Journal articles on the topic 'UN. Commission on the Status of Women'

Preparations for the FourthWorld Conference on WomenThe Economic and Social Council of the United Nations has beenvery active during the past year convening world conferences in order toredefm e its goals and strategies for international cooperation on majorissues. In September 1994, delegations from many nations met in Cairofor the International Conference on Population and Development. InMarch 1995, Copenhagen was the venue for the World Summit for SocialDevelopment. In September 1995, Beijing will be the setting for theFourth World Conference on the Status of Women. In preparation for thelatter conference, international delegations met in New York duringMarch and April to prepare the Platform for Action, which is to be ratifiedin Beijing. The draft document was prepared by the Secretariat of theCommission on the Status of Women after consultation with regionalgroups of the United Nations. In New York, delegations were to proposeamendments to the Platform for Action so that it would be ready for ratificationin Beijing. At least that was the plan. The following report willdescribe how political agendas, arrogance, and bickering prevented thetask from being completed. Perhaps the greatest obstacle, however, wasthe belief that every country in the world could reach consensus on somany contentious issues-there is a better chance of the holy grail beingfound this year.First, for those who are not familiar with the dynamics of the UnitedNations, I need to sketch out the role of the major players. On one side ofthe floor of the UN, members of the European Union (EU) huddle together;the representative from France is their spokesperson. On the other sideof the floor sits the representative from the Philippines, who is thespokesperson for the Group of 77 (077). The 077, which now actuallycomprises 132 members, includes almost all nations from Latin and SouthAmerica, Africa, and Asia. Members of the EU and the 077 meet in theirrespective groups before the main assembly convenes in order to formulatea group position. On the floor of the UN, it is therefore the spokespersonsof these two groups who are the most active.It is significant that while 132 diverse nations were able to meet and,in most cases, bring about a consensus on difficult issues, the United ...

We are pleased to introduce this special issue of the International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy, titled ‘The Social Protection of Women and Girls: Links to Crime and Justice at CSW63’. This issue contains a selection of articles from presentations at a series of parallel and side events held at the Commission on the Status of Women’s 63rd session (CSW63) at the UN Headquarters in New York City, United States.

Introduction As societies grapple with incorporating the concepts of gender equality and gender sensitivity, female decision making is quickly losing its designation as a peripheral issue. Indeed the United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women in support of the Commission on the Status of Women has been exploring the question of women and decision making for some time. In 1997 it called upon governments to take into consideration diverse decision making styles and to enhance the images of women in political and public spheres [UN, (2000)].

IntroductionThe initial International Conference on Population and Development in 1994 contains the first reference to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights (SRHR). It has been considered agreed language on SRHR in future United Nations (UN) documents. However, opposition to SRHR in global forums has increased, including in conjunction with an increase in religious, far-right populist politics. This study provides an empirical analysis of UN documents to discover whether opposition to SRHR has resulted in changes in the language on SRHR between and what these changes are.MethodsThis is a qualitative policy analysis in which 14 UN resolutions, 6 outcome documents from the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) and 522 country and group statements and 5 outcome reports from the Commission on Population and Development were collected from the organisations websites from 2014 to 2019. Framework analysis was used. The text from documents was charted and indexed and themes developed from these.ResultsThe results demonstrated a disappearance of the language on abortion in the CSW outcome documents from 2017 and a change in the language on comprehensive sexuality education in the CSW as well as the UN General Assembly resolutions from 2018. This change included a removal of ‘sexuality’ to an increased emphasis on the role of families. Furthermore, documents showed an inability of some states to accept any mention of sexual and reproductive health at all, expanding from the usual contestations over abortion.ConclusionOur findings suggest that the global shift in politics and anti-SRHR actors at UN negotiations and conferences have removed previously agreed on language on SRHR from future UN resolutions and outcome documents. This is a concern for the global realisation of SRHR.

Such is its pervasiveness that human rights discourse is used to legitimise humanitarian and military intervention in the affairs of other states, provide a rationale for ‘ethical’ foreign policy, justify the punishment of war crimes, and validate the formation of international coalitions mandated to eradicate terrorism wherever its is found. At grass-roots level, human rights talk is deployed to lobby governments and to press for socioeconomic and legal change, to combat the dehumanising treatment of specific populations, to ground educational initiatives and spawn local, national, international, and sometimes global networks oriented to its advancement, and to induce the patient and meticulous documentation of its violations. In terms of women, human rights activism has been instrumental in problematising violence against women, prompting the recognition by the UN Human Rights Commission in 1992 of rape during war as a form of torture, and as a war crime or crime against humanity in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (which came into force in 2001). It also led to the appointment in 1994 by the UN Human Rights Commission of Radhika Coomaraswamy as the first Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women and its Causes and Consequences. Activities centring on human rights produced the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which was adopted by the UN General Assembly on 18 December 1979 and became operational as an international treaty on 3 September 1981 when it was ratified by its twentieth signatory.

İnsan hüquqları dedikdə, dinindən, dilindən, irqindən, cinsindən və etnik mənsubiyyətindən asılı olmayaraq, dünyadakı bütün insanların sadəcə insan olduqları üçün istifadə etdikləri hüquq və azadlıqlar başa düşülür. İnsan hüquqlarının bir hissəsi olaraq qadın hüquqları uğrunda mübarizə 1789-cu il Fransa İnqilabından sonra başladı. Tarixdə ilk dəfə olaraq qadınlar 1791-ci ildə öz Qadın və Mülki Hüquqları Bəyannaməsini nəşr etdilər. Oktyabrın 24-də BMT Nizamnaməsinin qəbulu ilə 1945-ci ildə müasir insan hüquqları rəsmiləşdi. Xüsusən də Nizamnamənin preambulasında insan hüquqlarının müdafiəsinin Birləşmiş Millətlər Təşkilatının əsas məqsədlərindən biri olduğu bildirilir və eyni zamanda kişi və qadınların bərabərliyi məsələsinə toxunulur. Dünyanın bir çox yerində qadın hüquqlarının əhəmiyyət kəsb etmədiyi bir vaxtda qadın hüquqlarına bu cür yanaşma çox vacib hesab olunurdu. 1945-ci ildə Birləşmiş Millətlər Təşkilatının yaradılmasından sonra qadın bərabərliyini təmin edən daxili orqanın yaradılması əsas məsələlərdən biri oldu. Buna görə də 1946-cı ildə BMT-nin tərkibində İnsan Hüquqları Komissiyası və Qadının Statusu üzrə Komissiya yaradıldı. Daha sonra 1979-cu ildə o dövr üçün böyük əhəmiyyət kəsb edən və müstəsna olaraq qadın hüquqlarının müdafiəsi ilə bağlı olan Qadınlara qarşı ayrı-seçkiliyin bütün formalarının ləğv edilməsi haqqında Konvensiya (CEDAW) qəbul edildi. CEDAW Konvensiyasını digər beynəlxalq sənədlərdən fərqləndirən əsas xüsusiyyət ondan ibarət idi ki, digər sənədlərdə ümumilikdə bütün insanlara təminat verilən mülki, siyasi, iqtisadi, sosial və mədəni hüquqların hər biri qadınlar üçün nəzərdə tutulmuşdur. Bəyannamənin iştirakçısı olan dövlətlər qadınları bu cür zorakılıq hərəkətlərindən qorumağa və zorakılığa məruz qalmış qadınlara belə zorakılığın qarşısını almaq üçün lazımi şərait yaratmağa borcludurlar. Ailə münasibətləri də daxil olmaqla, zorakılığın bütün formalarından uzaq yaşamaq hər bir qadının və qızın əsas insan hüququdur. Açar sözlər: İnsan hüquqları, Qadın hüquqları, CEDAW bəyannaməsi, Gender bərabərliyi, BMT Zeynab Natig Baghirova Women's rights as part of human rights Abstract Human rights mean the rights and freedoms that all people in the world, regardless of religion, language, race, gender or ethnicity, enjoy simply because they are human. As part of human rights, the struggle for women's rights began after the French Revolution of 1789. For the first time in history, women published their own Declaration of Women's and Civil Rights in 1791. With the adoption of the UN Charter on October 24, 1945, modern human rights became official. In particular, the preamble to the Charter states that the protection of human rights is one of the main goals of the United Nations, and also addresses the issue of equality between men and women. In many parts of the world, this approach to women's rights was considered very important at a time when women's rights were not important. After the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, one of the key issues was the establishment of an internal body to ensure women's equality. Therefore, in 1946, the Commission on Human Rights and the Commission on the Status of Women were established within the UN. Then, in 1979, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was adopted, which was of great importance for that period and dealt exclusively with the protection of women's rights. The main feature that distinguished the CEDAW Convention from other international documents was that in other documents, each of the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights guaranteed to all people in general was intended for women. The States Parties to the Declaration are obliged to protect women from such acts of violence and to provide the necessary conditions for women who have been subjected to such violence to avoid such violence. Living away from all forms of violence, including family relationships, is a fundamental human right of every woman and girl. Keywords: Human rights, Women rights, CEDAW convention, Gender equality, UN

Issues of sexual orientation and gender identity were raised in two of the United Nations intergovernmental world conferences on women, 1985 and 1995, and in the Vienna world conference on human rights in 1993. From 2006 a number of LGBTI Non-Governmental Organizations gained ongoing ‘consultative status’ from the Economic and Social Council allowing access to regular UN human rights events. Leading human rights NGOs, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch began to address LGBTI issues. The Human Rights Council condemned violence and discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity in 2011 and later authorized an independent expert, whose mandate was renewed for a second term. The UNDP “Being LGBT in Asia” program has been active in eight Asian states, including five in ASEAN: Cambodia, Indonesia, Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam. Strong support came from Ban Ki-moon as UN Secretary-General, as well as from the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and other agencies.

Global norm-setting to advance women's rights has historically been a fertile area for feminist activism. These efforts in multilateral institutions have also, however, attracted a transnationally coordinated backlash. Initially spearheaded by the Vatican, the right-wing backlash has consolidated into a curious coalition that now includes authoritarian and right-wing populist regimes and bridges significant differences of religious belief, regime type, and ideology. Hostility to feminism has proven to be a valuable point of connection between interests that otherwise have little in common. Some tensions between feminist groups have been exploited by right-wing interests, in particular over sex workers' rights and the use of technology to alter the interpretation and experience of sexuality, reproduction, and gender (transgender issues, surrogacy, sex-selective abortion, and sexuality and disability). This essay reviews a recent instance of right-wing coordination, seen in the nearly successful effort to derail the 2019 meeting of the UN Commission on the Status of Women. It examines the strategic responses of transnational feminist movements to this backlash in multilateral institutions, including their exploration of new transnational policy issues and experimentation with hybrid transnational spaces.

Abstract Organized rape in armed conflict is one of the most serious violations of human rights, which creates a clear crisis in the identity of the other party and solidifies the sense of bitterness of defeat. Rape in armed conflicts is thus different from that of others, which can have a negative impact on social and international peace and security. Conservative and racially conservative societies are also affected by systematic organized gang rape, which occurs systematically from parties to a non-international armed conflict or within the policy of the aggressor State in the event of an international armed conflict. In contrast to the efforts made by the United Nations to curb organized rape, regional organizations have made little effort in this direction. The role of regional organizations in the framework of Chapter VIII of the UN. Charter in reducing armed conflicts and protecting human rights, and in cooperation of the United Nations and the Security Council in the task of maintaining international peace and security. The European Convention on Human Rights has established a mechanism to monitor the extent to which individuals enjoy their rights and freedoms and the extent to which States parties respect them. The US Convention on Human Rights followed the same approach as the European Convention, but through the regulatory body of the American Commission on Human Rights and the American Court of Human Rights. Although women and children suffered systematic rape as a result of armed conflict on the African continent, the African Charter on Human Rights did not provide the necessary mechanisms to curb crimes of sexual violence, and the Arab Charter on Human Rights did not play a role in the face of organized rape. We therefore considered the adequacy of the provisions of the International Bill and the mechanisms of action of regional organizations in curbing the crimes of sexual violence, organized rape in particular in places of non-international armed conflict, and whether organized rape can be considered a violation of personal liberty and dignity. Or is it a crime against humanity? And other questions that can be raised, which we will try to answer in the context of this research.

In this article, Elizabeth J. Allan explores how discourses embedded in university women's commission reports position women as victims, outsiders to the structure and culture of the institution, and as being in need of professional development. Using policy discourse analysis, Allan examines discourses generated by university women's commissions, which are policy-focused groups advocating for gender equity in higher education. Allan analyzes the text of twenty-one commission reports issued at four research universities from 1971 to 1996, and illustrates how dominant discourses of femininity, access, and professionalism contribute to constructing women's status in complex ways and may have the unintended consequence of undermining the achievement of gender equity. She also explores how a caregiving discourse is drawn on and challenges institutional norms of the academic workplace. Allan provides four suggestions for improving university women's commissions, including promoting awareness of policy as discourse; analyzing frameworks and assumptions of policy reports; examining implications of policy recommendations; and looking at how policy discourses construct images of women.

In this study, we begin by analysing the guiding legal principles and international standards that States must consider when developing laws, programs, and policies to protect indigenous women's human rights. Besides, we try to find out what priority issues States are trying to address. Once we establish the theoretical framework, we will review how, in practice, the Inter-American Commission and Court have examined some of the leading cases concerning the protection of the economic, social, and cultural rights of indigenous women. All this will lead us to understand the bases of indigenous women's worldview. Thus, we can propose the (de)construction of their legal status, which should suggest a necessary conquest of public spaces and conceive them as individuals, protecting their honour and recognizing their dignity.

The United Nations Convention on Jurisdictional Immunities of States and Their Property was adopted by the UN General Assembly on 2 December 2004.1 The General Assembly recorded, in the first paragraph of its resolution adopting the Convention, its ‘deep appreciation to the International Law Commission and the Ad Hoc Committee on jurisdictional Immunities of States and their Property for their valuable work on the law of jurisdictional immunities of States and their property’. Whatever view one takes as to the merits of the Convention text or the prospects of its success,2 it cannot be doubted that this acknowledgment was well deserved—it is, if anything, an understatement to describe the conclusion of a detailed international instrument on state immunity, embodying the restrictive theory of immunity, as a ‘diplomatic triumph’.

In August 1997, the United Nations Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities adopted a resolution entitled ‘Women and the right to adequate housing and to land and property’. This resolution was the first of its kind, recognising the specific problems that women encounter when pursuing their right to adequate housing. This article deals with the legal foundations of the right to adequate housing in United Nations instruments. Since women face particular problems with regard to this right – direct violations such as discrimination but also problems as a result of poverty and their social position – these difficulties will be addressed. An overview is given of action that has been taken by various UN organs and bodies, especially the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women. The adopted Sub-Commission resolution is dealt with in detail.

This paper studies the economic status of Women legislators through data from their assets submitted to the Election Commission of Pakistan from 2002-2013. The findings indicate that strong financial status is an important pre-requisite for successful entry into the politics. This study found that the majority of elected women belong to an elite class. It is also evident that the common Pakistani woman is still miles away from the corridors of power because she does not have sufficient economic resources to participate in politics.

The development of the guiding principles regarding the status of internally displaced persons by the UN Human Rights Commission was a reaction to the critical situation in which this category finds itself, given the lack of regulation of their legal status at the international level. However, this document attempted to equalize the legal status of internally displaced persons and refugees, especially the normative framework that ensures security for internally displaced persons equal to that of refugees, including the involvement of international bodies.

While certain aspects of women's rights had been addressed in earlier OAS instruments and more generally in the American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man and in the American Convention on Human Rights, many consider that the issue of women's rights was first incorporated in the normative corpus of the Inter-American Human Rights System (IAHRS) with the 1994 adoption of the Belém do Pará Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence Against Women. This treaty obliges states to prevent, punish, and eradicate violence against women, taking special account of vulnerabilities due to race, ethnic background, migrant status, age, pregnancy, socioeconomic situation, etc. It defines the concept of violence against women and forces states to ensure that women live free of violence in the public and private sphere. It also grants the Commission and the Court the ability to process individual complaints regarding alleged violations of the treaty. Since 1994, the Commission has also established a Rapporteurship on the rights of women, which assists the IACHR in its thematic or country reports and visits, as well as in the processing of women's rights–related petitions. In recent years, the jurisprudence of the Commission and the Court has addressed several fundamental issues related to women's rights, in particular regarding violence against women, women's right to equality, and reproductive health.

Research by Reese and Warner and Llorens, Wenger, and Kellough assesses the relative pay of women in the United States. However, research on the relative pay of women of color remains scant. What kinds of factors predict relative pay for women of color, and are they the same as for White women? The author utilizes ordinary least squares (OLS) regression on an Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) panel data set on public sector employment by state to analyze the pay of Black, Hispanic, Asian, and American Indian women relative to men for 2005-2013. The author reaffirms that whether a woman lives in a state that has implemented a major gender pay equity measure is a significant factor determining her relative pay. Furthermore, the intersectional nature of public sector pay for women of color is numerically verified. Women fare better in states where they are descriptively represented in terms of gender and race/ethnic group.

This article provides an assessment of the replacement of the UN Commission on Human Rights by the Human Rights Council, with a view to ascertaining whether the human rights architecture of the United Nations is now in better or worse shape. Institutionally, it is unique in that an international organ is dismantled and replaced by a new one for the sake of achieving greater effectiveness. What are the chances for success? For a proper assessment, the article first examines the status, functioning, and falling into disgrace of the UN Commission on Human Rights and, second, reviews the establishment of the new Human Rights Council as part of the UN reform process and identifies the new features of the Council compared with the previous Commission. Third, it discusses the work of the Council in its first year, in particular the extensive June 2007 decision on institution building of the UN Human Rights Council. The article concludes that the Council had a far from fresh and easy start, but that its establishment and functioning so far are not a radical departure from the acquis of the UN human rights regime. The first years of the Council are crucial for solid institution building and functioning credibly in an action-oriented way. The first members on the Council bear the heavy responsibility of seizing this historic opportunity.

This year the Commission on Human Rights held its 50th session in Geneva. It was not a very special session, partly maybe due to the aftereffects of the World Conference on Human Rights. The established norms were not an issue this year. On supervision and monitoring, the system of working groups and experts reporting on countries and themes is well in place. It proved possible once again to adopt many resolutions on the basis of their reports. Important new mandates on the rights of women and impartiality of the judiciary were added. The Commission also remains a dominant focus point of attention for human rights problems. Problems remain, however, as far as supporting the human rights mechanisms is concerned, cooperation by some governments and follow-up on recommendations. Work from all sides is needed to foster the achievements of norms, supervision and monitoring, publicity and possible future achievements.

In 2002, the United Nations (UN) International Law Commission (ILC) decided to include the subject of the responsibility of international organizations (IOs) in its program of work. By 2011, the Commission adopted sixty-six draft articles with commentaries, known as the Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organizations (DARIO). The adoption of the DARIO represents an enterprise of revolutionary implications for public international law and the future development of both international law and global relations and governance. It may leverage the international personality of the IO to a status previously unknown, particularly when compared to the supreme international actor, the State.

During the past twelve months, the issue of sexual violence in conflict and emergencies has received an unprecedented amount of attention at the highest political and institutional levels. In 2013, the United Kingdom's Department for International Development (DFID) launched a Call to Action to mobilize donors, UN agencies, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and other stakeholders on protecting women and girls in humanitarian emergencies, culminating in the high-level event “Protecting Girls and Women in Emergencies” in November 2013. As of August 2014, over forty partners (including governments, United Nations (UN) agencies and NGOs) had made commitments to the Call to Action. Furthermore, in June 2014 the “Global Summit to End Sexual Violence in Conflict”, co-chaired by the UK Foreign Secretary and Angelina Jolie, Special Envoy for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), gathered 1,700 delegates and 129 country delegations. In his summary, the chair of the Global Summit states: “We must apply the lessons we have learned and move from condemnation to concrete action. We must all live up to the commitments we have made.”1In September 2014, the United States organized a Call to Action event in New York during the UN General Assembly with the purpose of sharing progress on commitments made in November 2013. It thus seems that efforts to raise awareness about sexual violence in conflict and emergencies and advocate for a much stronger commitment to action are well under way. But is this enough? Is there enough evidence from lessons learned to allow us to increase and improve our response?

The United Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) proclaims that “all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights, are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood (Article 1),” and are “entitled to all the rights and freedoms outlined in (said) Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinions, national or social origin, property, birth or another status. (Article 2)” This formal declaration is supposed to be a simple institutionalization of a generally recognized realism – those human beings are born with inherent dignity, from which fundamental basic human rights flow and which provides reasonable justification for fostering justice and equality despite each person’s individuality. It is an affirmation that amidst personal and cultural divergences, human beings are called upon to respect each other primarily on account of their shared humanity, and not based on wealth, power, educational background, race, gender, and other social clusters – to treat each other fairly without discrimination. However, while the aforementioned international convention narrates a chronicle filled with beautiful social expectations, reality may be chanting a different narrative. Across different epochs, stories of horrifying violations of human rights have reverberated throughout the world. The infamous holocaust during the 2nd World War, the genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda, and the martial law defilements during the Marcos regime in the Philippines are just some of the many horrific instances of human rights violations that have shocked humanity. One of the more prominent reasons for the occurrence of different human rights violations is deleterious discrimination – the arrogant sense of superiority that some assert over others, the conceited belief of being entitled with a guaranteed place atop the zenith of societal hierarchies at the detriment of those who do not share the same shade, nook or status. To address these discriminatory leanings of different cultures and States and provide international legal frameworks for ensuring that basic human rights are genuinely protected and promoted, the United Nations (U.N.) was created. To realize the objectives for its establishment, sundry international conventions have been crafted, negotiated, issued, and implemented. In the area of human rights protection, the primordial international convention is the UDHR. Two social groups that suffer from significant discrimination as to their capacity to properly enjoy and exercise basic human rights are refugees and stateless persons, which are governed by the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, and its 1967 Protocol, and the 1954 Convention Relating to Status of Stateless Persons, respectively. Because of their conditions and contextual situations, they are very vulnerable to being discriminated against and abused. This humanitarian crisis has been haunting the worldfor decades already and has also been knocking at the doorsteps of the Philippines in recent times, whose presence in the country has been rapid. Unfortunately, very few are aware of their existence, much less care about the predicaments and struggles of refugees and stateless persons worldwide and in the Philippines. 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In this paper, I discuss the ways in which Indigenous women are Othered by the proceedings of the Missing Women‘s Commission of Inquiry (MWCI). First, I give a basic overview of Beauvoir‘s theory of women as Others, followed by Memmi‘s analysis of the relationship between the colonized and the colonizer. I use these two theories to describe the way Indigenous women are Othered both as Indigenous peoples and as women, focusing on the context of the twenty-six who were murdered in Vancouver‘s Downtown Eastside (DTES). The original murders were the result of the cultural reduction of Indigenous Women to their bodies. The negligent police investigations, as well as the misogynistic attitudes of the police, also demonstrate how Othering can operate within these institutions. I claim that the violence against women in the DTES was due to their status as Other. Notably, the MWCI, which is supposed to be a process that addresses the Othering-based negligence of the police, also includes instances of Othering in its structure and practice. From this, I conclude that we cannot rely on Othering institutions or legal processes to correct Othering as a practice. In the context of the MWCI, I suggest building alliances that support those who face this Othering as violence in their everyday lives.

Research on women and post-conflict reconstruction tends to focus primarily on women as victims and passive targets for aid rather than conceptualizing peacebuilding as a process where greater participation by women may help increase the prospects for success. Here, I argue that women’s social status is a dimension of social capital that is largely independent of general economic development. Societies and communities where women enjoy a relatively higher status have greater prospects for successful peacebuilding, as cooperation by the local population with peacebuilding policies and activities increases. Thus, in the presence of a UN-led peacebuilding operation, women’s status has a direct and independent impact on post-conflict reconstruction. The theoretical claims are empirically assessed by looking at variation in levels of cooperation and conflict during the UN peacebuilding missions within the countries of Sierra Leone and Liberia.

Abstract Can a woman engineer by a feminist? This article argues in the affirmative using a case study of Elsie Gregory MacGill. Elsie Gregory MacGill was Canada's first woman electrical engineer, graduating in 1927 from The University of Toronto. She then became the first woman to earn a degree in aeronautical engineering from the University of Michigan in 1929. While establishing herself in a predominantly masculine profession, MacGill, also a third generation feminist, actively worked for women's equal rights and opportunities in Canadian society. A case study of her role in the Royal Commission of the Status of Women (RCSW), 1967-1970, is used to illustrate that not only can a woman engineering be a feminist, but more importantly that her dual background allowed her to effectively bridge the worlds of the engineering and feminism in engineering the RCSW.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to describe the unique and independent role of the Mental Welfare Commission for Scotland. Design/methodology/approach – The paper takes the reader through the history of the Commission, its changing status, roles and responsibilities, its influence and impact, and current priorities. It is based on details of the Commission ' s development, narrative from current employees and published investigations and advice. Findings – The Mental Welfare Commission has advanced significantly since its original establishment. It plays a vital role in protecting the human rights of people in Scotland with learning disabilities and mental illness, by visiting those who are in receipt of care or treatment, investigating situations of concern, providing advice and guidance, monitoring the Mental Health (Care and Treatment) (Scotland) Act 2003 and Adults with Incapacity (Scotland) Act 2000 and shaping relevant policy and legislation. Originality/value – This paper provides an introduction to the work of the Commission, which will be of value to readers in Scotland and beyond. It illustrates its importance in preserving the rights of individuals with learning disabilities and mental illness in line with the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and other legislation.

In January 1973, American Telephone & Telegraph, then the world's largest private-sector employer, entered into a Consent Decree with the United States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. In this decree, following a fourteen-month dispute before the Federal Communications Commission,at&tagreed to implement specific goals and timetables for hiring women in traditionally male jobs, men in traditionally female jobs, and minorities in jobs in which they had been traditionally underrepresented.at&t's adoption of affirmative action immediately preceded the routine application of affirmative action hiring and promotion policies in large, private-sector U.S. firms regardless of federal contractor status. Nonetheless, the importance ofat&t's action remains misunderstood by critics and supporters of affirmative action alike.

The right to a nationality is well established in international human rights law. In 1954 and 1961, the United Nations adopted the Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons and the Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, respectively. Inspired by Article 15 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the two Conventions provide for a right to nationality and prohibit deprivation or denial of nationality. In 2012, the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) drafted four guidelines on statelessness that expand on provisions of the 1954 and 1961 UN Conventions. They contain guidance sections directed specifically at governments, civil society organizations, legal practitioners, decision-makers and the judiciary as well as UNHCR and other UN agency staff involved in addressing statelessness.

ABSTRACTIn February 2006, women from every province of the Anglican Communion gathered in New York for the annual meeting of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women. Once assembled, they established an organizational structure to perpetuate their gathering and called for an expanded women's presence on all Anglican Communion governing bodies. This article traces the development of the group, showing how a few women used the political structures of the Anglican Communion–the Anglican Observer at the United Nations, the Anglican Consultative Council and the International Anglican Women's Network–to assemble Anglican women. It demonstrates that the experience of meeting together became a source of empowerment for the participants and analyzes the factors contributing to the venture's success so that they might serve as models for the Anglican Communion as it struggles to maintain unity while embracing diversity.

Drawing on theories of responsive and reflexive legislation and gender mainstreaming, this article examines the implementation of the gender equality duty and the Single Status Agreement in five English local authorities between 2008 and 2010. Both of these initiatives coincided with the global financial crisis. The data highlights how organizational restructuring following budget cuts resulted in the separation of these two important initiatives between equality and human resource management teams, preventing the duty from reaching the high expectations of the Equal Opportunities Commission and the Women and Work Commission. The reliance on equal pay legislation and the failure to use the gender equality duty missed an opportunity to move away from adversarial forms of legislation and towards more responsive forms of regulation of pay equality.

The status in international law of operational warships and other ships used only on governmental non-commercial service has been long established. In contrast, the status of such vessels after they have sunk has been, and remains, a matter of considerable uncertainty. The uncertainty arises in no small part from the absence of any provision in the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea relating to sunken State vessels or, indeed, to wrecks more generally. Over the last 30 years, technological advances have led to the discovery of many new wreck sites, fuelling international interest in the status of sunken State wrecks. At its Santiago Session in 2007, the Institut de droit international established its 9th Scientific Commission to look into the matter. A Preliminary Report, drafted by the Commission’s Rapporteur, Professor Natalino Ronzitti, was discussed at the Rhodes Session in 2011 and, after further deliberations, a Resolution entitled “The Legal Regime of Wrecks of Warships and Other State-Owned Ships in International Law” was adopted by the Tallinn Session in August 2015. This contribution sets out the background to the work of the 9th Commission, outlines the substance of the Resolution, and offers some observations thereon.

This article examines the main problems of women around the world. It was shown exactly how the UN tries to solve these problems throughout the existence of the organization, various UN structures that deal with the women's issue were considered, and it was also possible to study the activities of women themselves, for example, in UN peace-making operations.

Vitamin K is required for the carboxylation of Gla-proteins in the liver (coagulation factors) and extra-hepatic tissues, such as bone (osteocalcin, OC), and arterial wall (matrix Gla-protein, MGP). Although the coagulation factors are essentially fully carboxylated under normal conditions, 10–40 % of OC and MGP remains undercarboxylated. We were therefore interested to study the dose–response effects of extra intake of menaquinones on the carboxylation of the extra-hepatic Gla-proteins. A total of forty-two healthy Dutch men and women aged between 18 and 45 years were randomised into seven groups to receive: placebo capsules or menaquinone-7 (MK-7) capsules at a daily dose of 10, 20, 45, 90, 180 or 360 μg. Circulating uncarboxylated OC (ucOC), carboxylated OC (cOC) and desphospho-uncarboxylated MGP were measured by ELISA. The ucOC:cOC ratio was calculated from circulating ucOC and cOC values. Endogenous thrombin potential and peak height were determined by calibrated automated thrombography. To increase the statistical power, we collapsed the treatment groups into three dosage groups: placebo, low-dose supplementation (doses below RDA, Commission Directive 2008/100/EC), and high-dose supplementation (doses around RDA, Commission Directive 2008/100/EC). MK-7 supplementation at doses in the order of the RDA (Commission Directive 2008/100/EC) increased the carboxylation of circulating OC and MGP. No adverse effects on thrombin generation were observed. Extra MK-7 intake at nutritional doses around the RDA (Commission Directive 2008/100/EC) improved the carboxylation of the extra-hepatic vitamin K-dependent proteins. Whether this improvement contributes to public health, i.e. increasing the protection against age-related diseases needs further investigation in specifically designed intervention trials.

A survey conducted among Indochinese refugees in Thailand in 1979, revealed significant levels of Vitamin A deficiency blindness (xerophthalmia). A Vitamin A supplementation program for children was implemented. Recent events in South East Asia have resulted in the mass movements of thousands of Kampucheans. These people underwent extreme deprivation for several years before migrating in large numbers to the Thai-Kampuchean border and later into Thailand. This massive influx of starving and ill men, women and children stimulated a large international relief effort aimed at providing food, shelter and health care. Under the supervision of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, several holding centers or camps were established within Thailand.Early reports indicated severe problems with malnutrition among the children reaching these areas. Since these malnourished children were susceptible to a blinding affliction, xerophthalmia, Helen Keller International, a voluntary agency long interested in the disease, became alarmed. I was dispatched as a consultant public health ophthalmologist to the holding center for an on-site investigation.

Research on the health status and on socio-economic inequality in the health status of Portuguese adults with 50 years of age or more is scarce, but urgent, so that policy-makers can better understand the type of burdens that this ageing process will place on social welfare policies. We use data from the Survey of Health Ageing and Retirement in Europe Wave 6 to investigate the role of gender, income and education in self-reported health status and in morbidity amongst adults aged 50+ in Portugal by means of a multivariate analysis. Results from this exploratory study reveal a negative self-perception of health status amongst older individuals; high prevalence of chronic diseases since an earlier age; high levels of depression problems reported by women; and high disability amongst the oldest old. The results also show a prevalence of chronic diseases, mental health problems, and high disability, which will challenge the Portuguese social welfare system in terms of long-term care and pensions, and will additionally require an adequate (re)organization of the healthcare supply to older adults. Furthermore, the evidence calls for a gendered perspective of health and social policy in Portugal, particularly concerning mental health.

This article discusses the Australian Women's Broadcasting Co-operative (AWBC), formed by women working at the Australian Broadcasting Commission in response to the United Nations' declaration that 1975 would be International Women's Year. It examines the AWBC's attempts to challenge entrenched structural inequalities and sexual discrimination, improve opportunities for women in the organization, and change dominant representations of women's lives in the media. It analyzes the significance of the AWBC's key interventions, including the production of a national weekly radio show for women, The Coming Out Show; the provision of production training for women; pushing for a formal inquiry into the status of women; lobbying for staff childcare facilities; and representing women employees in industrial relations matters. The article concludes with a discussion of the long-term impact of the AWBC and the Coming Out Show, which, despite its genesis as a “bold experiment,” endured for twenty-three years.

Abstract This article examines a 1779 legal dispute involving Pierre Chapuizet, a wealthy and well-connected sugar planter of the north province of Saint-Domingue who was denied a commission as an officer in the colonial militia due to allegations of mixed-race origin. Although the Conseil Supérieur of Cap Français had recognized Chapuizet's status as “white and unblemished” (blanc et ingénu) in 1771, the colonial administration and much of the white elite argued that his descent from a Black great-great-grandmother made him ineligible for the honor of a militia commission. This article argues that the Chapuizet affair demonstrates a shift in the boundaries of whiteness in the French Antilles. Traditional “color prejudice,” in which skin color was one factor among many others, such as wealth and family connections, gave way to modern scientific racism defined by biological descent, according to which a single Black ancestor, however remote, sufficed for exclusion from the white elite. Cet article examine une dispute légale de l'année 1779 qui visait à Pierre Chapuizet, un colon riche et renommé de la province nord de Saint-Domingue, à qui on refusait une commission d'officier de milice à cause des allégations qu'il était d'origine sang mêlé. Bien que le Conseil supérieur du Cap Français l'eût reconnu comme « blanc et ingénu » dans un arrêt de 1771, l'administration coloniale et la plupart de l’élite blanche considéraient que son ascendance, notamment son arrière-grand-mère noire, l'excluait de l'honneur d'une commission militaire. A travers l'affaire Chapuizet on constate une modification des identités raciales et du statut de l'homme blanc dans les Antilles françaises. Le « préjugé de couleur » traditionnel, selon lequel la couleur de la peau n’était qu'un facteur parmi d'autres comme la richesse et les alliances familiales cède au racisme scientifique moderne, défini par la filiation biologique, selon lequel un seul aïeul noir, aussi lointain qu'il soit, suffit pour l'exclusion de l’élite blanche.

This article examines the transformation of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) and discusses the implications of such transformation on the promotion and protection of human rights in Kenya. The article is an exposition of the powers of the Commission and their importance to the realisation of the Bill of Rights under the 2010 Kenyan Constitution. This is done from a normative and institutional perspective with particular emphasis on the extent to which the UN Principles Relating to the Status of National Institutions for the promotion and protection of human rights (the Paris Principles, 1993) have been complied with. The article highlights the role of national human rights commissions in transformative and/or transitional justice in post-conflict Kenya. It also explores the possible complementary relationship(s) between the KNCHR and other Article 59 Commissions for the better enforcement of the bill of rights.