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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Ulster Volunteer Force

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Academic literature on the topic 'Ulster Volunteer Force'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Ulster Volunteer Force"

1

Ulster Volunteer Force Prisoners. "Ulster Volunteer Force Prisoners of War." Journal of Prisoners on Prisons 7, no. 2 (1997): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/jpp.v7i2.5753.

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2

Bowman, Timothy. "The Ulster Volunteer Force and the formation of the 36th (Ulster) Division." Irish Historical Studies 32, no. 128 (2001): 498–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015236.

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Traditional accounts of the establishment of the 36th (Ulster) Division in October 1914 suggest that this unit was formed purely from the pre-war U.V.F. Writing in 1922, Cyril Falls (himself an officer in both the U.V.F. and the 36th Division) declared: The Ulster Division was not created in a day. The roots from which it sprang went back into the troubled period before the war. Its life was a continuance of the life of an earlier legion, a legion of civilians banded together to protect themselves from the consequences of legislation which they believed would affect adversely their rights and

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3

Hinson, Erin. "‘Our Journey, Our Narrative’: narratives of para(militarism) and conflict transformation in the ACT exhibition." Global Discourse 9, no. 3 (2019): 507–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15646707190542.

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The broad scope of contemporary research on paramilitary loyalism has yet to address the visual representations of paramilitarism within conflict transformation models. Addressing this gap, this paper explores representations of the Ulster Volunteer Force paramilitary group within the context of the exhibition produced by Action for Community Transformation (ACT). Though the organisation’s remit is to facilitate former Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) combatants’ transition into normative societal roles utilising conflict transformation practices, the group also houses a socio-historical exhibitio

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4

HOPKINSON, MICHAEL. "Carson's Army: The Ulster Volunteer Force, 1910-22- By Timothy Bowman." History 94, no. 313 (2009): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2009.444_51.x.

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5

Grob-Fitzgibbon, Benjamin. "Neglected Intelligence: How the British Government Failed to Quell the Ulster Volunteer Force, 1912–1914." Journal of Intelligence History 6, no. 1 (2006): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16161262.2006.10555122.

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Edwards, Aaron. "Abandoning Armed Resistance? The Ulster Volunteer Force as a Case Study of Strategic Terrorism in Northern Ireland." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32, no. 2 (2009): 146–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100802628405.

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7

Hart, Peter. "Carson’s army: the Ulster Volunteer Force, 1910–22. By Timothy Bowman. Pp 239. Manchester: Manchester University Press. 2007. £55." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 142 (2008): 299–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400007331.

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8

Corthorn, Paul. "Ulster Unionist Political Thought in the Era of the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1968–1998." English Historical Review, April 4, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cead005.

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Abstract This article examines Ulster Unionist political thought, in its widest sense, against the backdrop of the Northern Ireland Troubles. During this period, Ulster Unionists sought to resist nationalist and republican arguments for the unification of Ireland and to articulate their position to supporters and wider audiences. As Direct Rule from London followed the suspension of the unionist-dominated Northern Ireland parliament at Stormont in 1972 and its abolition the following year, internal unionist debate intensified over the constitutional future of Northern Ireland. Defining Ulster

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9

Walsh, Maurice. "Unbiddable Pasts." Contemporary European History, September 27, 2022, 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777322000364.

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At the Ulster Museum in Belfast two artefacts connect the momentous events of 1916 with the thirty years of conflict in Northern Ireland brought to an end by the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. One piece is the work of republican prisoners interned aboard HMS Maidstone in the Belfast docks in the early 1970s: a plaque, signed by its creators, bearing a portrait of the only socialist among the leaders of the Easter Rising in Dublin, James Connolly. The other is a painting by Gusty Spence, the founder of the modern loyalist paramilitary group, the Ulster Volunteer Force. It commemorates the Battl

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ulster Volunteer Force"

1

Maxwell, Ian. "The life of Sir Wilfred Spender 1876-1960." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.238985.

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2

Foy, Michael Thomas. "The Ulster Volunteer Force : its domestic development and political importance in the period 1913 to 1920." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.292352.

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3

Mitchell, William. ""Eighteen and half years old - ordinary young men, extraordinary times" : a biographical study into the temporal life-histories of former Loyalist paramilitaries in the Ulster Volunteer Force and its associated groups." Thesis, Ulster University, 2012. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.551231.

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Over the course of Northern Ireland's recent political conflict, categorised as 'The Troubles', a number of research studies into the involvement of former paramilitaries have been conducted. For example, various studies have focused on the reintegration of former paramilitaries back into their communities, while others focused on the involvement of former paramilitaries in conflict resolution and DOW former paramilitaries are dealing with the past. However, to this date, none have explored in any detail the situational forces and systemic influences that contributed to the transformation of o

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Books on the topic "Ulster Volunteer Force"

1

Garland, Roy. The Ulster Volunteer Force: Negotiating History. the author, 1991.

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2

Bowman, Timothy. Carson's Army: The Ulster Volunteer Force, 1910-22. Manchester University Press, 2007.

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3

Murphy, David Nigel Keith. The changing motivations of the Ulster Volunteer Force. The author, 1994.

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4

Bowman, Timothy. Carson's Army: The Ulster Volunteer Force, 1910-22. Manchester University Press, 2007.

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5

Society, Shankill Historical, ed. Seventy-fifth anniversary of the formation of the Ulster Volunteer Force. Shankill Historical Society, 1987.

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6

Gallaher, Carolyn. After the peace: Loyalist paramilitaries in post-accord Northern Ireland. Cornell University Press, 2007.

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7

Cusack, Jim. UVF. Poolbeg, 2000.

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8

Haines, Keith. Fred Crawford: Carson's gunrunner. Ballyhay Books, 2009.

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9

Taylor, Peter. Loyalists. Bloomsbury Pub., 1998.

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10

Peter, Taylor. Loyalists: War and peace in Northern Ireland. TV Books, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Ulster Volunteer Force"

1

Bowman, Timothy. "The Ulster Volunteer Force, 1910–1920: New Perspectives." In The Ulster Crisis 1885–1921. Macmillan Education UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-20873-5_13.

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2

Hudson, Chris. "The Ulster Volunteer Force and the Path to Decommissioning." In Ulster Loyalism after the Good Friday Agreement. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230305830_7.

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3

Bowman, Timothy. "The Ulster Volunteer Force, 1910–1920: New Perspectives." In The Ulster Crisis. Bloomsbury Academic, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350390126.ch-013.

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4

Bowman, Timothy, William Butler, and Michael Wheatley. "For Empire, Ulster or Ireland?" In The Disparity of Sacrifice. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789621853.003.0004.

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On the outbreak of the First World War the War Office had hoped to organise recruiting on a traditional, non-sectarian pattern. However, in Ulster, it soon became clear that large numbers of recruits would not be obtained unless special arrangements were made with the Ulster Volunteer Force and, to a lesser extent, Irish National Volunteers. As a result, recruiting in Ulster was firmly politicised, with UVF recruiting meetings held province wide in September 1914 and formed INV recruiting occurring in Belfast, Derry and Enniskillen from November 1914. The recruiting rate amongst Belfast Regiments of the UVF was initially very high, making Belfast recruiting figures some of the highest in the United Kingdom in September 1914. However, recruiting rates in rural Ulster were comparable to those in the rest of rural Ireland. The momentum behind this political recruiting started to flag by the Spring of 1915 and from then until mid-1918 there were few examples of properly concerted recruiting activities. The conscription crisis saw Joseph Devlin, MP, who had firmly encouraged Irish National Volunteers to enlist in the British army in 1914-15, condemning British government policy.

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Bowman, Timothy, William Butler, and Michael Wheatley. "Conclusion." In The Disparity of Sacrifice. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789621853.003.0008.

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Previous works, notably by David Fitzpatrick, have stressed the concept of a ‘collective sacrifice’ in Ireland during the First World War. However, it is clear that, in Ireland, there was a marked disparity of sacrifice. Disparities are clear between Ulster and the South and West of Ireland, urban and rural Ireland and between Ireland and Great Britain. Much of the recruitment in Ireland was heavily politicised, especially in the opening months of the war, relying on the Irish National Volunteers and Ulster Volunteer Force. While in GB ‘Pals’ units mobilised skilled working class and middle class recruits, remarkably few of these were formed in Ireland. British Dominion Forces contained many of those who could be considered Irish; however, very few, if any, of these men were recruited in Ireland itself. British recruiting propaganda remained amateurish until the Summer of 1918.

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Mulholland, Marc. "3. Paramilitarism." In Northern Ireland: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198825005.003.0004.

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The culture of paramilitarism in Ireland was undiminished by the world wars. The Ulster Volunteer Force became a founding myth for Northern Ireland with the annual Orange parades being a quasi-formal institution of the state. After the 1916 Rebellion, the Irish Volunteers evolved into the Irish Republican Army (IRA). ‘Paramilitarism’ discusses the resurgence of both loyalism and republicanism in the 1960s and the rationale behind the violence on both sides. It describes how paramilitarism became consolidated as a ‘way of life’; the 1976 Peace People marches; the IRA ‘Long War’ strategy; the hunger strikes; the impact of the Anglo-Irish Agreement; the rise of Sinn Féin; and the peace process from the paramilitary perspective.

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7

Shapiro, Jacob N. "Discrimination and Control in Ireland." In The Terrorist's Dilemma. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691157214.003.0007.

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This chapter studies the three most prominent terrorist groups operating in Northern Ireland from the 1960s through 2003: the Provisional IRA, the Ulster Defense Association (UDA), and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Because the history of terrorism in Northern Ireland is so well known, the case provides an excellent venue for testing hypotheses about the relationship between discrimination and control. The history of the groups fighting in Northern Ireland also provides a critical illustration of the policy importance of this kind of organizational analysis. From 1987 on, leaders on both sides of the Northern Ireland conflict understood the broad contours of a negotiated settlement, but it took them many years to work the internal politics of their organizations to the point at which ceasefire orders were obeyed.

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8

Mulholland, Marc. "Life Cheapens: The Descent into War." In The Longest War. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192802927.003.0003.

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Abstract As early as 1966 a shadowy paramilitary group, the Ulster Volunteer Force (named after the 1912 UVF), with some connections to the extremes of mainstream unionism, attempted to scupper O’Neillism by imitating republican violence. The UVF hoped to entrench existing polarities between communities and destroy illusions that Catholics could be loyal to the state. This coolly rational plan collapsed due to the sectarian enthusiasm of its members. In May it targeted a Catholic pub, mistakenly killing a Protestant woman; when in June it assassinated a Catholic man, Terence O’Neill declared the UVF illegal.

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9

English, Richard. "War and Peace 1969–2005." In Does Counter-Terrorism Work? Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192843340.003.0005.

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Abstract This chapter provides an overview of the Northern Ireland Troubles which arose in the 1960s and which persisted into the twenty-first century. Those Troubles involved the transition from a civil rights movement, through inter-communal polarization and somewhat heavy-handed state response, into a civil war which lasted for decades and which cost nearly 4,000 lives. Anti-state terrorists such as the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) and the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) sought to defend their communities from loyalist attack, and to resist, subvert, and destroy a Northern Ireland polity which they considered both illegitimate and systemically unfair. Pro-state terrorists such as the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) sought to bring pressure to bear, both on their Irish nationalist neighbours and on the UK state, to prevent the ending of UK sovereignty over Northern Ireland. There was also violence from state forces in efforts to contain, combat, and thwart non-state terrorisms. The decades-long conflict was largely brought to an end through a peace process which reached its apotheosis in the 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, but which also involved important subsequent amendments and developments in attempts to sustain peace in Northern Ireland.

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Greer, Steven. "Ascendancy: January-October 1983." In Supergrasses. Oxford University PressOxford, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198257660.003.0003.

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Abstract The media dubbed 1982 ‘the year of the supergrass ‘, since it was then that the majority came to public attention, but it was not until the following year that the first significant trials, on the evidence of Joseph Bennett, Christopher Black, and Kevin McGrady, con cluded with the conviction of virtually all the accused. Between the beginning of 1981 and the end of 1983, at least eight loyalist and nineteen republican supergrasses had appeared and nearly 600 suspects had been arrested on the evidence which they had sup plied.1 Although supergrass defendants accounted for only 20 per cent of those tried by the Diplock courts in 1983,2 they included those suspected of being amongst the top leadership of the IRA, the INLA, and the UVF. The RUC believed that the Black case had finished off the Provisional IRA in the Ardoyne area of Belfast, that the Bennett trial had destroyed the Ulster Volunteer Force in the city,3 and that the ranks of the INLA had been decimated by the supergrasses, with morale dropping to a low ebb.4

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