Journal articles on the topic 'Umayyad Coins'

This paper discusses about the characteristics of Umayyad coins found at the Bongal Site and how the contribution of Umayyad coins to the historiography of the history of Islam in North Sumatra. The method of the research is of historical method by going through four stages. As part of methodology, numismatic and archeological approach are also applied in the research. The research found Bongal Site is an important archeological site that has been discovered since 2019. Various artifacts from the 7th to 11th centuries have been discovered at this site. In this study, there are 3 Umayyad coins that are the object of study. Umayyad coins found at the Bongal site have contributed to historiography in North Sumatra. The contribution is to become one of the supporting evidence for the theory of the entry of Islam into the archipelago, namely the Mecca theory, and Umayyad coin also contributes as a new interpretation space for the writing of Islamic history in North Sumatra and the archipelago that focuses on Numismatic studies.

This paper concerns a historically significant find of copper derivatives of Umayyad post-reform fulus from Gandhara, probably minted in the mid-eighth century under Turk Shahi sovereignty (c. 667–875). The coins share an unusual feature: two Brahmi aksharas on an Umayyad AE prototype, inversely oriented to a partially-corrupted Arabic legend. These base metal coins represent perhaps the only known caliphal imitative varieties issued by moneyers beyond the eastern limits of Umayyad and Abbasid sovereignty. They have the potential to inform our understanding of the complex relationship between political authority, confessional identity, and coin typology in late antiquity – particularly within early “Hindu”– “Muslim” contact zones. Moreover, they provide invaluable clues into the circulatory regimes of Umayyad coinage.

Coins are important evidence which cannot be easily challenged because it bears the date of minting, as well as the minted place (for silver). The coins in Iraq, at the beginning of Islam, included some names of princes; and the Umayyad coins did not include names of any successor or prince, as well as the Abbasid coins were the same as the Umayyad coins; but it changed at the time of the second Abbasid Caliph (al-Mansur) 136-158 AH. As well, the silver dirham included the name of the Prince of Caliph al-Mansur, therefore the words (the Mahdi Mohammed, Commander of the Faithful) appeared, especially on Mohammedia dirham in Iran since the Year 145/762. (Please note that this article is in Arabic).

AbstractThis study deals with the stylistic and chemical analysis of a collection of Umayyad silver coins minted at W®sit in the period between A. H. 90 (A. D. 708) – A. H. 124 (A. D. 741). The stylistic analysis shows that the coins are typical of the post-reform Islamic silver coinage as they were purely Arabic. The x-ray fluorescence results indicate that the coins have a high level of fineness with an average silver content of 94.71%. The results also signify that there had been a clear trend toward the production finer dirhems over time. One may infer a high level of quality control and strict monetary policies adopted by the various govenors of Wasit.

This article, briefly discusses on the coins in the Sarawak Museum collection: coins in general, the earliest coin produced, coin making, and some selected Islamic coins, representing the Dynasties of Umayyad, Abbasid, Fatimid, Anatolia Seljuk, Almoravid, Mamluk, Artuqid, Ilkhanid, Safavid, Qajar and Ottoman, that are on display at the Sarawak Islamic Heritage Museum. Each of these coins has certain characteristics that made them unique from coins of other Islamic periods. Among the common features found on Islamic coins are the use of the Hijri year (commencing with the migration of Prophet Muhammad PBUH from Mecca to Medina, which later marks the first year of the Muslim calendar) and Kufic inscriptions.

In 929, the eighth Umayyad ruler of al-Andalus, ʿAbd al-Rahman III (r. 912–61) formally assumed the exclusive caliphal prerogatives of khuṭba and sikka. After nearly two centuries of independent Umayyad rule in the Iberian peninsula, ʿAbd al-Rahman III issued a circular to his governors directing them to address him forthwith as amīr al-muʾminīn, or Commander of the Faithful, and to ensure that the khuṭba, or Friday sermon, in every congregational mosque invoked his name with this designation. With this he reclaimed the Umayyad dynasty's rights to the caliphal title: “We have understood that to continue not to use this title, which is incumbent upon us, is to allow one of our rights to decay and a firm designation to become lost.” Later the same year, he established a mint in Cordoba and ordered the striking of gold dinars in his name (sikka), resuming the minting of gold coins in al-Andalus, which had been suspended since the overthrow of the Umayyad caliphate in Syria.

The article focuses on the importance of expanding the resource base in assessing the circulation and characteristics of coins in Movarounnahr in the VIII-X centuries.The prospects of using local data to determine the role and place of Central Asia in the international economy of the middle Ages are highlighted. Historically, this treasure does not provide fundamentally new data, but the collection and analysis are organically integrated into the collection of data on the circulation of silver money in Mavorounnahr, which is the main direction of my scientific and practical work

During the 1940s and 1950s D. Storm Rice and Seton Lloyd, together with the Turkish Antiquity Authority, undertook archaeological excavations in Harrān. With the exception of two preliminary reports and a few articles, the excavations remain largely unpublished.The 264 coins constitute an independent source on the regional, political and economic history of Harrān. For the Umayyad and early Abbasid period, the coins constitute a source on the pattern of the city's regional integration. Two-thirds of the coins date from the Ayyubid period. The circulation is characterized by a competition of different coinages: first, those which were struck for the political entities to which Harrān belonged; and second, imported coins, i.e. of Byzantine and Rūm-Saljūq origin. Third, copper coins from Northern Syria, despite the fact that the Diyār Mudar and Northern Syria belong to different branches of the Ayyubid dynasty. Two dirhams of the Saljūq prince al-Malik Mas‘ūd, who resided in Mosul between 504/1111 and 511/1118, are historical documents of importance.

During the 2nd/8th century, the consolidation of the Umayyad monetary system took place in al-Andalus. In this process, the influence of Eastern coinage played a decisive role and shows us the fact that al-Andalus was one more territory of Dār al-Islām. The first Andalusi issues, despite having their own local characteristics, were deeply influenced by Eastern elements because they were immersed in the policy of the Umayyad caliphate. After a transitional period, Andalusi dinars and dirhams were adjusted to ‘Abd al-Malik’s reform, becoming fully Arabized currencies. In this process, they were also adjusted to Eastern parameters. The coin hoards of this period show the importance of Eastern coins in the economy of al-Andalus because they were the main currency circulating in the territory. When the Umayyad caliphate of Damascus was replaced by the ‘Abbāsid caliphate, and al-Andalus became an Independent Emirate from the ‘Abbāsid caliphate in 138/756, the maintenance of Umayyad monetary features was the best expression of their dynastic vindication and rejection of the caliphate of Baghdad. The political break with the East was not only reflected in the issues but also in the monetary circulation, as is evidenced by coin hoards. Unlike the previous period, the main circulating currency was the Andalusi dirham, which is evidence of the monetary autonomy and consolidation of the Umayyad monetary system in al-Andalus.

‘Abdallāh b. Mu‘āwiya b. ‘Abdallam h b. Ja‘far b. Abī Tālib, great-grandson of ‘Alī's brother Ja‘far, rose up in Kufa in Muharram of 127/October 744. He was defeated by Umayyad forces in 130 (747–748), and killed by Abū Muslim in Khurāsaān. During the two years of his uprising, Ibn Mu‘āwiya established himself in the Jibāl and Fārs, where he appointed governors, collected taxes and struck his own coins. Ibn Mu‘āwiya's coinage is an important source for the revolt, which is among the most important uprisings of the late Umayyad period. It presents evidence for a strong and unified movement, and corroborates the interpretation of a ‘dress rehearsal’ for the ‘Abbāsid Revolution. This article suggests some alternatives regarding the chronology and geography of Ibn Mu‘āwiya's revolt through a re-examination of textual sources and new coinage, and shows the usefulness of numismatics for the historical study of early Islam.

The study aims to determine the factors affecting the low academic achievement of secondary school students in Jordan, which was imposed by the Corona pandemic, and provides ways to address it. It examines the differences in results according to many variables of study. In order to achieve the objectives, two research's tools were conducted. The first method is the questionnaire and the second one is interviews. The methods stratified randomness distributed to 263 teachers and second grade secondary students in Irbid schools. The results of the study showed that the degree of the total arithmetic averages from teacher's point of view is medium. Study shoes also, that the arithmetic averages in the perspective of secondary school, according to student’s degree is also medium. The analysis of the study shows that there is a difference from the point of view of teachers related to the impact of sex in favor of males, and no difference is related to experience. The difference from student's views is related to the impact of sex in favor of males and no difference is related specialization. Both teachers and students agree that there must be communication between the school and the local community. In order to achieve the online learning.

В ходе спасательных раскопок 2014 года в Дербенте выявлен мусульманский ритуально-культовый комплекс, располагавшийся вне средневекового шахристана, рядом с северной городской оборонительной стеной. Связанный с системой водоснабжения, этот комплекс служил, очевидно, для ритуальных омовений и очищений. Помимо многочисленных и разнообразных находок, найдено 57 монет, что, очевидно, обусловлено характером места, где монеты оставляли в качестве приношений во исполнение обетов. Абсолютное большинство определенных монет (48 экз.) делится на две хронологические группы. Ранняя хронологическая группа (12 экз.) включает омейядские и аббасидские фельсы VIII в., в т.ч. чекана Баб ал-абваба (Дербента) и фельсы типа выпусков наместника Аррана Хасана б. Кахтабы (770—775). Большинство монет (10 экз.) группы обнаружено на небольшом участке (ок. 2 кв. м) в одной стратиграфической позиции, фиксируя уровень древней дневной поверхности. Поздняя хронологическая группа (36 экз.) включает медные дирхамы маликов Суламидов Баб ал-абваба в основном середины — конца XII в. (13 экз.), малика Ахара Махмуда б. Пишкина (1211—1226) (7 экз.), Ильдегизидов времени правления халифа ан-Насира (1180—1225) (8 экз.) и Аксункуридов (1189—1207) (8 экз.), в т.ч. монета с именем Ильдегизида атабека Кызыл Арслана (1186—1191). 18 монет поздней группы также обнаружены на небольшом участке (ок. 4 кв. м) в той же стратиграфической позиции, что упомянутые 10 монет ранней группы. Комплекс археологических находок, включая монеты, позволяет поставить прекращение функционирования данного культово-ритуального объекта в прямую связь с вторжением монголов под предводительством Джебэ и Субэдэя, последующим вторжением хорезмшаха Джалал ад-Дина на Кавказ и завоеванием Дербента полководцем Менгу-хана Букдаем в 1239 г. During rescue excavations in Derbent in 2014, a Muslim ritual complex connected with a water supply system and apparently serving for ritual washing and cleansing was revealed outside the medieval shahristan and near the north defensive wall of the city. In addition to numerous and diverse finds, 57 coins were found, which is obviously due to the nature of the place where coins were left as ‘offerings’ in fulfillment of the vow. The absolute majority of identified coins (48 items) represent two chronological groups. The early chronological group (12 items) consists of Umayyad and Abbasid fulus of the 8th century, including the mint of Bab al-abwab (Derbent) and the fulus of the type of the Arran governor Hassan b. Kakhtaba (770—775). Most coins of this group (10 items) were found in a small area (ca. 2 sq. m) in the same stratigraphic position fixing the level of the ancient day surface. The late chronological group (36 items) includes copper dirhams of Bab al-abwab Sulamids mainly of the mid-12th c. — late 12th c. (13 items), Akhar malik Mahmud b. Pishkin (1211—1226) (7 items), Ildegizids during the reign of Caliph al-Nasir (1180—1225) (8 coins), and Aq Sunqurids (1189—1207) (8 items), including a coin with the name of Ildegizid atabek Kizil Arslan (1186—1191). Eighteen coins of this group were also found in a small area (ca. 4 sq. m) in the same stratigraphic position as those 10 coins of the early group mentioned above. The whole archaeological assemblage, including coins, indicate that the religious object ceased its functioning in direct association with the invasion of the Mongols led by Jebe and Subutai, the subsequent invasion of Khwarazmshah Jalal ad-Din in the Caucasus, and the conquest of Derbent by Bukdai, a commander of Möngke Khan, in 1239.

Founded in 1922 and moved to al-Haram al-Sharif in 1929, the IslamicMuseum in Jerusalem houses artifacts covering nearly all oflslamic historyand originating in North Africa, Turkey, Iran, Central Asia, and theMiddle East.This beautifully illustrated volume, published with the support ofUNESCO in both English and Arabic, treats a small part of the Museum'scollection: a selection of its Qur'an manuscripts. The work, divided intothree parts, first introduces the Islamic Museum and its collection, thenprovides background information concerning relevant textual and art history,and finally presents 3 I Qur'an manuscripts in detail.Part One, "The Islamic Museum," gives an overview of theMuseum's holdings, including wood, metalwork, ceramics, glass, tex tiles,coins, stone inscriptions and architectural elements, and documents.Most of the artifacts are material salvaged from repairs to the haram areaor objects from the endowments of the Aqsa mosque and madrasahs inJerusalem, Nablus, and Hebron. The collection includes many exquisitepieces: Umayyad floral woodwork panels from the al-Aqsa Mosque, astriking glass mosque lamp of the Mamluk amir Tankiz from Hebron, andthe salvaged remains of Nur al-Din's pulpit, built in Aleppo in 564/1168and brought to the Aqsa Mosque in 583/1187 by Salah al-Din after hisconquest of Jerusalem. (Unfortunately, the ornate wooden pulpit wasnearly destroyed by arson in I 969.)Part Two, "Background," treats Arabic calligraphy, illumination,bindings, and the textual history of the Qur'an. Kufic, an old, squarescript said to derive from stone inscriptions, is used for the text of the old estQur'an manuscript in the collection and for headings and panels inlater manuscripts.The bulk of the manuscripts are written in the more cursive Naskhiscript, which became popular by the tenth century, and the similar buttaller Thuluth and Muhaqqaq. A number of the collections manscriptsfrom North Africa are written in Maghribi script, which derives fromKufic and differs significantly from the common eastern scripts. This volumeallows the reader to view some stunning examples of illumination ...

The article examines the spread of Muslim Kufic coins in Eastern, Western and Northern Europe, on the territory of Volga Bulgaria, Ancient Rus, the neighbours of Bulgars – ancestors of the Mari, Udmurt, Mordva and other Finno-Ugric ethnicities during the early Middle Ages in the 8th – beginning of the 11th centuries. The research of these coins shows the list of countries and Muslim dynasties the above-mentioned countries had trade relations with and their chronological framework. Coins of Umayyads, Abbasids, Samanids, Buwayhids, Ziyarids, Qarakhanids and other Muslim dynasties were discovered. Ways of Kufic dirhems expansion and their chronological framework are shown. The main role of Khazar Khanate is marked for the time span of 8th – 9th centuries whereas since X century the principal part was played by Volga Bulgaria. American numismatist T. Noonan designated them as Khazar and Bulgar phases of trade of Kufic coins. Bulgar coins, minted in 902–990-s, participated actively in this process. Together they acted as a commodity and medium of exchange, which reflected the scale of trade operations of the early Middle Ages. The study of Muslim Kufic dirhems allowed the author to clear up the role of Khazar Khanate and Volga Bulgaria in the functioning of Great Silk and Volga routes in the 8th – beginning of the 11th centuries.

The article presents the results of archaeological research carried out within the framework of saving operations in excavation area XXXIII, located outside the medieval shahristan of Derbent - within 130 meters from the northern defensive wall of the town. The excavations have revealed thick cultural strata (four layers with a total thickness of up to 2.4 m), with a large number of fragments of glazed and unglazed pottery, fragments of glass vessels and bracelets, copper coins, stone tools, etc., belonging to Arab and pre-Mongol periods (8th - early 13th centuries). The dating of the layers was based on ceramic complexes of the layers (especially on glazed ceramics) and on chronologically indicative individual finds (glass bracelets, bronze tip of the belt, coins from layers 3 and 4 - coinage of the Umayyads and early Abbasids). They give evidence of active use of this area of the medieval town located to the north of the architecturally marked shahristan. Despite the presence of thick cultural strata with numerous artifacts interbedded with ash-coal and organic interlayers, no architectural, economic and household constructions (rubbish-heaps, grain pits, bread-baking stoves - tandoors, waterways, wells, hearths, etc.) have been identified in this area. The character of the layers allows drawing the conclusion that household waste dump was located here - outside the shahristan. Termination of functioning of this site near Derbent, as well as many other objects in the town, should be associated with the Mongol invasions in the early 13th century, which resulted in significant reduction of the population and of the territory of the town. In the excavation area were revealed two levels of medieval Muslim burials representing two chronological periods: 15th - 17th centuries (burials 1, 2) and late 8th - early 9th centuries (burials 3-27).

Shainool Jiwa’s The Rise of a Muslim Empire is a two-volume historical work on the legacy of the Fatimid Empire. The first volume surveys the religious and sociopolitical underpinnings of Fatimid rule from its North African establishment in 909 to its transition to Egypt in 969. Jiwa’s second vol- ume focuses on the pinnacle of Fatimid society up until its decline from 969-1171. This review pertains to the first of the two volumes. Working within this phase, Jiwa details the reigns of the first four Imams: ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī, Abū’l-Qāsim Muḥammad, Ismāʿīl al-Manṣūr, and al-Muʿizz li- Dīn Allāh. The second book, which is titled The Fatimid Rule from Egypt, discusses the latter ten Imams (4). The first chapter covers the origins of the Fatimids in respect to both religious and geographical contexts. Jiwa starts by providing the historical background of Ismaili Shiism. Here, everything from the succession crisis of 632 CE to the emergence of the different strands of Shiism are discussed. Jiwa describes the Ismaili sect as having held Ismāʿīl, the eldest son of Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, to have been the chosen successor of his father, therefore mak- ing him Imam. Ismāʿīl’s ephemeral mortality caused for the Imamate to then pass over to his young son, Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl, eponym of the sect (10). The Twelvers are described as having believed in the Imamate of Jaʿfar’s youngest son, Mūsā, whose lineage gives root to the Imams of Twelver Shiism. Jiwa characterizes Ismaili beliefs as having rested on dawr al-satr (period of concealment) and daʿwa (religio-political mission) (11). The dawr al-satr refers to the Imams going into hiding with only their most trusted followers knowing their true identities. Subsequently, these follow- ers promoted the recognition of these hidden Imams, which in large part refers to daʿwa (the act of inviting). Jiwa explains that during dawr al-satr (765–909 CE) Ismaili doctrine had spread as far as from Yemen to Ifriqiya (modern-day Tunisia and eastern Algeria) (12), with its most prominent adherents being the Kutama Berbers of North Africa. Under the teachings of Abū ‘Abd Allāh al-Shīʿī, a pronounced Ismaili dāʿī (inviter), the Kutama had aspired to establish the dawlat al-ḥaqq (the righteous state) (16). This aspiration materialized under the allegiance of ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī who had been pronounced as Imam by his predecessor and later recognized as the mahdī (messianic figure) (20). This belief, nonetheless, was not accepted by all Ismailis, particularly those following Ḥamdān Qarmaṭ, who later came to be known as the Qaramiṭa (21). Sa- lamiyya (a town located in Syria), the town where ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī had resided, became unsafe due to Abbasid persecution, causing the Imam to migrate to various locations and eventually Sijilmasa (22). Meanwhile, the Kutama had grown to such a force that they had been able to seize control over Qayrawān of North Africa under the leadership of al-Shīʿī (22). When al-Mahdī was later arrested in Sijilmasa and the news spread to the Kuta- ma, a campaign of soldiers marched to secure his release and bring him to Qayrawān. Having accomplished this, the Fatimid State came into fruition (22). Jiwa provides sources detailing the events which led up to the Fatim- id establishment, including eyewitness accounts from Jaʿfar al-Ḥājib’s Sīrat Jaʿfar al-Ḥājib, secondary sources such as Aḥmad b. Ibrāhīm al-Naysābūrī’s Istitār al-Imām (‘The Concealment of the Imam’), and other historical works such as the influential Iftitāh al-daʿwa wa-ibtidāʿ al-dawla (‘Com- mencement of the Mission and the Beginnings of the State’) authored by Abū Ḥanīfa al-Nuʿmān (29-30). These references help readers pinpoint who was instrumental in recording Fatimid history. In chapter two, Jiwa discusses the establishment of the Fatimid state, giving details of its institutions, processes, and hallmark locations. Al-Mah- dī is seen to have incorporated officials who had previously served the Aghlabids (the previous rulers of Qayrawān). In addition, institutions such as maẓālim (oppressive acts) courts are discussed as having been estab- lished to provide redress for ordinary civilians against abuses of power (35). During this time of development, dissension amongst the Kutama is seen to have imploded on the basis of marginalized sentiments. Once having been one of the most loyal dāʿīs to al-Mahdī, al-Shīʿī had led a rebellion against his former Imam on charges of being a false mahdī. Ultimately this campaign was pacified, resulting in the execution of al Shīʿī. This chapter also reveals new characters who later became prominent figures in Fatimid history. The heir apparent or Prince Abū’l-Qāsim Muḥammad, the eldest son of al-Mahdī, already took up much of his father’s duties while his own son, Ismāʿīl or al-Manṣūr bi’llāh (‘the One Who is Victorious by God’) was entrusted by the sitting Imam, al-Mahdī (his grandfather), as his most faithful confidant (39). The port city of al-Mahdiyya which had been con- structed by the Fatimids in 916 is described as having been unique in its architectural design and strategic in its location. Al-Mahdiyya served as the new Mediterranean capital and had secured the Fatimids a booming com mercial fabric. Similarly, the city of Palermo in Sicily had been occupied by the Fatimids and had also brought a great deal of cultural exchange and goods. Jiwa brings out images of palaces and charts out maps of the port city to provide visual comprehension of the architecture. Chapter three surveys the reign of al-Manṣūr, discussing his ascension to power under fraught circumstances and his construction of a new city. This chapter focuses attention on the reconstruction of Palermo in vivid archaeological detail. Readers are informed of the Khariji rebellion from Ifrīqiya spearheaded by Abū Yazīd al-Nukkarī. The Kharijis are described to have been insurmountable by the Fatimids, pushing their Empire as far back as to the Mediterranean coast of al-Mahdiyya (60). It was not until al-Ḥasan b. ‘Alī al-Kalbī, the governor of Tunis, and his army pushed back against the Kharijis that the North African coastland would be recaptured (61). Despite this, the Kharijis were too difficult to overcome and remained at conflict with the Fatimids up until the death of Abū’l-Qāsim. Fearful that news of Abū’l-Qāsim’s death would puncture the morale of the Fatimid war effort, al-Manṣūr had managed to keep the news of his father’s passing silent. After an eventful encounter, al-Manṣūr would eventually go on to defeat Abū Yazīd’s army and restore Fatimid rule. Following this victory, al-Manṣūr began taking restorative measures to recover the now war-torn society. Socially considerate policies such as charity stipends, the appoint- ment of a Sunni-based Maliki judge, and omission of taxes were all strides in this effort. But the most significant of his developments was the con- struction of a new capital called Manṣūriyya. Much of this city’s structural inspiration came from the North African ancient ruins al-Manṣūr had been enchanted by (68). Jiwa’s training as a historian is evident in how she cites primary sources every chance she gets, from sermons to testimonies. Clos- ing this chapter, Jiwa provides an anecdote recorded by al-Nuʿmān which romantically relays the moment al-Manṣūr knew that his son, al-Muʿizz li-Dīn Allāh, was ready to ascend to power (77). Jiwa’s anecdotes connect the reader to the ethos of Fatimid personalities. Chapter four delves into the reign of al-Manṣūr’s heir, al-Muʿizz (953- 75), who came into conflict with both the Umayyads and the Byzantines during his reign and would later live out his final days in his new capital, al-Qāhira al-Muʿizziya (‘the Victorious City of al-Muʿizz’)—modern-day Cairo (78). Beyond the royal family, Jiwa presents key stalwarts that the Em- pire was indebted to. Once servant to al-Mahdī, Jawhar, who was of Slavic origin, had risen through the ranks (serving both as scribe and commander in battle), eventually being entrusted with many honorable state positions. This chapter is the longest one of the book and attempts to accomplish many things. Along with discussing the battles which ensued during this juncture, Jiwa also fleshes out the theology of Ismaili beliefs. Al-Nuʿmān is said to have written extensively on the topic—including his text written between 958 and 960, Daʿā’im al-Islām (‘Pillars of Islam’), which delineates such fundamental concepts to Ismaili theology as walāya (allegiance and obedience), īmān (faith), ẓāhir (exoteric), and bāṭin (esoteric) (88-89). The early Fatimid age is described as having been a milieu of knowledge seek- ing, with debates and lectures taking place on a frequent basis. Through the majālis (teaching sessions) program, the Ismaili doctrine would proliferate to the broader society. Jiwa’s text is filled with firsthand accounts which describe Fatimid institutions, ceremonies, and events, providing vivid pic- tures of what is being described (e.g., al-Nuʿmān’s description of the grand circumcision ceremony hosted in 962 and Ibn Haytham’s description of the diversity of attendees and tailoring of lessons in the majālis by teach- ers such as Aflaḥ b. Hārūn al-Mālūsī, 95). The tension between the Uma- yyads in Spain and the Fatimids is also presented in this chapter, depicted as stemming from their varying loyalties in the rivalry between ‘Alī b. Abī Ṭālib and Muʿāwiya. The coastal regions of the Mediterranean and North Africa would see many conflicts between the Fatimids and Umayyads; the Umayyads and the Byzantines worked together to suppress their Fatimid adversary, with the Byzantines launching campaigns on the parts of the Empire closest to Sicily while the Umayyads attacked the most western part. After briefly losing parts of their North African territories, the Fatimids eventually reasserted their control over the Maghrib, leaving the Umayyads no choice but to resort to a peace treaty (103). The Ismaili daʿwā reached far and wide, with its message gaining adherents from the Gulf of Yemen to as far as Sind. Jiwa also describes the Kalbid dynasty of Fatimid Sicily, which had come under the governorship of al-Ḥasan al-Kalbī. During this period (960-65), Sicily had been the site of intense warfare between the Fatimids and the Byzantines, with two distinct battles resulting in the most pivotal outcomes for the region, namely the Pit and the Straits (119). Like the Umayyads, the Byzantines would also later come to negotiate terms of peace with the Fatimids in 958 (116). Chapter five speaks to the venture the Fatimids made into Egypt in 966. Here, readers are presented with the terms acknowledged by local nobles such as Sharīf Abū Jaʿfar Muslim al-Ḥusaynī and the Fatimids, the founding of the new capital (al-Qāhira), and the relocation of al-Muʿizz along with a significant portion of the Manṣūriyyan population in 972. The chapter serves as both a close to the book and a cliffhanger for the second volume of the series (which turns to Fatimid rule in Egypt under the son of al-Muʿizz, Niẓār b. al-Muʿizz). Capturing the cohesive religious fabric of Fatimid rule, Jiwa notes that al-Muʿizz pledged to maintain Sunni religious life while ruling over Egypt (126); she describes pillars of Sunni Islam that can serve as points of contrast to the Ismaili tradition (127). Individuals who can justly be seen as archetypes of the Fatimid intel- ligentsia are referenced both biographically and through their works. Jiwa introduces her readers to eminent characters including missionaries like Abū Yaʿqūb al-Sijistānī of Khurāsān (d. after 971); writers and thinkers who composed the Fatimid ideology such as Qāḍī al-Nuʿmān; poets who gave inspiration such as Muḥammad b. Hānī; and generals who rendered their lives for the Fatimid Empire such as al-Ḥasan b. ‘Ali al-Kalbī. Although some readers may be frustrated by the detail of jumping back and forth across names, dates, and events, those who are able to follow the work the- matically will certainly find this work to be nothing short of informative. Jiwa impressively condenses a rich and fluid history into few pages while including the most essential elements, people, and institutions making up this period. Readers are provided with visual aids (maps, family tree charts, and city maps) to help identify and locations and structures which would otherwise come off as abstract and jargon-heavy. In addition, she includes colorful images of important monuments such as mosques, coins, and ar- tifacts. Ameen OmarMA, Islamic Studies & HistoryThe George Washington University

Shainool Jiwa’s The Rise of a Muslim Empire is a two-volume historical work on the legacy of the Fatimid Empire. The first volume surveys the religious and sociopolitical underpinnings of Fatimid rule from its North African establishment in 909 to its transition to Egypt in 969. Jiwa’s second vol- ume focuses on the pinnacle of Fatimid society up until its decline from 969-1171. This review pertains to the first of the two volumes. Working within this phase, Jiwa details the reigns of the first four Imams: ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī, Abū’l-Qāsim Muḥammad, Ismāʿīl al-Manṣūr, and al-Muʿizz li- Dīn Allāh. The second book, which is titled The Fatimid Rule from Egypt, discusses the latter ten Imams (4). The first chapter covers the origins of the Fatimids in respect to both religious and geographical contexts. Jiwa starts by providing the historical background of Ismaili Shiism. Here, everything from the succession crisis of 632 CE to the emergence of the different strands of Shiism are discussed. Jiwa describes the Ismaili sect as having held Ismāʿīl, the eldest son of Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, to have been the chosen successor of his father, therefore mak- ing him Imam. Ismāʿīl’s ephemeral mortality caused for the Imamate to then pass over to his young son, Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl, eponym of the sect (10). The Twelvers are described as having believed in the Imamate of Jaʿfar’s youngest son, Mūsā, whose lineage gives root to the Imams of Twelver Shiism. Jiwa characterizes Ismaili beliefs as having rested on dawr al-satr (period of concealment) and daʿwa (religio-political mission) (11). The dawr al-satr refers to the Imams going into hiding with only their most trusted followers knowing their true identities. Subsequently, these follow- ers promoted the recognition of these hidden Imams, which in large part refers to daʿwa (the act of inviting). Jiwa explains that during dawr al-satr (765–909 CE) Ismaili doctrine had spread as far as from Yemen to Ifriqiya (modern-day Tunisia and eastern Algeria) (12), with its most prominent adherents being the Kutama Berbers of North Africa. Under the teachings of Abū ‘Abd Allāh al-Shīʿī, a pronounced Ismaili dāʿī (inviter), the Kutama had aspired to establish the dawlat al-ḥaqq (the righteous state) (16). This aspiration materialized under the allegiance of ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī who had been pronounced as Imam by his predecessor and later recognized as the mahdī (messianic figure) (20). This belief, nonetheless, was not accepted by all Ismailis, particularly those following Ḥamdān Qarmaṭ, who later came to be known as the Qaramiṭa (21). Sa- lamiyya (a town located in Syria), the town where ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī had resided, became unsafe due to Abbasid persecution, causing the Imam to migrate to various locations and eventually Sijilmasa (22). Meanwhile, the Kutama had grown to such a force that they had been able to seize control over Qayrawān of North Africa under the leadership of al-Shīʿī (22). When al-Mahdī was later arrested in Sijilmasa and the news spread to the Kuta- ma, a campaign of soldiers marched to secure his release and bring him to Qayrawān. Having accomplished this, the Fatimid State came into fruition (22). Jiwa provides sources detailing the events which led up to the Fatim- id establishment, including eyewitness accounts from Jaʿfar al-Ḥājib’s Sīrat Jaʿfar al-Ḥājib, secondary sources such as Aḥmad b. Ibrāhīm al-Naysābūrī’s Istitār al-Imām (‘The Concealment of the Imam’), and other historical works such as the influential Iftitāh al-daʿwa wa-ibtidāʿ al-dawla (‘Com- mencement of the Mission and the Beginnings of the State’) authored by Abū Ḥanīfa al-Nuʿmān (29-30). These references help readers pinpoint who was instrumental in recording Fatimid history. In chapter two, Jiwa discusses the establishment of the Fatimid state, giving details of its institutions, processes, and hallmark locations. Al-Mah- dī is seen to have incorporated officials who had previously served the Aghlabids (the previous rulers of Qayrawān). In addition, institutions such as maẓālim (oppressive acts) courts are discussed as having been estab- lished to provide redress for ordinary civilians against abuses of power (35). During this time of development, dissension amongst the Kutama is seen to have imploded on the basis of marginalized sentiments. Once having been one of the most loyal dāʿīs to al-Mahdī, al-Shīʿī had led a rebellion against his former Imam on charges of being a false mahdī. Ultimately this campaign was pacified, resulting in the execution of al Shīʿī. This chapter also reveals new characters who later became prominent figures in Fatimid history. The heir apparent or Prince Abū’l-Qāsim Muḥammad, the eldest son of al-Mahdī, already took up much of his father’s duties while his own son, Ismāʿīl or al-Manṣūr bi’llāh (‘the One Who is Victorious by God’) was entrusted by the sitting Imam, al-Mahdī (his grandfather), as his most faithful confidant (39). The port city of al-Mahdiyya which had been con- structed by the Fatimids in 916 is described as having been unique in its architectural design and strategic in its location. Al-Mahdiyya served as the new Mediterranean capital and had secured the Fatimids a booming com mercial fabric. Similarly, the city of Palermo in Sicily had been occupied by the Fatimids and had also brought a great deal of cultural exchange and goods. Jiwa brings out images of palaces and charts out maps of the port city to provide visual comprehension of the architecture. Chapter three surveys the reign of al-Manṣūr, discussing his ascension to power under fraught circumstances and his construction of a new city. This chapter focuses attention on the reconstruction of Palermo in vivid archaeological detail. Readers are informed of the Khariji rebellion from Ifrīqiya spearheaded by Abū Yazīd al-Nukkarī. The Kharijis are described to have been insurmountable by the Fatimids, pushing their Empire as far back as to the Mediterranean coast of al-Mahdiyya (60). It was not until al-Ḥasan b. ‘Alī al-Kalbī, the governor of Tunis, and his army pushed back against the Kharijis that the North African coastland would be recaptured (61). Despite this, the Kharijis were too difficult to overcome and remained at conflict with the Fatimids up until the death of Abū’l-Qāsim. Fearful that news of Abū’l-Qāsim’s death would puncture the morale of the Fatimid war effort, al-Manṣūr had managed to keep the news of his father’s passing silent. After an eventful encounter, al-Manṣūr would eventually go on to defeat Abū Yazīd’s army and restore Fatimid rule. Following this victory, al-Manṣūr began taking restorative measures to recover the now war-torn society. Socially considerate policies such as charity stipends, the appoint- ment of a Sunni-based Maliki judge, and omission of taxes were all strides in this effort. But the most significant of his developments was the con- struction of a new capital called Manṣūriyya. Much of this city’s structural inspiration came from the North African ancient ruins al-Manṣūr had been enchanted by (68). Jiwa’s training as a historian is evident in how she cites primary sources every chance she gets, from sermons to testimonies. Clos- ing this chapter, Jiwa provides an anecdote recorded by al-Nuʿmān which romantically relays the moment al-Manṣūr knew that his son, al-Muʿizz li-Dīn Allāh, was ready to ascend to power (77). Jiwa’s anecdotes connect the reader to the ethos of Fatimid personalities. Chapter four delves into the reign of al-Manṣūr’s heir, al-Muʿizz (953- 75), who came into conflict with both the Umayyads and the Byzantines during his reign and would later live out his final days in his new capital, al-Qāhira al-Muʿizziya (‘the Victorious City of al-Muʿizz’)—modern-day Cairo (78). Beyond the royal family, Jiwa presents key stalwarts that the Em- pire was indebted to. Once servant to al-Mahdī, Jawhar, who was of Slavic origin, had risen through the ranks (serving both as scribe and commander in battle), eventually being entrusted with many honorable state positions. This chapter is the longest one of the book and attempts to accomplish many things. Along with discussing the battles which ensued during this juncture, Jiwa also fleshes out the theology of Ismaili beliefs. Al-Nuʿmān is said to have written extensively on the topic—including his text written between 958 and 960, Daʿā’im al-Islām (‘Pillars of Islam’), which delineates such fundamental concepts to Ismaili theology as walāya (allegiance and obedience), īmān (faith), ẓāhir (exoteric), and bāṭin (esoteric) (88-89). The early Fatimid age is described as having been a milieu of knowledge seek- ing, with debates and lectures taking place on a frequent basis. Through the majālis (teaching sessions) program, the Ismaili doctrine would proliferate to the broader society. Jiwa’s text is filled with firsthand accounts which describe Fatimid institutions, ceremonies, and events, providing vivid pic- tures of what is being described (e.g., al-Nuʿmān’s description of the grand circumcision ceremony hosted in 962 and Ibn Haytham’s description of the diversity of attendees and tailoring of lessons in the majālis by teach- ers such as Aflaḥ b. Hārūn al-Mālūsī, 95). The tension between the Uma- yyads in Spain and the Fatimids is also presented in this chapter, depicted as stemming from their varying loyalties in the rivalry between ‘Alī b. Abī Ṭālib and Muʿāwiya. The coastal regions of the Mediterranean and North Africa would see many conflicts between the Fatimids and Umayyads; the Umayyads and the Byzantines worked together to suppress their Fatimid adversary, with the Byzantines launching campaigns on the parts of the Empire closest to Sicily while the Umayyads attacked the most western part. After briefly losing parts of their North African territories, the Fatimids eventually reasserted their control over the Maghrib, leaving the Umayyads no choice but to resort to a peace treaty (103). The Ismaili daʿwā reached far and wide, with its message gaining adherents from the Gulf of Yemen to as far as Sind. Jiwa also describes the Kalbid dynasty of Fatimid Sicily, which had come under the governorship of al-Ḥasan al-Kalbī. During this period (960-65), Sicily had been the site of intense warfare between the Fatimids and the Byzantines, with two distinct battles resulting in the most pivotal outcomes for the region, namely the Pit and the Straits (119). Like the Umayyads, the Byzantines would also later come to negotiate terms of peace with the Fatimids in 958 (116). Chapter five speaks to the venture the Fatimids made into Egypt in 966. Here, readers are presented with the terms acknowledged by local nobles such as Sharīf Abū Jaʿfar Muslim al-Ḥusaynī and the Fatimids, the founding of the new capital (al-Qāhira), and the relocation of al-Muʿizz along with a significant portion of the Manṣūriyyan population in 972. The chapter serves as both a close to the book and a cliffhanger for the second volume of the series (which turns to Fatimid rule in Egypt under the son of al-Muʿizz, Niẓār b. al-Muʿizz). Capturing the cohesive religious fabric of Fatimid rule, Jiwa notes that al-Muʿizz pledged to maintain Sunni religious life while ruling over Egypt (126); she describes pillars of Sunni Islam that can serve as points of contrast to the Ismaili tradition (127). Individuals who can justly be seen as archetypes of the Fatimid intel- ligentsia are referenced both biographically and through their works. Jiwa introduces her readers to eminent characters including missionaries like Abū Yaʿqūb al-Sijistānī of Khurāsān (d. after 971); writers and thinkers who composed the Fatimid ideology such as Qāḍī al-Nuʿmān; poets who gave inspiration such as Muḥammad b. Hānī; and generals who rendered their lives for the Fatimid Empire such as al-Ḥasan b. ‘Ali al-Kalbī. Although some readers may be frustrated by the detail of jumping back and forth across names, dates, and events, those who are able to follow the work the- matically will certainly find this work to be nothing short of informative. Jiwa impressively condenses a rich and fluid history into few pages while including the most essential elements, people, and institutions making up this period. Readers are provided with visual aids (maps, family tree charts, and city maps) to help identify and locations and structures which would otherwise come off as abstract and jargon-heavy. In addition, she includes colorful images of important monuments such as mosques, coins, and ar- tifacts. Ameen OmarMA, Islamic Studies & HistoryThe George Washington University

The main aim of this present research paper is to document the inscription of hexagon star on the coins used in Umayyad period after the Arabizing the coins in 77 A.H./696A.D., which ware follis made from copper, and to prove that hexagon star was an Islamic ornamentation element since the Umayyad era. It was a symbol of the mint or the team of a mint. This study was based on descriptive, documentary, statistical and historical analysis of Umayyad coins with hexagon star, mentioned in references, web sites, and Ashmolean Museum in Britain. The researcher found many results, such as that Umayyad governors deal with hexagon star as ornamentation element since that early time, and that element struck just on copper Arabizing coins. The study recommended encouraging researchers to do ferther studies about hexagon star on Islamic coins. هدفت هذه الدراسة إلى توثيق ظهور نقش النجمة السداسية على الفلوس الأموية في دور الضرب غير المعروفة، وإلى إثبات أن النجمة السداسية عنصر زخرفي إسلامي منذ العصر الأموي، يرمز إلى دار الضرب أو فريق الضرب بعيدا عن أي تفسيرات أيدلوجية أو دينية. وقد أستخدم الباحث المنهج الوصفي والتاريخي والإحصائي في جمع مادة البحث من المراجع والكتب والمواقع الالكترونية، ومنها منشورات متحف الأشموليان في بريطانيا. وقد توصل الباحث إلى العديد من النتائج أبرزها: أن الأمويين تعاملوا مع النجمة السداسية كعنصر زخرفي رئيسي أو ثانوي إلى جانب العديد من الأشكال الزخرفية الأخرى، وأنه تم نقش النجمة السداسية على الفلوس النحاسية المعربة فقط، ولم نعثر على أي دنانير ذهبية أو دراهم فضية معربة تحمل هذا النقش. وقد أوصت الدراسة بعمل المزيد من الدراسات حول توثيق النجمة السداسية على العملة الإسلامية.