Ireland are described and some trigger mechanisms suggested. The Downhill rockfall of June 2002 resulted in derailment of the Londonderry-Belfast train and occurred following two months of above average rainfall. The Trostan rockfall(s) has (have) resulted in basalt boulders accumulating on the track bed of a late nineteenth century mineral railway, the track having been removed by 1900. Rockfall timing(s) and cause(s) are not known with certainty but the possibility of distant seismic activity acting as a trigger mechanism is int

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Debeleç, Meriç. "REACTION TO BRITISH INTERNAL COLONIALISM IN TOM PAULIN’S “THE RIOT ACT”." Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Dergisi 65, no. 1 (2025): 223–38. https://doi.org/10.33171/dtcfjournal.2025.65.1.9.

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Lasting for more than three decades and causing the death of thousands of Irish people, the Troubles is a notorious historical event that took place in Northern Ireland between 1960s and 1998. Behind the Troubles lie many social and political problems that surrounded the region for almost a millennium. These problems revolved around the conflict between England -and later Britain- and Ireland. However, different from the long lasting Britain and Ireland conflict, the Troubles made Irish people confront themselves and kill each other. The inner-conflict in Northern Ireland depended on the deep-

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Brcathnach, Proinnsias, James G. Cruickshank, M. B. Quigley, et al. "Reviews of Books and Maps." Irish Geography 14, no. 1 (2016): 126–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.55650/igj.1981.788.

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IRELAND IN THE YEAR 2000. Dublin: An Foras Forbanha, 1980. 82 pp. IR£2.50.THE PEATLANDS OF IRELAND: TO ACCOMPANY NEW PEATLAND MAP OF IRELAND, by R. F. Hammond. Dublin: An Foras Taluntais, Soil Survey Bulletin No. 35. 1979. 58 pp. IR£2.50.PROVISIONAL DISTRIBUTION ATLAS OF AMPHIBIANS, REPTILES AND MAMMALS IN IRELAND, edited by Eanna Ni Lamhna. Dublin: An Foras Forbartha, second edition, 1979. 76 pp. IRfl.OO.IRISH NATURE, by Norman Hickin. Dublin: O'Brien Press, 1980. 240 pp. IR£11.50.HORSE BREEDING IN IRELAND, by Colin Lewis. London: J. A. Allen & Co. Ltd., 1980. 232 pp. £12.50 stg.TRANSPORT

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McGaughey, Jane. "Blood-debts and Battlefields: Ulster Imperialism and Masculine Authority on the Western Front 1916–1918." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 20, no. 2 (2010): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044397ar.

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Men’s bodies were one of the more notable sites of conflict in Northern Ireland after the 1918 armistice. Long before the war was over, Ulstermen had become part of a public legacy of blood-sacrifice and the epic mythology of warrior manliness surrounding the 36th (Ulster) Division. The predominantly Protestant north-east of Ireland revelled in heroic language and romantic sentiment about their losses and the consequences of their sacrifice. For years after their most famous battle at the Somme on the 1st of July 1916, Unionists maintained a vibrant communal memory that pointedly excluded the

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