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1
Sami, Dandachi Salam. "La fabrication des stratégies dans un contexte pluraliste : le cas du Conseil économique et social du Liban." Thesis, Toulon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018TOUL2001.
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Cette thèse a pour objectif de comprendre la façon dont se fabrique la stratégie dans un contexte pluraliste. Dans ce cadre, nous nous appuyons sur la littérature du pluralisme identitaire (Dutton & Dukerich, 1991; Gioia & Chittepeddi, 1991; Ashforth & Mael, 1996; Golden-Biddle & Rao, 1997; Hatch & Schultz, 1997; Silva, 2010) et sur l'approche pratique de la stratégie (Whittington, 2003; Jarzabkowsky, 2003, 2004; Golsorkhi & al., 2010; Johnson & al., 2010). Ce travail de recherche est né d'un manque dans la littérature qui examine la relation entre la multiplicité des identités organisationnelles et la fabrication des stratégies. Nous avons ainsi opté pour un design de recherche interprétativiste et pour une étude de cas unique: le Conseil Economique et Social du Liban. Cette institution constitutionnelle abrite deux identités organisationnelles: l'identité d'un lieu de négociation et l'identité d'un lieu d'expertise. Etant donné la nouveauté du terrain et du contexte traité, nous adoptons la méthodologie de la théorie enracinée préconisée par Glaser et Strauss. Nous montrons que le pluralisme influence la fabrication des stratégies de trois façons: 1) par la "référentialisation" qui consiste à "opérationnaliser" les systèmes des valeurs à travers "une stratégie d'initiation" et "de renforcement", 2) par la "régulation" identitaire qui consiste à gérer les identités organisationnelles pour des fins stratégiques à travers "une stratégie de légitimation" et 3) la "négociation" identitaire suite à une crise institutionnelle et qui aboutit à "une stratégie de survie". Nous avons également conclu que cette influence évolue avec l'évolution du contexte institutionnel de l'organisation: nous avons identifié un couplage faible entre la multiplicité des identités organisationnelles et la fabrication des stratégies dans la phase de naissance de l'organisation mais qui croit avec la croissance de l'organisation, surtout dans les périodes de "perturbation". Ces périodes entrainent une rupture dans la pratique des praticiens: si cette rupture n'est pas assez significative, la gestion des IO devient une pratique stratégique, si la rupture est significative mettant en cause la survie de l'organisation, les IO deviennent des lentilles perceptuelles à travers lesquelles les praticiens perçoivent les capacités fondamentales de l'organisation ce qui influence ainsi sur leur choix et leur pratique stratégiqueThe objective of this thesis is to understand strategizing in pluralistic contexts. Our research is based on the literature of pluralistic organizations (Dutton & Dukerich, 1991; Gioia & Chittepeddi, 1991; Golden-Biddle & Rao, 1997, Ashforth & Mael, 1996; Hatch & Schultz, 1997; Silva, 2010) and the strategy-as-practice approach (Whittington, 2003; Jarzabkowsky, 2003, 2004; Golsorkhi & al., 2010; Johnson & al., 2010). This research addresses the gap in the literature discussing the relationship between the multiplicity of organizational identities and strategizing. Thus, our thesis operates an interpretativist research design and conducts a one case study: the Economic and Social Council of Lebanon. This institutional constitution has two organizational identities: the identity of a negotiation place and the identity of an expertise one. Due to the novelty of the research field and the context studied, we have chosen to apply the grounded theory methodology advocated by Glaser and Strauss. We show that the pluralism influence strategizing in three ways: 1) by the "referentialization" which means the operationalization of the system of values through an "initiation" and "reinforcement strategy", 2) by the identity "regulation" which consists of managing organizational identities for strategic purposes through a "legitimation strategy" and 3) by the identity "negociation" following an institutional crisis and which leads to a "survival strategy". We have also concluded the evolution of this influence with the evolution of the institutional context of the organization: it is weak at the initiation phase (birth) but increases with the growth of the organization and especially in periods of "perturbation". These periods lead to a breakdown in the praxis of practitioners: if the breakdown is weak, the management of organizational identities become a strategic practice, if the breakdown is significant, the organizational identities become lenses trough which practitioners craft their particular definitions of the organizational core capabilities which influence their strategic choice and praxis
2
Milli, Ece. "Assessing The Human Rights Regime Of The Council Of Europe In Terms Of Economic And Social Rights." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615020/index.pdf.
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This thesis seeks to answer the question whether economic and social rights have the same status with civil and political rights under the human rights regime of the Council of Europe. To this end, the thesis examines the assumptions with regard to the nature of economic and social rights, on the one hand, and civil and political rights, on the other. Second, it seeks to find out whether the nature of economic and social rights is different from that of civil and political rights. Third, it examines how the protection of and approach to the two sets of rights developed in the Council of Europe. Finally, it assesses the contemporary protection of economic and social rights in the Council of Europe in comparison to protection of civil and political rights.
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Schmidt, Julia Ruth. "European Union as an emerging international military actor and its legal relationship with UN Security Council resolutions." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7973.
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The thesis results from a research project, combining elements of European law and public international law. The project focuses on the different forms of the use of force by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Security and Defence Policy as an integral part of the EU’s common foreign and security policy. It examines the conditions under which the European Union can engage in military crisis management missions from the perspective of European Union law as well as from the perspective of public international law. The main emphasis of the thesis is put on the former, analysing the EU’s ambitions to become an international security actor from an inside-out perspective. When addressing the vertical dimension of the EU and the use of force in more detail, the thesis analyses the extent to which the Member States are constrained in the conduct of their national foreign and security policy through decisions by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. With regards to the EU’s legal relationship with the United Nations, the thesis examines whether and if so to what extent the European Union, although not a member of the United Nations, is bound by UN Security Council resolutions in respect of the use of force. Based on the assumption that the EU is bound by UN Security Council resolutions imposing economic sanctions, the thesis uses a comparative method in order to show that the EU as an international organisation is bound by decisions of the UN Security Council in the sense that the EU is obliged to respect the wording and limits of a UN Security Council mandate to use force once it decides to contribute with an EU mission. If the EU decides not to accept a UN Security Council mandate, the thesis argues that the EU is under the obligation not to undermine the success of a UN authorised military intervention, in the spirit of a loyalty obligation. Apart from analyzing the interaction of the EU and the international legal framework, the thesis also uses a speculative approach in order to examine the implications of silence in the context of the use of force.
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Hadano, Takamitsu. "Power transition, peaceful change and the UN Security Council : exploring the role of social structure in international political change." Thesis, Durham University, 2017. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/12756/.
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The present study is an inquiry into power transition and how it relates to international social structure comprised of state practice, norms, international law and international organisations. It examines how the behaviour of rising powers and international political change in the context of power transition are governed and guided by international social structure through exploring the interface between three themes in International Relations scholarship: power transition, the interwar debate on peaceful change and reform of the UN Security Council. Via integration of elements of English School theory and hitherto neglected, but nevertheless valuable insights from the interwar debate on peaceful change, the study sets out the socio-structural conception of power transition—or, to be more accurate, of international political change in the context of power transition—as an institutionally governed process, presents a distinctive way of theorising power transition that radically departs from the materialistic, mechanistic and state-centric conception of power transition prevalent in the existing literature on power transition, and develops a framework for analysing actual cases of power transition from the socio-structural perspective, taking Security Council reform as a case study. The study emphasises the diversity of institutions governing change in international society, highlighting the role of international law and international organisations designed for the maintenance of international peace and security, such as the League of Nations and the UN, in managing international political change in the context of power transition, and showing the role that the Security Council as an agent of international political change plays in entrenching the institution of peaceful change in contemporary international society via exercise of its powers under Chapter VI and potentially Chapter VII of the UN Charter. From this standpoint, the study questions and reframes the existing debate on Security Council reform, specifying key issues to be addressed in future debate thereon.
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Luo, Hang. "Influence in combinatorial and collective decision-making : by the example of UN security council voting." Thesis, Paris 6, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA066186/document.
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L'objet de cette thèse (bi-disciplinaire, en informatique et sciences politiques) est l'étude de phénomènes d'influence dans des situations de prise de décision collective, impliquant plusieurs sujets interdépendants, ce qui amène à considérer des domaines dits combinatoires. L'importance de ces phénomènes d'influence est observée depuis de nombreuses années dans différents domaines (dont les sciences politiques), mais leur modélisation reste peu développée jusqu'à présent. En se basant sur un modèle existant intégrant la prise en compte de l'influence à un langage de représentation des préférences ordinal, le premier travail de cette thèse a été d'identifier des schémas d'influences pouvant survenir, entre sujets et/ou agents différents. Une deuxième contribution de cette thèse est la prise en compte de domaines partiels (permettant de représenter contraintes exogènes et abstentions, par exemple), une nécessité dans les situations envisagées. De même, différents modèles visant à capturer l'influence simultanée de plusieurs agents sont présentés et discutés. Dans un deuxième temps, l'exemple des votes au conseil de sécurité del'ONU est utilisé: l'occurence de ces schémas est envisagée à l'aide d'une analyse qualitative de différentes séquences de votes (sciences politiques), et de la recherche d'indices de schémas similaires dans les données de vote accessibles. Enfin, le modèle est mobilisé dans le cadre d'une simulation multi-agents (réalisée en Netlogo), et visant à tester différentes réformes envisagées du conseil de sécuritéInfluence study in combinatorial and collective decision-making, is an interdisciplinary research area combining computer science and social science, especially artificial intelligence and collective decision-making. Influence has long been studied, for instance in political science, but in the context of combinatorial and collective decision-making, this calls for a study of how influences works among multi-agents and multi-issues, how influences and decision-making are interleaved, and how the structures of influence among agents and issues produce an effect. In the thesis, we mainly performed three aspects of work:Firstly, build complex models of influence based on preference representation languages and social influence models, proposed a series of new patterns of influence to better describe the complex influences in real-world situation, and discussed a series of theoretical problems of influencing and influenced structure, influence from more than one origins, and influence with abstentions and constraints. We then test the models of influence from an exemplary perspective for interdisciplinary study, from both social science and computer science paradigms, by both qualitative case studies approach and quantitative matching algorithms approach, to provide an evaluation for the models of influence.Finally, we use the models of influence to perform agent-based simulations, by the example UN Security Council voting. We design those experiments from both social and computer science perspectives, implement it in Netlogo, and discuss the interleaved effects between new cases of influence and different SC reform schemes
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Maindi, Grace Wakio. "The African Union's Economic, Social and Cultural Council : an evaluation of its mandate of facilitating civil society participation in the African Union." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1219.
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"The OAU was a state-centric system. It is only in the last years of its existence and in the transition from the OAU to the AU that discussions on modalities for facilitating civil society participation in its activiites commenced. The AU Act emphasises the need to build partnerships between governments and all sectors of civil society. Enhancing civil society participation is one of the AU's objectives and principles. To achieve this objective, the AU Act created the Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC) as an AU organ. ... Following this introductory chapter, the second chapter will analyse ECOSOCC's legal framework and structure in relation to its facilitation of civil society participation in the AU. ECOSOCC's legal framework's conceptualisation of civil society and the concerns it raises will be discussed. Linked to the conceptualisation of civil society is the role ECOSOCC will play within the AU institutional structure, therefore this will also be discussed. In addition, ECOSOCC's legal framework will be analysed to identify whether it is in line with associative or deliberative democarcy. An examination of how ECOSOCC can utilise its linkages with the other AU organs to channel civil society's views will also be carried out. The discussion of the ESC and UN ECOSOC and the lessons to be learnt from them will be done in the third chapter. The fourth chapter will set out the study's conclusions and recommendations." -- IntroductionThesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006.
Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Mohamed Habib at the Faculty of Law, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Causillas, Carhuancho Kathiusca. "NINI ¿Un problema económico o social?" Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC), 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/656379.
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En la mayoría de países de América Latina, en los últimos años, se ha incrementado la preocupación por la situación de los jóvenes que no estudian ni trabajan (Generación “NINI”). Por ello en esta investigación nos enfocaremos en la población juvenil peruana que forma parte de este grupo NINI y se analizarán los determinantes que influyen en la decisión de no estudiar, ni trabajar por parte de esta población. Con esto se pretende ahondar en los motivos de la inactividad juvenil, que se asocia en gran medida con los hogares de bajos ingresos, características personales y el nivel educativo. La relevancia de la investigación radica en el hecho de que conocer los factores determinantes de los NINI y de esta manera tratar de reducir su porcentaje mediante la educación y mayores oportunidades laborales, contribuirá a la acumulación de capital humano, y con ello, al crecimiento económico.
Se utilizó la Encuesta Nacional de Hogares, para estudiar los determinantes de los jóvenes que no estudian, ni trabajan, dentro del rango de edades de 15 a 29 años; resultando que, la mayor parte de los NINI son mujeres, de lo cual se deduce la existencia de factores asociados al género, tales como la fertilidad, el rol dentro de la economía del hogar o razones educativas para formar parte de este grupo.In recent years, in most Latin American countries, a concern has been growing about the situation of young people who are neither in the education system nor integrated into the labour market (the "NEETS" generation). Therefore, in this research we focus on the Peruvian youth population that is part of this NEET group and we analyze the determinants that influence the decision of this population not to study or work. With this we intend to delve into the reasons for youth inactivity, which is largely associated with low-income households, personal characteristics and educational level. The National Household Survey was used to study the determinants of young people who neither study nor work, within the age range of 15 to 29 years; as a result, most of the NEET are women, from which the existence of factors associated with gender, fertility, the role within the household economy or educational reasons for being part of this group.
Tesis
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Blythe, Graeme Max. "A history of the Central Council for Health Education, 1927-1968." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b6e412ea-c4de-4029-bf3f-5ec41cc9dc17.
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This dissertation examines the organisational background to the modern British health education movement, largely by reference to the origins and forty years' history of the Central Council for Health Education (1927-1968), the first body attempting to impart leadership and national coherence to a diffuse and eclectic field of educational practice and health promotion which has found secure administrative foundations difficult to establish. The study begins with a review of nineteenth and early twentieth century influences contributing to the character and status of the movement in its pioneering years. The predominantly propagandist roots and voluntary sector affinities with which it emerged from half and century's precursory endeavours profoundly affected health education's opportunities to advance with other aspects of health care and education in the inter-war years. By then, health education had become a diffuse and unco-ordinated field of minor, local authority initiatives and separatist campaigning by specialist, national health charities, remaining largely outside the remit of health and education professions and neglected officially. How the challenge of countering developmental difficulties fell to a minor professional body rather than an officially promoted one, is a question critical to any interpretation of later developments, and the subject of further enquiry. Subsequent investigation focuses on the evolution of the central agency which resulted, the Central Council for Health Education, particularly its thirty years' quest for official recognition and stature, and the strategies and services devised in this cause. It is a story of persistent and widespread enterprise, significant in many of its ideas but constrained in their effective development by enduring failure to attract Government support and to progress beyond the limited subscription income and essentially propagandist aspirations of local public health services. Adjudged ineffective by the 'Cohen Enquiry' of 1960-64, Government intervation proved forty years late in seeking to redress the problems of inadequate central provision, when in 1968 an officially funded Health Education Council replaced its neglected predecessor. The investigation reveals the classical dilemma of a multi-disciplinary field failing to transcend the divisive character of its own interests, in search for developmental coherence, and failing, consequently, to command effective professional and political support.
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Lind, Amanda. "The Power of the Human Rights Council : A comparative case-study of Afghanistan and Russia." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100660.
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The purpose of this thesis is to study the power and capacity of the UN Human Rights Council to promote and protect human rights through the recommendations by the Special Procedures and the Universal Periodic Review. The aim is then to analyse the recommendations and their effect by using the Concept of power by Robert Dahl (2007). The essay aims to answer the question if the Human Rights Council has power over the countries Russia and Afghanistan together with the questions about the effect of the recommendations. The method chosen for this thesis is qualitative one as it is a comparative case-study. As a theory is used as a lens to analyse the findings it is an abductive study. The conclusion of this study is that the recommendations have not succeeded to promote or protect human rights in Afghanistan or Russia and thus the Human rights Council has no power.
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Ernst, Jason Brian. "Migrants in the Gulf: A Critical Assessment of the Social, Cultural, and Economic Implications of Migrant Workers in the Countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/144342.
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Jäglin, Joel. "Discrimination with regard to economic and social rights of Roma : A study of the international obligations of Serbia in the human rights system of the Council of Europe." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-52720.
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Farhan, Abdi Gurhan. "Examining the impact of Security Council Resolution 2036 (2012) on Somalia’s Peace and State-building Efforts : A study on repercussions of neighbouring country’s participation in UN-mandated peacekeeping mission." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-42949.
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There is an incredible plethora of research studies on Peace Operations, Peacebuilding, and Statebuilding Studies; however, the literature on the deployment of neighbouring forces in peacekeeping operations has not been as broad as in-depth as other studies. This thesis aims to contribute to intervention theories, especially when the neighbouring countries play a specific part. Thus, the thesis aims at closing specific theoretical and empirical gaps. In so doing, this thesis looks momentarily at the roles played by the colonial past's effects at the birth of the Somali state. However, the thesis compounds' main theoretical focus on examining the concept of peace and conflict theories and empirically analysing regional interventions, particularly Kenya's intervention into Somalia militarily and the UN adaptation of resolution 2036(2012) and its impact on Somalia’s peacebuilding and statebuilding efforts.
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Santos, Alberto Kirilauskas Rodrigues dos. "Gestão municipal participativa: uma análise do papel do Conselho Municipal do Meio Ambiente de Ubatuba no processo de revisão do zoneamento ecológico-econômico do Litoral Norte paulista." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/91/91131/tde-14032018-104233/.
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O intenso processo de urbanização decorrente de um crescimento populacional acelerado da zona costeira paulista, região dotada de grande riqueza socioambiental, impõe desafios para a construção e implementação de políticas públicas que evitem ou mitiguem os impactos socioambientais negativos. Com vistas a ordenar esse desenvolvimento, foram criados os Planos de Gerenciamento Costeiro, inicialmente no âmbito federal na década de 80 e 90 e, posteriormente, no estado de São Paulo, em 1998. Inserido no conjunto de instrumentos existentes nesses planos, aquele de maior relevância é o Zoneamento Ecológico-Econômico (ZEE), que objetiva orientar o uso do solo em escala regional. No Litoral Norte paulista, o município de Ubatuba constitui um caso pertinente para o estudo da revisão do ZEE, em particular considerando o lugar de seu Conselho Municipal do Meio Ambiente (CMMA), composto por representantes do poder público e da sociedade civil organizada, neste processo. Essa região do litoral paulista, composta também por Caraguatatuba, Ilhabela e São Sebastião, possui um ZEE datado de 2004, que de acordo com as normas legais deve ser revisado a cada dez anos. Desse modo, a presente dissertação visa analisar o papel do CMMA nesse processo de revisão, observando que os conselhos de políticas públicas são entendidos como espaços promissores de aprofundamento democrático.The intense urbanization process resulting from an accelerated population growth in the coastal zone of São Paulo, a region with great social and environmental wealth, poses challenges for the construction and implementation of public policies that avoid or mitigate negative social and environmental impacts. In order to order this development, the Coastal Management Plans were created, initially at the federal level in the 1980s and 1990s and later in the state of São Paulo in 1998. Included in the set of instruments in these plans, relevance is the Ecological-Economic Zoning (ZEE), which aims to guide land use on a regional scale. In the North Coast of São Paulo, the municipality of Ubatuba is a relevant case for the study of the review of the EEZ, in particular considering the place of its Municipal Environmental Council (CMMA), composed of representatives of public power and organized civil society, in this process. This region of the coast of São Paulo, which also includes Caraguatatuba, Ilhabela and São Sebastião, has a ZEE dating from 2004, which according to the legal norms should be reviewed every ten years. Thus, the present dissertation aims at analyzing the CMMA\'s role in this revision process, noting that the public policy councils are understood as promising spaces for democratic deepening.
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Bekele, Eskedar A. "Implications of ECOSOCC's mandate for the promotion and protection of human rights in Africa: inquiry into the relationship between ECOSOCC and the human rights organs of the African Union." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1209.
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"By promoting and defending human rights and freedoms, by promoting the participation of African civil society in the implementation of the policies and programmes of the African Union (AU), and by forging greater partnership between social and professional groups and governments, the Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC) will play a critical role in the promotion and protection of human rights in Africa. However, it is far from clear how this important organ is related to human rights organs of the AU which includes the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the African Commission), the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (the African Court) and the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (Committee of Experts). How can effective relationships between ECOSOCC on the one hand, and these human rights organs on the other, be achieved for the realisation of the human rights mandate of ECOSOCC? ... The essay comprises five chapters. Chapter one is [an] introduction and begins by posing the research question and the justification for the research. Chapter two gives the introduction of ECOSOCC, its background, structure and mandates and looks into the satutes of ECOSOCC, its draft rules of procedure and its strategic plan for the years 2005-2007. Chapter three makes a comparative analysis with other regional human rights sytems, namely the Council of Europe and the Organisation of American States as a point of inspiration for the African system. Under chapter four, the research discusses and analyses the possible relationships and coordinative mechanisms ECOSOCC can create with the human rights organs of the African Union in order to fulfil its human rights mandate. Chapter five makes a conclusion and concrete recommendations." -- Introduction.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006.
Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Alejandro Lorite Escorihuela at the Faculty of Law, American University in Cairo, Egypt
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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CARNEIRO, André Pereira. "Diálogo social e neoliberalismo : análise comparativa dos conselhos econômicos e sociais da Espanha, de Portugal e do Brasil (1991-2016)." Universidade Federal de Alfenas, 2016. https://bdtd.unifal-mg.edu.br:8443/handle/tede/897.
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A ideologia neoliberal se manifestou predominante, após a crise vivenciada a partir do fim da
década de 70, com a defesa da necessidade de diminuição do aparato estatal e a ampliação da
liberdade dos agentes econômicos, o que interferiu no modelo de democracia vigente. Sob a
perspectiva dessa ideologia, o modelo de democracia então hegemônico se viu reforçado,
dando-se prevalência ao sistema representativo, bem como se sedimentando a questão
puramente procedimental, vinculada apenas ao sufrágio universal e despida da perspectiva
moral de alteração da sociedade. Isso acabou aumentando a desigualdade e fortalecendo a
influência do mercado e agentes externos sobre as políticas públicas. Com isso, a democracia
se viu afetada com o crescimento da apatia social e dos questionamentos quanto à política, já
que a alternância de projetos não existe. Como forma de mitigar esses problemas, a ampliação
da participação social seria o instrumento, sendo isso defendido inclusive por agências
multilaterais, como a OIT, ao trazer o diálogo social como um de seus objetivos estratégicos.
Ele seria utilizado para ampliar a discussão a respeito das políticas econômicas e sociais,
permitindo a construção de soluções alternativas e concertadas. Dentro desse contexto de
dominação da ideologia neoliberal, viu-se a criação de Conselhos Econômicos e Sociais na
Espanha, em Portugal e no Brasil. Na Espanha e em Portugal, a criação ocorreu em um
momento em que eram necessárias grandes reformas para adequação desses países aos
ditames da União Europeia, mormente em razão da premente unificação monetária. No Brasil,
a criação foi apresentada como um instrumento para fazer frente àquele predomínio
ideológico, tendo sido assentada, como uma de suas funções, a construção de um novo pacto
social. Levando em conta essa realidade vivenciada, o presente estudo objetiva analisar se o
diálogo social institucionalizado nos Conselhos Econômicos e Sociais desses países realmente
serviu de instrumento para uma maior participação social e para a criação de alternativas
concertadas para o desenvolvimento econômico e social. A hipótese a ser trabalhada é que a
prática dos Conselhos na Espanha, em Portugal e no Brasil é parecida, no sentido de dar
legitimidade às políticas econômicas e sociais ou ao governo, apesar de o discurso de criação
ser distinto. Para possibilitar esse estudo, o segundo capítulo traz a vinculação da democracia
ao capitalismo, principalmente no período de dominação ideológica do neoliberalismo. O
terceiro capítulo faz um apanhado histórico a partir do processo de redemocratização até a
criação dos Conselhos. No quarto, são apresentadas as características institucionais e a
evolução do diálogo social com a criação dos Conselhos. Para apresentar essa evolução,
foram utilizados artigos a respeito do diálogo social naqueles países e documentações
primárias fornecidas por cada um dos Conselhos, sendo utilizados os pareceres feitos pelo
pleno dos Conselhos da Espanha e de Portugal e as atas e discursos das reuniões ordinárias do
Conselho do Brasil. No quinto capítulo, são apontados problemas vistos no processo de
participação social institucionalizada. Para, na sequência, ser apresentada a conclusão de que
a institucionalização do diálogo social não serviu para a pensada ampliação democrática.The neoliberal ideology has manifested prevalent after the crisis experienced from the end of the 70’s, with its defense of the need to reduce the state apparatus and of the expansion of freedom of the economic agents, which interfered in the model of the democracy. From the perspective of this ideology, the hegemonic model of democracy was reinforced, giving prevalence to the representative system, as well as consolidating the purely procedural matter, linked only to the universal suffrage and without the moral perspective of change in society. This has increased inequality and strengthened the influence of the market and external stakeholders on public policy. Therefore, democracy was affected with the growth of social apathy and questions about the politic, since the alternation of projects does not exist. In order to mitigate these problems, increasing social participation would be the instrument and this was defended even by multilateral agencies such as the ILO, to bring social dialogue as one of its strategic objectives. The social dialogue would be used to broaden the discussion of economic and social policies, enabling the construction of alternatives and concerted solutions. Within this context of domination of neoliberal ideology, it has been seen the creation of Economic and Social Councils in Spain, Portugal and Brazil. In Spain and Portugal, the creation occurred at a time when they were needed to do major reforms to adapt these countries to the dictates of the European Union, especially given the proximity of the monetary union. In Brazil, the creation was presented as a tool to counter to that ideological predominance and it was placed, as one of its functions, the construction of a new social pact. Considering this reality, the study aims to analyze if the social dialogue institutionalized in the Economic and Social Councils of these countries actually served as an instrument for a greater social participation and for the creation of concerted alternatives for economic and social development. The hypothesis to be worked is that the practice of these Councils in Spain, Portugal and Brazil is similar, in order to give legitimacy to economic and social policies or the government, despite the difference of speech in their creation. To enable this study, the second chapter provides the linkage of democracy to capitalism, especially during the period of ideological domination of neoliberalism. The third chapter makes a historical overview from the democratization process until the creation of the Councils. In the fourth, the institutional characteristics and evolution of the social dialogue with the creation of the Councils are showed. To display this evolution, it was used articles about the social dialogue in those countries and primary documentation provided by each of the Councils, that being the opinions made by the plenary of the Councils of Spain and Portugal and the minutes and speeches of the regular meetings of the Council of Brazil. In the fifth chapter, it is singled out problems seen in the process of the institutionalized social participation. After that, it is presented the conclusion that the institutionalization of social dialogue was not used to the democratic expansion as thought.
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Engelbrechtová, Nicole. "Současné vnitřní proměny Číny a vliv na mezinárodní vztahy v 21. století." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201955.
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The thesis deals with China's Internal Challenges and the Impact on International Relations in the 21st century. First it analyses the transformation of the middle class, urbanisation and the one-child policy. After that the thesis deals with the economic boom of China, its present position in the world economy and its domestic and foreign investments. Attention is also focused on the increasing assertiveness of China in foreign affairs, particularly with regard to its voting in the UN Security Council. Finally, the thesis analyses the problems of disputed island and interior territories that China claims.
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Gogi, Andile. "An investigation of the role of community development workers: Bitou municipality." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1015689.
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This treatise investigates the role of Community DevelopmentWorkers, with reference to the Bitou Municipality. The treatise comprises five chapters. The concept of Community Development Programme is fairly new in South Africa; therefore, further research is needed on the subject. A literature review was done to establish the concept and the background of the CDWP. A questionnaire was developed in order to obtain primary data from a selected sample group. The data obtained from the questionnaire was statistically analysed and interpreted. The core findings from the analysed questionnaire indicated the following: (a) CDWs clearly understand their role and responsibility, but there is a need for roles and functions to be clearly defined, with detailed terms of reference, to ensure a common understanding with other stakeholders, e.g. Ward Committees, Councillors, Non-governmental organisations, Communitybased organisations, and members of the community. (b) living conditions in the wards improved following the introduction of the CDWP. (c) there is a good relationship between CDWs, Ward Committees and Ward Councillors, but there is also a perception that Ward Committees and Community Development Workers constantly clash or compete in the wards in which they serve. (d) CDWs should not be affiliated to the ruling or any political party. (e) CDWs are confused regarding who is responsible for their remuneration (the Municipality or the Provincial Department of Local Government).
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Cyr, Yves. "Le sommet socio-économique de la M.R.C. Antoine-Labelle : 1991-1995 : une forme de mouvement social, un mécanisme d'adaptation, une forme de développement endogène? /." Thèse, Chicoutimi : Hull : Université du Québec à Chicoutimi ;. Université du Québec à Hull, 1995. http://theses.uqac.ca.
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Thèse (M.E.R.) -- Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, avec l'Université du Québec à Hull, 1995.Page 99 manquante. CaQCU Bibliogr.: f. 209-216. Document électronique également accessible en format PDF. CaQCU
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Acosta, Juan. "Essays on the history of macroeconometric modeling and the evolution of economic analysis at the Federal Reserve." Thesis, Lille 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LIL1A005/document.
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Cette thèse est composée de quatre articles qui analysent l’évolution de l’analyse économique au sein de la Réserve fédérale et le développement des modèles macroéconométriques aux Etats Unis pendant les années cinquante et soixante. Le premier article, « Roosa et Samuelson sur l'efficacité de la politique monétaire », porte sur les différents types d'arguments utilisés par Robert Roosa (Banque de la Réserve Fédérale de New York) et Paul Samuelson (Massachussetts Institute of Technology) au sujet du rôle des banques dans l'efficacité de la politique monétaire au début des années cinquante. Roosa souligne l'importance de prendre en compte les caractéristiques du système financier des États-Unis et son évolution. Son argumentation se fond sur l'intuition acquise dans son activité quotidienne sur le marché monétaire à New York. Samuelson, quant à lui, transforme le débat et le réduit à la question de l'existence d'un équilibre avec rationnement sur le marché du crédit. Bien que Samuelson n’ait pas proposé de modèle mathématique, il a ainsi orienté le débat dans une direction plus proche du langage des économistes, reposant sur les concepts d'équilibre et comportement rationnel. Dans le deuxième article, « La modélisation macroéconométrique et le comité sur la stabilité économique (CES) du SSRC, 19591963 », Erich PinzónFuchs et moi même discutons l’élaboration d'un modèle qui a jeté les bases de la macroéconométrie des années soixante. Nous analysons, à l’aide de l’étude du travail individuel des chercheurs impliqués et des retranscriptions de leurs réunions annuels, comment le modèle a été construit par un groupe d’une vingtaine de chercheurs. Nous signalons l'importance des liens que ce projet a institué entre les économistes, différentes agences gouvernementales, et des thinktanks comme la Brookings Institution. Dans le troisième article, « Le comportement des banques dans les modèles macroéconométriques des années soixante », Goulven Rubin et moi même étudions l’intégration du choix de portefeuille pour les banques et le traitement du rationnement du crédit dans ces modèles. Nous démontrons que le modèle de la Réserve fédérale est plus transparent que les modèles précédents dans la mesure où la structure du marché monétaire est plus claire. Un effort a été réalisé pour clarifier le rapport entre les équations fonctionnaires de la Réserve fédérale pour explorer ces méthodes et leurs possibles usages pour guider la politique monétaire. estimées et les choix microéconomiques des banques. Par rapport au rationnement du crédit, nous soulignons l’effort des modélisateurs pour l'inclure dans les modèles malgré la difficulté à observer ce rationnement directement. Leurs efforts pour favoriser la mesure a permis d’inclure ce rationnement dans le modèle, mais avec des résultats limités en termes d’implication analytique du rationnement sur la politique monétaire. Dans le quatrième article, « La transformation de l'analyse économique à la Réserve fédérale pendant les années soixante », Béatrice Cherrier et moi même utilisons les données biographiques des fonctionnaires de la Réserve Fédérale, des témoignages, et des archives, pour montrer comment la modélisation économétrique et les prévisions ont trouvé une place au sein de la Réserve Fédérale. Nous montrons, en particulier, que l’arrivée de ces méthodes a été la conséquence des pressions externes mais aussi de la volonté des fonctionnaires de la Réserve fédérale pour explorer ces méthodes et leurs possibles usages pour guider la politique monétaireThis dissertation contains four papers that discuss the transformation of economic analysis at the Federal Reserve and the development of large-scale macroeconometric models during the 1950s and 1960s in the United States. The first paper is titled “Roosa and Samuelson on the effectiveness of monetary policy.” I discuss the different types of arguments used by Robert Roosa (Federal Reserve Bank of New York) and Paul Samuelson (MIT) in their discussion about the effectiveness of monetary policy in the early 1950s. Roosa emphasized the importance of lenders’ willingness to lend and, in general, of taking into account the details of the evolution of the American financial system. He presented an argument based on the intuition acquired in his participation—as an official of the New York Federal Reserve— in the New York money market. Samuelson, for his part, transformed the debate by reducing it to a discussion about the existence of an equilibrium with rationing in the credit market. Although Samuelson did not provide a mathematical model, he did transform the debate into a discussion palatable for economists, based on concepts like equilibrium and rational behavior. The second paper is titled “Macroeconometric modeling and the SSRC’s Committee on Economic Stability, 1959-1963.” Erich Pinzón-Fuchs and I discuss the construction of a macroeconometric model (1960-1963) that laid the bases for subsequent large-scale macroeconometric models of the 1960s. We discuss how, using an approach based on individual work together with two long annual conferences, the model was built by a team of more than 20 researchers. We also point out the important connections that the project helped establish between economists in academia, the government, and the Federal Reserve. The third paper is titled “Bank behavior in large-scale macroeconometric models of the 1960s.” Goulven Rubin and I discuss the implementation of a portfolio choice framework and the inclusion of credit rationing by banks in these models. We found that the Fed-MIT-Penn model has a more transparent structure: the structure of the money market is clearer, as is the relationship of its equations with the microeconomic choices of banks. Regarding credit rationing, we found that modelers made important efforts to include it despite its non-observable nature and to develop a measure of it. Once a measure was found, and despite constant negative results, modelers kept trying to find a place for credit rationing in their model. These results invite a deeper reflection on the idea of microfoundations in large-scale macroeconometric models and on the role of beliefs in macroeconometric modeling. The fourth paper is “The transformation of economic analysis at the Federal Reserve during the 1960s.” Béatrice Cherrier and I use biographical data, reminiscences, and archival sources to show how econometric modeling and forecasting found a place at the Federal Reserve. We show, in particular, that the arrival of these methods was in part the consequence of external pressures, but also of the will of Fed officials interested in exploring the possible uses of these methods for monetary policymaking. There was no simple takeover by econometricians at the Federal Reserve but, instead, an equilibrium between judgmental and econometric forms of analysis emerged by the early 1970s
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Kurowicka, Anna. "El color de la (in)visibilidad. Las comunidades negras del campo en Brasil y las políticas de reconocimiento. Un estudio comparativo." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666481.
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Esta tesis tiene como eje central la problemática de la invisibilidad social, económica y política de las comunidades negras del medio rural en Brasil, frente a las políticas de reconocimiento de las comunidades remanentes de quilombos como grupos étnicos minoritarios, con un estatus legal diferenciado. Se pretende debatir sobre los procesos de construcción (o no) del espacio de visibilidad por parte de estos grupos en dicho contexto jurídico, establecido a través de las directivas constitucionales brasileñas que hacen referencia a los derechos territoriales y culturales para la gente negra (Art 68, 215 y 216). Observando el momento actual de la cuestión de la lucha reivindicativa de este segmento de la población brasileña, se puede percibir una gran movilización en el sentido de alcanzar los derechos garantizados por la Carta Magna, frente a la realidad de la escasez de dichos reconocimientos. Esta situación influye de una manera significativa para la reconfiguración del escenario de las (in)visibilidades sociales en Brasil, en el que se inscribe la de las comunidades negras rurales, no necesariamente disminuyendo el mismo fenómeno de la invisibilidad. El estudio se constituye en una comparativa de tres localidades vecinas del municipio de Codó (Estado de Maranhao), cuyas grandes similitudes encuentran su desafío al tropezar con las realidades demarcadas por los (no) reconocimientos como remanentes de quilombos.This dissertation has as its central axis the problem of social, economic and political invisibility of rural black communities in Brazil, in the context of the recognition policies for the remnants of marron communities as ethnic minority groups, with a distinct legal status. It is intended to discuss the process of construction (or not) of the visibility space by these groups in this legal context, which it has been established through Brazilian constitutional directives referring to territorial and cultural rights for black people (Art 68 , 215 and 216). Looking at the present time the question of the struggle for demands of this segment of the Brazilian population, one can notice a large mobilization meaning to achieve the rights guaranteed by the Constitution, face to the reality of scarcity of such recognition. This situation significantly influences a scenario of reconfiguration of the social (in)visibilities in Brazil, in which the rural black communities situation is inserted, not necessarily decreasing the phenomenon of invisibility. The study is a comparison of three neighboring villages in the municipality of Codo (state of Maranhao), whose great similarities find their challenge when encountering the realities demarcated by the (non) recognition as remnants of the marron communities.
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PORFILIO, AMELIO. "Il welfare state incontra l’Unione europea: dalla costituzione economica europea ad un modello sociale europeo." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/807.
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La tesi si snoda lungo tre piani di analisi per esaminare i rapporti fra Unione europea e welfare state. Innanzitutto, essa guarda alla CEE come organizzazione sorta principalmente per perseguire l’integrazione economica degli Stati membri senza interferire sulla loro funzione di welfare. Nel ripercorrere l’evoluzione delle competenze sociali dell’Unione europea, la tesi suggerisce come i sussistenti limiti procedurali e sostanziali evidenzino quella logica.
In secondo luogo, la tesi ricorre alla categoria di costituzione economica europea al fine di spiegare la limitazione di sovranità cui gli Stati membri sono andati incontro per favorire l’attuazione del principio di libertà economica. Su questa base, vengono enucleati taluni effetti prodotti dalla costituzione economica europea sul welfare state. Un’attenzione particolare è dedicata ai riflessi della costituzione economica in materia pensionistica.
Infine, la tesi guarda alle innovazioni apportate dalla Strategia di Lisbona e dal Trattato di Lisbona, con particolare riguardo al rafforzamento del metodo aperto di coordinamento ed all’entrata in vigore della Carta dei diritti fondamentali. In questa luce, si coglie la tendenza all’edificazione di un modello sociale europeo. Avendone discusso genesi e sviluppo, vengono illustrati i suoi tratti distintivi ed i suoi riflessi sulle politiche nazionali di sicurezza sociale e del lavoro.The thesis examines the relationship between European Union and Welfare State under three different perspectives. Firstly, it looks at the EEC as an organization pursuing economic integration of Member States while not interfering with their welfare function. In tracing the evolution of the social competences of the European Union, it is highlighted how the original logic still underlies the existence of procedural and substantive limits to those competences. Second, the thesis draws on the category of European economic constitution to explain how Member States bounded their sovereignty in order to give full effect to economic freedom. On that basis, the thesis describes some of the inroads made by the European economic constitution into national welfare states, with special attention to its effects on pension systems. Finally, the thesis looks at some of the innovations introduced by the Lisbon Strategy and the Lisbon Treaty, focusing on the strengthening of the Open Method of Co-ordination and the entry into force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights. In this perspective, the thesis captures the emergence of a European social model. Having discussed origins and development of the European social model, its main distinctive features and reflexes on domestic social policies are spelled out.
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Mowell, Barry D. "Degree and Patterns of Formal NGO Participation within the United Nations Economic and Social Committee (ECOSOC): An Appraisal of NGO Consultative Status Relative to Political Pluralism." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3213.
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The United Nations (UN) has invested increasing levels of effort in recent decades to cultivate a more effective, diverse and democratic institutional culture via the inclusion of and interaction among international civil society organizations (CSOs) and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to supplement the traditional role of states as the primary transnational actors. The principle vehicle for the UN-civil society dynamic is the consultative status (CS) program within the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), wherein a diverse range of nearly 5,000 transnational organizations ostensibly participate.
This research examined patterns of participation and the nature/level of CSO/NGO involvement within the UN, with particular focus upon ECOSOC. In examining participation patterns, the research identified patterns related to geographical/proportional representation among developed and developing regions and world regions in general and also as related to policy/issue areas represented. In terms of involvement, the research sought to assess the types and degree of contributions being made by CSOs/NGOs in association with the UN. To address both areas, the research employed a two-prong methodology including (1) a detailed analysis of the UN’s online integrated Civil Society Organizations (iCSO) database and (2) a comprehensive survey questionnaire mailed to a randomly-selected sample of 10% of all organizations holding consultative status with UN-ECOSOC.
The findings challenge the assumption that UN association with international civil society has realized pluralist ideals in that substantial variations were found to exist in the representation of policy/issue areas, with some areas far better represented than others. Perhaps more importantly, the research revealed that only a minority of organizations in the ECOSOC-CS program appear to be actively/regularly engaged with the UN, with a large minority of CS-accredited organizations engaged only periodically or to a more limited extent, and a substantial minority not participating/interacting in any way. Rather than exemplifying pluralism within the constructivist tradition, findings imply support for liberal institutionalist theories in that decades-long expansion of IGO influence has facilitated a corollary expectation of expanding international civil society and an associated expectation of linkages between transnational governance and democratic institutions on the one hand and transnational civil society on the other as a standardized norm.
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Artis, Amélie. "La finance solidaire : un système de relations de financement." Phd thesis, Université de Grenoble, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00758990.
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La finance solidaire se caractérise par un système de relations de financement entre des agents économiques : une relation de confiance découlant d'espaces de socialisation, une relation d'accompagnement facilitant la construction d'anticipations convergentes, et une relation financière stricto sensu. Elle s'inscrit dans les mutations socioéconomiques institutionnelles qui affectent l'offre et la demande de financement. Elle construit de nouvelles réponses à destination des agents productifs exclus du fait des transformations de la régulation financière, prenant ainsi en charge des espaces de financement périphériques nécessaire à la durabilité du système financier dominant. La finance solidaire est mise en œuvre par des organisations diversifiées partageant des caractéristiques particulières. Elle est l'expression d'une convention de financement solidaire territorialisée qui repose sur des modalités d'acquisition de l'information à la fois personnalisées et normalisées, sur des garanties collectives et sur l'association de différentes parties prenantes (associations, banques coopératives et lucratives, entreprises, collectivités territoriales). La diversité et l'articulation de ressources de nature différente engagent la finance solidaire à ancrer son action dans un compromis entre plusieurs logiques d'actions, aux fondements plus ou moins stables. Du fait de cette nature partenariale, les organisations de finance solidaire évoluent dans un environnement non concurrentiel qui assure néanmoins des moyens de financement pour la re-dynamisation d'une partie des activités économiques de proximité. Elle contribue ainsi à l'adaptation du système financier tout en proposant de diffuser des règles de financement innovantes.
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Amaral, Rodrigo Augusto Duarte [UNESP]. "Ocupação e reconstrução do Iraque: a atuação da Coalizão de Autoridade Provisória (2003-2004)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/150176.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Entre março de 2003 e junho de 2004, os Estados Unidos da América, em conjunto com a Grã-Bretanha, ocuparam o Iraque e obtiveram o status de Autoridade Provisória emitido pelo Conselho de Segurança da Organização das Nações Unidas (CSONU) na Resolução 1483 para reconstruir o Estado iraquiano após a derrubada do Regime Baath. Pela primeira vez desde o final da segunda Guerra Mundial, uma potência ganhava status de força ocupante pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), sem ser um mandato da ONU propriamente, como usualmente nas operações de paz (Peacekeeping operations) regidas pelo órgão internacional. A invasão do Iraque em 2003, contou com um consenso no pensamento político norteamericano no qual os EUA teriam a responsabilidade e o dever de derrubar o regime de Saddam Hussein, que supostamente cometia crimes contra humanidade, representava uma ameaça à segurança internacional. Em grande medida, a fórmula norte-americana para a invasão e ocupação do Iraque consistiu em justificar suas ações em termos de “razão humanitária” e legitimá-las por meio de mecanismos jurídicos. A execução do plano de ocupação do Iraque contou com um papel fundamental de membros da elite iraquiana da oposição ao Regime Baath em apoio a agenda das potências anglo-americanas. Entretanto, se esse inédito processo de statebuilding for analisado deixando de lado essas premissas humanitárias, ao contrário do que fazem as análises mainstream de política externa dos EUA, pode-se identificar possíveis benefícios político-econômicos consequentes a esse projeto de reconstrução do Iraque. A partir da análise dos documentos oficiais da Coalizão de Autoridade Provisória (CAP) e o questionamento às premissas liberais internacionalistas que pautaram a justificativa e posteriormente as críticas aos resultados da administração da CAP, pudemos identificar possíveis benefícios político-econômicos aos EUA e suas corporações durante os 14 meses de ocupação. Sobretudo nos setores de energia, agricultura, serviços de segurança e infraestrutura, e ainda outros benefícios financeiros a setores não-estatais (como das Organizações não Governamentais e as economias informais). Em termos de poder, a ocupação resultou na aproximação entre EUA e Iraque de domínio norte-americano, e em termos de mercado a CAP liberalizou a economia iraquiana permitindo acesso de multinacionais a diversos setores do mercado iraquiano. Assim, evidencia-se a consolidação de uma agenda político-econômica iraquiana submissa aos interesses norte-americanos.
Between March 2003 and June 2004, the United States of America (US), together with Britain, occupied Iraq and obtained the status of Provisional Authority granted by the UN Security Council in Resolution 1483 to rebuild the Iraqi state after the overthrow of the Baath Regime. For the first time since the end of World War II, an international power gained occupying power status through United Nations (UN), without being a UN proper mandate, as usually in peacekeeping operations governed by the international body. The 2003 invasion of Iraq had a consensus in American political though that the United States would have the responsibility and duty to overthrow Saddam's regime, which allegedly committed crimes against humanity, posed a threat to international security. To a large extent, the American formula for the invasion and occupation of Iraq consisted in justifying its actions in terms of "humanitarian reason" and legitimizing them by means of legal mechanisms. Implementation of the Iraq occupation plan had a key role for members of the Iraqi opposition elite to the Baath Regime in support of the Anglo-American powers agenda. However, if this unprecedented statebuilding process is analyzed by leaving aside these humanitarian premises, unlike the mainstream US foreign policy analysis, one can identify possible political-economic benefits that result from this reconstruction project in Iraq. Based on the analysis of the official documents of the Provisional Authority Coalition (CPA) and questioning the internationalist liberal premises that guided the justification and later criticism of the results of CPA administration, we were able to identify possible political-economic benefits to the US and its corporations during The 14 months of occupation. Particularly in the energy, agriculture, security services and infrastructure sectors, as well as other financial benefits to non-state sectors (such as NGOs and informal economies). In terms of power, the occupation resulted in the US-Iraq approaching of US dominance, and in terms of market CPA liberalized the Iraqi economy allowing multinational access to various sectors of the Iraqi market. Thus, it is evident the consolidation of an Iraqi political-economic agenda submissive to the North American interests.
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Zou, Zhaomin. "La transition financière chinoise : un modèle de financement alternatif dans un contexte de libéralisation financière." Phd thesis, Université de Grenoble, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00973231.
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Cette thèse étudie le processus de transformation du système financier chinois dans un contexte de libéralisation financière. Son objectif est de questionner les possibilités d'établir un modèle de financement alternatif en faveur du développement économique des pays en développement. Cette recherche montre que l'expérience de la transition financière en Chine peut être considérée comme un cas de figure pertinent, traduisant la portée des approches de répression financière et les écueils des politiques de libéralisation financière. Elle s'attache à analyser le paradoxe de l'économie chinoise : une performance économique exceptionnelle s'accompagne de la fragilité de son système financier. L'objectif spécifique de ce travail est de discerner les spécificités de la transition financière chinoise afin de contribuer à une meilleure compréhension de la structure financière chinoise actuelle, de son efficacité pour le développement économique du pays et de l'impact de l'ouverture financière sur la stabilité de son système financier.
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Lemettre, Aurélie. "L'organisation des instances de représentation du personnel : essai sur un cadre évolutif." Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020034.
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Si le législateur se préoccupe de l’organisation des instances de représentation du personnel, parfois de leur disparition, il n’envisage guère leur évolution. De celle-ci les opérations de restructuration constituent l’un des principaux facteurs. Elles affectent souvent l’organisation des instances de représentation du personnel, ne serait-ce qu’en provoquant une modification de leur cadre d’organisation. Le législateur ne s’en est que faiblement préoccupé laissant aux partenaires sociaux, par voie d’accord, et au juge, au fil de ses arrêts, le soin d’apporter réponse aux questions apparues. Si ce mode de traitement des interrogations que suscite le devenir des instances de représentation du personnel n’est pas dépourvu de mérites, il présente aussi des inconvénients, singulièrement sur le terrain, toujours sensible, de la sécurité juridique. A une intervention du législateur, il est permis d’appeler. Elle pourrait, au demeurant, être l’occasion de repenser le droit de la représentation du personnel afin d’en épurer les lignes et d’en simplifier l’architecture. Les empilements d’instances ne sont pas nécessairement utiles à la défense des intérêts des salariés … et peuvent compliquer à l’excès la gestion de l’entreprise ou du groupeIf the legislator gives active consideration to the organization of the employee representation bodies, sometimes to their disappearance, he hardly considers their evolution. Restructuring operations are one of its main factors. They often have effect on the organization of the employee representation bodies, at least by causing a change of their organizational framework. The legislator has hardly considered it, leaving to the social partners, by agreement, and to the judge, throughout its judgments, the task of providing answers to the occurred questions. If this way of solving the questions coming from the evolution of the employee representation bodies is not devoid of merits, it also has disadvantages, particularly in the area, always sensitive, of legal certainty. It is arguable to call for a legislative intervention. It could, moreover, be an opportunity to rethink the employee representation law in order to refine its lines and to simplify its architecture. The stackings of bodies are not necessarily helpful to the defense of the interests of employees… and can overly complicate the management of company and of group
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Crawford, Jack Edward. "Using Sport as a Tool for Development." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1280778847.
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Langeveldt, Veleska. "(De)legitimizing rape as a weapon of war: patriarchy, narratives and the African Union." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4068.
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Magister Administrationis - MAdminThe African continent has over the past 40 years witnessed a continued scourge of violent conflict and human rights abuses. These conflicts have significantly undermined the social, political, and economic prosperity of African citizens. Additionally, women and children are particularly affected by these conflicts. Women and children are regarded as ‘the most vulnerable’ as they often become the targets of sexual abuse by the enemy. The African Union (AU) is primarily responsible for the resolution of conflicts on the continent. It professes to be committed to the prevention of human rights abuses and the protection of African women (and children) during armed conflicts. It has thus developed an array of mechanisms, protocols, and instruments to address the exploitation and sexual abuse of women during conflict periods. These instruments include: The Constitutive Act of the AU (2000); The Solemn Declaration of Gender Equality in Africa (2003); the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa- ACHPRWA (2004); and the Protocol relating to the Peace and Security Council. In this research project, I consider whether the narratives used in these AU documents sufficiently and explicitly address the use of rape as a strategic weapon during armed conflicts; or whether these narratives inadvertently contribute to a culture that perpetuates war-time rape. My analysis shows that these AU documents deal with war-time rape in very vague and euphemistic terms. Although gender discrimination, sexual violence, exploitation, discrimination, and harmful practices against women are condemned, the delegitimization of rape as a weapon of war is not specifically discussed. This allows for varying interpretations of AU protocols, including interpretations which may diminish the severity of strategic rape. This has lead me to propose that the narratives used in these AU protocols and related documents draw on patriarchy, perpetuate patriarchy, and thus inadvertently perpetuates a culture that perpetuates the use of rape as a weapon of war
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Rioche, Steven. "La représentation du personnel dans l'entreprise : Du regroupement à la fusion." Thesis, Paris 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA020064.
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Assurer l’efficacité du processus décisionnel tout en y associant les salariés : telle est l’équation que s’attache à résoudre le système français de représentation du personnel. Les réformes successives qu’il a connues traduisent bien des incertitudes quant au meilleur moyen d’y parvenir. Fruit d’une lente maturation, la création d’une instance unique, le comité social et économique, est de nature à affecter durablement les relations sociales. Parce qu’elle concentre des pouvoirs jusque-là disséminés, dans les entreprises d’au moins cinquante salariés, entre les délégués du personnel, le comité d’entreprise et le comité d’hygiène, de sécurité et des conditions de travail, cette instance nouvelle constitue a priori un vecteur de simplification des procédures de participation. Favorisant le dialogue, le « nouveau » droit de la représentation du personnel est susceptible d’entraîner de profonds bouleversements. Laissant une large place au contrat collectif, il comporte de multiples facettes. Une analyse systémique est possible, à condition d’identifier les traits saillants d’un déploiement susceptible de remettre en cause, lorsque l’instance est métamorphosée en conseil d’entreprise, la place accordée à la représentation syndicaleCombining an effective decision-making process with worker participation: such an issue is central in the French representation system. A series of reforms emphasized a state of doubt when it comes to the best way to resolve it. Resulting from a slow maturation, the creation of a single representative body, the economic and social council, shall significantly affect labour relations. Concentrating powers previously spread, within companies having at least fifty employees, among staff delegates, the works council and the health and safety committee, this new representative body shall at first glance be a medium of simplification. Stimulating cooperation, the “new” staff representation law will likely produce radical changes. Encouraging collective bargaining, it carries various aspects. A systemic analysis is feasible provided that the key points of its implementation are identified. If this body is transformed into a company council, the situation of the union representation may be challenged
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Brailly, Julien. "Coopérer pour résister : interactions marchandes et réseaux multiniveaux dans un salon d'échanges de programmes de télévision en Europe Centrale et Orientale." Thesis, Paris 9, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA090066.
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Aujourd'hui, dans de nombreux pays, les programmes de télévision de quelques entreprises américaines, les Majors, sont les plus populaires auprès des téléspectateurs. Cette thèse propose d'étudier le processus d'uniformisation culturelle qui a rendu ce phénomène possible en se concentrant sur les interactions commerciales sur le marché de la distribution de programmes de télévision. Nous avons choisi d'observer à la fois les acteurs qui portent cette uniformisation, les Majors, et les autres, qui essaient de résister. Pour ce faire, nous avons privilégié une entrée par les salons. En effet, ce secteur est structuré par un ensemble de salons et festivals, rythmant l'année. La stratégie de captation des Majors consiste à pratiquer des contrats exclusifs et à adopter un comportement de passager clandestin sur les salons. Durant ces derniers, ils sortent de la place de marché officielle, tout en restant à proximité, afin d'attirer les plus gros acheteurs. Ces comportements sont tolérés, car, pour un salon, la participation des Majors est une condition nécessaire à son succès du fait de leur popularité auprès des acheteurs. Au moyen d'une enquête ethnographique, d'une analyse des réseaux d'échanges d'informations et de rendez-vous entre individus, et d'une analyse des réseaux de contrats entre organisations reconstruits sur le principal salon en Europe Centrale et Orientale, nous montrons que les plus faibles peuvent résister en coopérant. Cette coopération correspond souvent à des mécanismes triadiques locaux, à la fois multiniveaux, multimilieux et multiplexes, que nous identifions avec leurs sous-structures et leurs conditions d'apparition, et dont nous testons la probabilité d'occurrenceToday television programs produced by a few American companies, the Majors, are among the most popular with viewers. This dissertation examines the process of cultural uniformisation that has driven this phenomenon by focusing on commercial interactions in the global distribution market for television programs. We observe both the actors who promote this uniformisation, the Majors, and the others, who try to resist it. To do this we look at how trade fairs in this sector work. Indeed, this industry is structured by a set of recurrent and annual trade fairs and festivals. The captation strategy of the Majors consists in offering only exclusive contracts and free-riding on the trade fairs themselves. During these events, they leave the official marketplace while remaining in the close vicinity in order to organize private screenings and attract the buyers with the deepest pockets. This behavior is tolerated because the participation, at least formal, ofthe Majors is vital for the organizers of the trade fairs due to the popularity of their production with buyers and the public. Based on ethnographic observations, organizational analyses and a multilevel network study (i.e. inter-individual networks of information exchange and of scheduled meetings, and inter-organizational networks of contracts between companies) in the main tradefair of Eastern Europe, we show that the weakest parties in the system can cooperate to resist the domination of the Majors. This cooperation is often based on local, triadic mechanisms that are multilevel, multimilieux and multiplex that we identify with their substructures, determinants and probability of occurrence
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Favre, Guillaume. "Des rencontres dans la mondialisation : réseaux et apprentissages dans un salon de distribution de programmes de télévision en Afrique sub-saharienne." Thesis, Paris 9, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA090045/document.
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Cette thèse propose d’étudier la construction sociale d’un marché des programmes de télévision en Afrique subsaharienne. A travers l’étude d’un salon où se rencontrent acheteurs (chaînes de télévision et intermédiaires de distributions) et vendeurs de programmes de télévision (studios, entreprises de distribution et producteurs indépendants), nous cherchons à comprendre comment ce salon entraîne la formation d’un milieu social et participe à l’intégration du marché africain des programmes au marché mondial. En effet, jusque dans les années 2000, une grande partie des chaînes de télévision africaines obtenaient des programmes gratuitement via plusieurs canaux. De lentes évolutions des règlementations et des infrastructures ont conduit ce secteur à adopter peu à peu un fonctionnement marchand. Le salon que nous étudions participe à ce processus puisqu’il est le premier à regrouper des distributeurs internationaux et des chaînes africaines. A travers une enquête ethnographique et trois analyses de réseaux d’échanges d’informations entre les participants menées durant trois ans au cours de différentes éditions du salon, cette thèse étudie comment plusieurs normes marchandes coexistent dans ce salon. Nous étudions le processus d’apprentissage collectif entre les participants du salon et montrons comment cet apprentissage favorise la sélection de normes marchandes communesIn this dissertation, we analyze the social construction of a market of TV programs in Sub-Saharan Africa. Based on the study of a trade fair where buyers (TV channels, distribution intermediaries) and sellers of TV programs (studios, distributors and independent producers) can meet, negotiate, discuss, and close deals, we try to understand how this event participates in the transformation of the ways in which TV programs were “exchanged” in Africa and in the integration of the African TV programs market into the global one. TV programs distribution at the global level has long been considered to be a market. But until recently in Sub-Saharan Africa, TV channels used to acquire programs “for free” through diverse ways. Political, economic and technical evolutions have slowly transformed this sector into a market. The trade fair under examination in this research plays a central role in this evolution because it is the first to bring together the microcosm of this industry. We studied this event for three years and ran three surveys in order to collect social network data and analyze informal information exchange networks between attendees of the events. We study how trade fairs attendees learn from each other and define, select and share market values, norms and rules
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Ennajem, Cécile. "Evolution du rôle du contrôleur de gestion dans un contexte de contrôle de gestion." Phd thesis, Conservatoire national des arts et metiers - CNAM, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00667925.
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Dans le cadre d'un contrôle de gestion décentralisé, nous étudions l'évolution du rôle du contrôleur de gestion sous trois angles, celui de l'utilisation et la conception d'outils de contrôle de gestion utilisés pour le pilotage des activités et intégrant la dimension humaine, celui de sa contribution à la mise en place d'un contrôle de gestion plus proche des opérationnels et celui de l'étude de ses relations interpersonnelles avec les opérationnels. Nos recherches ont débuté dans notre propre service dans un organisme de Recherche-développement, en tant que contrôleur de gestion où nous avons observé et fait évoluer nos propres pratiques durant neuf ans. Ces premiers résultats ont été complétés par ceux d'une recherche-intervention menée dans un grand organisme public belge qui a implanté le contrôle de gestion socio-économique, puis nous avons complété notre recherche par l'observation d'outils de contrôle de gestion socio-économique et de leurs incidences sur le rôle du contrôleur de gestion, dans cinq entreprises de secteurs et de tailles différents.
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Nemar, Khadidja. "Le cadre juridique des opérations militaires de stabilisation et de reconstruction : vers un code de conduite des opérations militaires en situation postconflictuelle fondé sur les droits de l’homme ?" Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0690/document.
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Plus de vingt-six ans après la publication de l’Agenda pour la paix par les Nations-unies, les opérations de stabilisation et de reconstruction menées en Afghanistan et en Iraq marquent une plus grande implication des forces armées dans les opérations de consolidation de la paix. De la conduite des hostilités au maintien de l’ordre dans le cadre de la stabilisation, à la fourniture de projets d’assistance et de développement à la population et de reconstruction de l’État, le rôle des armées s’est avéré central. Dans des situations, où l’État souverain connaît une transformation et une reconstruction de ses institutions, les forces intervenantes endossent un double rôle de « belligérant » face à des insurrections contestant la légitimité du nouvel ordre politique établit après les interventions, et de « souverain » prenant en charge les prérogatives souveraines tant sécuritaires que providentielles des États hôtes. À travers une étude des doctrines et pratiques américaine, britannique et française de ces opérations en Afghanistan et en Iraq, cette thèse a pour objet de définir les défis au droit international créé par ce double rôle des armées lors de situations transitionnelles entre guerre et paix. Face au constat d'’incertitude tant opérationnelle que juridique caractérisant ces opérations, la thèse propose de construire un cadre juridique régulant les activités des forces armées sur ces terrains, fondé sur le droit des droits de l’homme comme lex favorabilis. A partir de cette proposition, des lignes de conduite sont déduites pour traduire les obligations juridiques découlant de l’application des droits de l’homme en règles opérationnellesMore than twenty-six years after the United Nations' released the "Agenda for peace", stabilisation and reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan and Iraq have been marked by a greater involvement of armed forces in peace enforcement and peace building operations. From the conduct of hostilities to law enforcement operations to stabilise the country, to the provision of assistance and development to the population as well as State reconstruction, the role of the military became central. In situations where the sovereign state is undergoing a transformation and a reconstruction of its institutions, the intervening forces assume a dual role of “belligerent” in the face of insurrections challenging the legitimacy of the new political order established by the interventions on one hand, and of “sovereign” role taking over the host States' responsibilities in both its security and welfare functions. Based on a study of “post-conflict stabilisation and reconstruction” doctrines as interpreted and implemented by the armies of the United States of America, the United Kingdom and France in Afghanistan and Iraq, this thesis aims to define the challenges to international law created by this dual role of the military in transitional situations between war and peace. Faced with the operational and legal uncertainty characterising these operations, this thesis proposes a human-rights based legal framework to regulate armed forces activities, using human rights law as a lex favorabilis. On the basis of this proposal, guidelines are drawn to translate into operational rules the legal obligations arising from the application of human rights
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Armillei, Valentino. "La négociation extra-syndicale des accords collectifs d’entreprise : essai sur l’expression de la volonté de la partie salariale." Thesis, Paris 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA020040.
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Appelé pour une large part à se construire sur l’accord collectif d’entreprise, le droit du travail ne peut pas faire l’économie du débat tenant à l’identification de la partie salariale à ce type d’accord. Si l’accord collectif s’est forgé sur le modèle d’une négociation conduite avec les syndicats, leur carence ou leur absence, conjuguées à la nécessité ou à la volonté d’utiliser les nouvelles opportunités offertes par l’accord, imposent la reconnaissance d’autres acteurs. La notion d’accord collectif d’entreprise en ressort profondément troublée, notamment lorsque la collectivité des salariés intervient par voie référendaire pour créer ou valider l’accord collectif. Mais parce que le référendum ne répond pas au modèle de l’accord collectif négocié, une nouvelle summa divisio émerge entre accords collectifs négociés et accords collectifs d’adhésion, dont le régime diffère parfois sensiblement. Insuffisant pour retisser les liens entre les syndicats et les salariés, le référendum se développe en même temps que s’accroît l’intervention d’autres représentants, directement élus par la collectivité des salariés, donc bénéficiant d’une forte légitimité, à tel point que les accords issus de négociations conduites avec eux sont de même nature que ceux conclus avec les syndicats…Largely shaped upon collective bargaining agreement, labour law cannot afford to bypass the debate relating to the identification of the employees party to these agreements. If the collective bargaining agreement was built upon a model of negotiation with the unions, the lack or absence of the latter, combined with the necessity or desire to use the new opportunities offered by the agreement, dictates the acknowledgement of other protagonists. The notion of collective bargaining agreement comes out deeply altered. Employees intervene by way of referendum to create or validate the agreement. But because the referendum does not follow the model of the negotiated collective agreement, a new summa divisio emerges between negotiated agreements and adherence agreements, the regime of which sometimes differs lightly from the former. Insufficient to forge bonds between unions and employees, the referendum develops at the same time as the intervention of other representatives, directly elected by the employees, thus benefitting from a strong legitimacy, to the extent that the agreements resulting from negotiations conducted with them are of the same nature as those concluded with unions
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Hosseinioun, Mishana. "The globalisation of universal human rights and the Middle East." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8f6bdf79-2512-4f32-840a-3565a096ae8d.
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The goal of this study is to generate a more holistic picture of the diffusion and assimilation of universal human rights norms in diverse cultural and political settings such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The overarching question to be investigated in this thesis is the relationship between the evolving international human rights regime and the emerging human rights normative and legal culture in the Middle East. This question will be investigated in detail with reference to regional human rights schemes such as the Arab Charter of Human Rights, as well as local human rights developments in three Middle Eastern states, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Having gauged the take-up of human rights norms on the ground at the local and regional levels, the thesis examines in full the extent of socialisation and internalisation of human rights norms across the Middle East region at large.
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Kinuthia, Wanyee. "“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.
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This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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Marlier, Grant Alexander. "Expanding the circle of protection: the evolution of use of force norms within the UN Security Council." Thesis, 2014. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/15148.
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During the past decade, a significant change in use of force norms took place within the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). The United Nations (UN) is founded on a collective security agreement, which gives the UNSC the power to authorize the use of force to protect UN member-states. The UN Charter explicitly provides the UNSC with a mandate to keep peace between states, not within them. In 2006, however, the UNSC unanimously adopted the "Responsibility to Protect" (R2P) doctrine, which expanded what I call the UNSC's circle of protection to include "human protection." Further, in exceptional circumstances, R2P gives the UNSC the power to authorize the use of force in a country without the consent of its government. Many UNSC members initially resisted institutionalizing R2P, especially those with contested territory and a history of foreign intervention, such as China. This dissertation attempts to explain how and why this change in use of force norms developed. I argue this macro-level change was principally due to two often overlooked factors: an epistemic community pushing the Council to become more empathetic and altruistic, and Council members wanting to gain social status. In order to adequately explain the development of R2P you must explain the significant role the epistemic community played. And to adequately explain the significance of the epistemic community you must explain the significant role empathy played. Further, to sufficiently explain the UNSC's decision to adopt R2P you must explain the significance of China's acceptance. And to sufficiently explain China's acceptance you must explain the significant role status-seeking played. Explanations for the adoption of R2P that do not acknowledge the significant role of empathy and social influence are incomplete and insufficient. Although others have argued emotion and social influence are important causal variables in international relations, few offer specific mechanisms or micro-processes demonstrating how these factors work. This dissertation attempts to fill this gap. The implications are that empathy and status-seeking matter far more to international relations than many suggest.
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Symonds, Krista Jill. "New state spaces or old local places?: the Greater Vancouver Economic Council as a case study of regional governance." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/2226.
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The urban governance literature is currently situated in the nexus of globalization and devolution. On the one hand, scholars are trying to understand the ways that globalization and neoliberalism impact the nation-state. On the other hand. scholars are trying to understand recent changes in urban governance. In New State Spaces: Urban governance and the rescaling of statehood, Neil Brenner tries to bring these two streams of analysis together. He claims that changes to the nation-state have subsequent implications for urban governance in face of capitalist globalization. Brenner bases his argument on examples drawn from Western Europe that span the 1970s to the present. This research investigates Brenner's account by exploring the application for the city of Vancouver and the development of the Greater Vancouver Economic Council. Through the use of a document review and interviews, it is demonstrated that Brenner's account fits at a broad level but falls short under closer scrutiny. Neither the timeline nor the emphasis on urban locational policies are applicable in the Vancouver case. While the neoliberal agenda is identifiable, I argue that local factors - old local places - have a critical impact on the trajectory of regional governance.
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TING, ZHONG HUI, and 鍾惠婷. "The story of “Social Enterprise”－for NPOs which have taken part in the Council of Labor Affairs Executive Yuan’s“Multi-Employment Promotion Program”economic-type projects as an example." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/tny7p2.
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碩士東吳大學
社會學系
101
Since government’s financial status became more and more difficult over the years, cutting down expenditures and giving out subsidizes more competitively are inevitable. It is high time that the NPOs relying on government resource to maintain operation adjust their financial structure to find its way out. Therefore, commercializing the organization is crucial to develop sources of income and stabilize the finances. This study has conducted research on four different NPOs, including the Parents' Association for the Visually Impaired, which have taken part in the Council of Labor Affairs Executive Yuan’s “Multi-Employment Promotion Program”economic-type projects and developed commercial activities with a spirit and operational model similar to that of social enterprise. However, are they social enterprises? What kind of social enterprises are they? And what are the problems they encounter? The major findings of this study are as follows: 1.Four of the NPOs are social enterprises, and their characteristic are:(1)Perform commercial activities .(2)The commercial activities are relevant to the mission of its NGO. (3)The surplus is used for social purposes. 2.Within the organization, the recognition and understanding to social enterprise still needs to be strengthened. Employment training on social enterprise may be beneficial to forge consensus. 3.The social capital of the NPO will affect its development towards social enterprise, and still depend on government financial support considerably. Finally, there is the discussion and recommendation upon the major findings of this study. It also suggests directions for further research and academic development on related issues.
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Moreku, Clement. "Church and community during the Apartheid Era, 1970s-1980s: a focus on the projects of the Transkei Council of Churches (TCC)." Diss., 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/816.
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Neme, Pedro José. "Transiciones abruptas en un modelo de opinión de agentes autopropulsados." Bachelor's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11086/5864.
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Tesis (Lic. en Física)--Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Facultad de Matemática, Astronomía, Física y Computación, 2017.¿Qué es lo que lleva a una sociedad a pasar de una situación social estable a un estado convulsionado o caótico? Los mejores ejemplos de esto son los procesos revolucionarios o las crisis económicas argentinas. En este trabajo presentamos un modelo simple en el que se observan transiciones abruptas en la opinión media del sistema dinámico. Consideramos una sociedad formada por agentes con distintos estados de opinión sobre una determinada cuestión. Dichos estados pueden ser modificados debido a dos procesos; una influencia externa (reflexión/propaganda) o por la interacción entre agentes (persuasión). Encontramos que si la dinámica de interacción no es homogénea en los estados de opinión, un pequeño cambio de alguno de los parámetros del modelo lleva a cambios drásticos en es el estado medio de opinión de la sociedad.
What leads a society to move from a stable social state to a troubled or chaotic one? Examples of this are the bank runs, Argentinian economical crisis, Political Crisis, Abrupts changes in the approval of a politician or distrust in the political sectors. To analize this problem we considered an agent based society with different state of opinion that can change their opinion due to two processes; an external influence (propaganda), and by the interaction between agents (persuasion), generated by the dynamical properties of the model.
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Savard-Lecomte, Marie-Odile. "L'Institut économique de Montréal, un Think Tank influent sur la scène des idées au Québec." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/3926.
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Depuis l’élection de Jean Charest en 2003, nous constatons que les dogmes issus du discours idéologique néolibéral (déréglementation, privatisation, libéralisation et réduction des dépenses publiques) ont régulièrement et fortement inondé tous les domaines de l’espace public québécois, tant chez les élus que chez les grands conglomérats de médias écrits et audiovisuels.
Nous cherchions à savoir qui exerçait une si grande influence pour que rayonnent ces idées conservatrices dans les discours publics au Québec. Nos recherches nous ont menée à un Think Tank québécois : l’Institut économique de Montréal. L’élite intellectuelle qui compose cette organisation a su user d’une influence importante auprès de certains médias écrits, notamment ceux de Gesca, qui, grâce à l’étendue de son puissant réseau social et à son adhésion aux stratégies d’influence de ses pairs, les Think Tanks partisans, a relayé les idées néolibérales de l’IEDM à l’intérieur du discours public québécois. Ce Think Tank a ainsi fait rayonner ses idées dans les pages des quotidiens parmi les plus lus par les Québécois francophones.
De jeunes Think Tanks comme l’IEDM jugent primordial l’accès aux médias pour façonner l’opinion et les politiques publiques. Leur objectif est de réussir à influencer la mise à l’agenda et le cadrage des médias afin qu’ils favorisent leurs propositions et leurs idées.
L’analyse de trois cas a permis de montrer, qu’à trois moments différents, l’IEDM a influencé la mise à l’agenda des quotidiens de Gesca et que le cadrage s’est révélé favorable aux propositions de l’IEDM dans une proportion importante.Since the election of Jean Charest in 2003, we notice that the neoliberal’s ideas (deregulation, privatization, liberalization, and reduction of government expenditures) have regularly inundated all public exchange of ideas in Quebec, from elected politicians to media conglomerates. The author tried to determine how conservative ideas became part of the public discourse in Quebec. Our research lead us to a Quebec think tank: Montreal Economic Institute. The managers of this organization used its important influence with written media, particularly Gesca. Thanks to its large, powerful social network and its influence strategy, the Montreal Economic Institute think tank was able to transmit its neoliberal ideas. In this way, this think tank has spread these ideas in the pages of the most read Quebecois daily newspapers. Young think tanks, such as Montreal Economic Institute, believe that access to the media is essential to shape public opinion and public policy. Their purpose is to influence the setting of the agenda and the framing of discourse in the media to favor the respective think tank’s propositions and ideas. The author analyzed three different cases, at three different times, in which she demonstrates that the Montreal Economic Institute has influenced the agenda setting of Gesca, and that the framing was largely favorable to the Montreal Economic Institute’s propositions.
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Laing, Ralph Steven Ambrose. "The influence of Pope Innocent III on spiritual and clerical renewal in the Catholic Church during thirteenth century South Western Europe." Diss., 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/8638.
Full textAbstract:
The struggle between church and state continued during the thirteenth century. The crusades continued in the East with the advance of Islam. Crusades were also called for to put an end to heresies, in particular the Albigensian heresy. Unfortunately the established orders, such as the Cistercians, failed to combat heresy and to solve the problems of corruption in the Church. Scholastic theology developed with the establishment of the universities. These events influenced the thirteenth century. During the thirteenth century spiritual renewal began with Pope Innocent III. Councils like the Fourth Lateran Council defined church teaching and addressed corruption of the clergy. However, one of the most important sources of spiritual renewal came from the mendicant orders who had been given permission by Pope Innocent III to operate in the Church. These orders contributed immensely to education in the universities and through the Catholic laity culture advanced.Die stryd tussen kerk en staat het voortgegaan gedurende die dertiende eeu. Die kruistogte het voortgeduur in die Ooste met die aanruk van Islam. Kruistogte was ook aangeroep om sodoende ‘n einde te maak aan kettery, veral Albiganiese kettery. Ongelukkig die ontwikkelde heerskappye, soos die Cisteriaanse orde, het nie daarin geslaag om probleme soos kettery en korrupsie in die kerk op te los. Skolastiese teologie het ontwikkel met die vestiging van die universiteite. Hierdie gebeure het ‘n kardinale impak gehad op die dertiende eeu. Gedurende die periode, het geestelik hernuwing begin met Pous Innocent III. Owerhede soos die Vierde Laterniese Owerheid het godsdiens onderrig, gedefinieer en korrupsie aangespreek. Tog, was een van die belangrikste bronne van geestelike hernuwing, die Bedelmonnik Orde, wat toestemming van Pous Innocent III gekry het om in die kerk te handel. Hierdie orde het bygedra tot onderig in universiteite en deur Katoliek leke het kultuur voortgespruit.
Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology
M. Th. (Church History)
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Gingras, Guillaume. "Un effet de composition? : le rôle de la composition culturelle et économique des écoles secondaires fréquentées à 15 ans sur la faible diplomation à 25 ans." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/25163.
Full textAbstract:
L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’analyser le rôle de la composition culturelle et économique des écoles secondaires fréquentées à 15 ans sur l’échec scolaire à 25 ans. À partir des données de Statistique Canada (Enquête sur les jeunes en Transition), nous proposons une analyse originale portant sur l’inégalité des chances en matière de réussite scolaire ou plutôt de l’échec scolaire au secondaire à 25 ans. Théoriquement, nous mobilisons le cadre d’analyse théorique de la reproduction sociale de Pierre Bourdieu. L’originalité de notre approche est double. Nous prenons d’abord en compte à la fois des caractéristiques individuelles des élèves, mais aussi de la composition sociale des établissements qu’ils fréquentent. Nous intégrons par ailleurs à ces deux niveaux d’analyse une multiplicité d’indicateurs identifiés comme importants dans la réussite scolaire : multiplicité pouvant être culturelle, économique, sociale, ethnique et de genre. Nos résultats nous conduisent à constater l’existence d’un double primat du capital culturel en éducation dans la mesure où le niveau d’éducation des parents et le pourcentage de parents sans diplômes dans l’école sont de loin les deux facteurs explicatifs les plus déterminants de l’absence de diplomation du secondaire à 25 ans. Cela nous conduit à critiquer la production d’indices synthétiques de défavorisation par les acteurs scolaires : la proportion de familles monoparentales, divorcées ou vivant seuls, la proportion de chômeurs, le revenu moyen du quartier ou encore la proportion de gens sans diplômes dans l’agglomération d’une école. En plus de ne pas contribuer à prédire l’échec scolaire, ces indices pourraient contribuer à renforcer la stigmatisation des écoles. Enfin, nous montrons que le statut de l’école (public régulier, public enrichi et privé), le genre, l’origine ethnique et le revenu des parents conservent un impact significatif après contrôle du capital culturel au niveau individuel et de l’école.The objective of this thesis is to study the role of the cultural and economic composition of elementary schools attended at age 15, on non-graduation at age 25. Using data from Statistics Canada (Youth in Transition Survey), we proposed an original analysis of the inequality of opportunities in terms of academic success or rather non-success in high school at age 25. Theoretically, we use Pierre Bourdieu's theoretical framework for social reproduction. The originality of our approach is twofold. We first take into account both the individual characteristics of the students, but also the social composition of schools they attend. We also integrate at these two levels a multiplicity of indicators identified as important in educational success: cultural, economic, social, ethnic and gender. Our results lead us to note the existence of a double primacy of cultural capital in education insofar as the level of parents' education and the percentage of parents without a diploma in school are by far the two most important explanatory factors of non-graduation from high school at age 25. The study allowed us to criticize the production of synthetic indices of deprivation by educational actors: the proportion of single-parent families, divorced or living alone, the proportion of unemployed, the average income of the district or the proportion of people without qualifications in the agglomeration. of a school, in addition to not helping to predict academic non-success in high school, could contribute to reinforcing the stigmatization of schools. Finally, we show that the status of the school (regular public, enriched public and private), gender, ethnicity and parental income retain a significant impact after controlling cultural capital at the individual and school level.
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Papy, Jacques. "Vers un marché du carbone au Québec : éléments de réflexion à la lumière de l'analyse économique du droit." Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10527.
Full textAbstract:
Dans le cadre de la Western Climate Iniative, le Québec a déployé en 2012, un système de plafonnement et d’échange de droits d’émission de gaz à effet de serre (SPEDE). Il s’agit de l’un des premiers régimes de ce type en Amérique du Nord et celui-ci pourrait à terme, constituer l'un des maillons d’un marché commun du carbone à l’échelle du continent. Toutefois, le SPEDE appartient à une catégorie d’instruments économiques de protection de l’environnement encore peu connue des juristes. Il s’inscrit en effet dans la régulation économique de l’environnement et repose sur des notions tirées de la théorie économique, dont la rareté, la propriété et le marché. La thèse s’insère donc dans le dialogue entre juristes et économistes autour de la conception et de la mise en œuvre de ce type d’instrument.
Afin d’explorer son architecture et de révéler les enjeux juridiques qui le traversent, nous avons eu recours à la méthode de l’analyse économique du droit. Celle-ci permet notamment de montrer les dynamiques d'incitation et d’efficacité qui sont à l'œuvre dans les règles qui encadrent le SPEDE. Elle permet également à donner un aperçu du rôle décisif joué par la formulation des règles de droit dans l’opérationnalisation des hypothèses économiques sous-jacentes à cette catégorie d’instrument. L’exploration est menée par l’entremise d’une modélisation progressive de l’échange de droits d’émission qui prend en compte les coûts de transaction. Le modèle proposé dans la thèse met ainsi en lumière, de manière générale, les points de friction qui sont susceptibles de survenir aux différentes étapes de l'échange de droits d'émission et qui peuvent faire obstacle à son efficacité économique.
L’application du modèle aux règles du SPEDE a permis de contribuer à l’avancement des connaissances en donnant aux juristes un outil permettant de donner une cohérence et une intelligibilité à l’analyse des règles de l’échange. Elle a ainsi fourni une nomenclature des règles encadrant l’échange de droits d’émission. Cette nomenclature fait ressortir les stratégies de diversification de l’échange, d’institutionnalisation de ses modalités ainsi que les enjeux de la surveillance des marchés, dont celui des instruments dérivés adossés aux droits d’émission, dans un contexte de fragmentation des autorités de tutelle.As part of the launch of the Western Climate Initiative, the province of Québec has implemented on January 1st, 2012, one of the first carbon emissions trading system in North America (CETS). Such a system could in time become part of the emerging regulated market for carbon on the continent. However, it belongs to a category of economic instruments still timidly explored in legal literature. The CETS forms part of the economic regulation of the environment and is based on concepts drawn from the economic theory such as scarcity, property and the market. The thesis aims at contributing to the dialogue between jurists and economists around the design and implementation of this type of instrument. In order to explore its architecture and uncover the legal issues at play, we applied the teachings of law and economics in order to reveal the underlying dynamics of incitation and efficiency built in the CETS regulations and highlight the pivotal role played by the formulation of legal rules in their operationalization. The exploration is conducted through a progressive modelling of the exchange of emission rights, which takes into account transaction costs. The resulting model brings to light friction points that are likely to occur at different stages of the exchange of emission rights and might negatively impact its economic efficiency. The thesis contributes to the advancement of knowledge by offering jurists a coherent and intelligible legal analysis of the rules governing the exchange of emission rights in the CETS. Thus, it provides a systematic arrangement of these rules structured around the diversification strategies of the exchange and the institutionalization of its terms. It also raises market surveillance issues, particularly of the carbon derivatives market, in a context of fragmentation of market authorities.
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Burkhardt, Anne. "Vertrauen und Globale Chartas: Eine Sicht der ökonomischen Ethik." Doctoral thesis, 2015. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A7105.
Full textAbstract:
Der Prozess der Globalisierung hat zu einem enormen Anstieg globaler wirtschaftlicher Interdependenzen und entsprechender Interaktionsmöglichkeiten geführt. Gleichzeitig ist die globale Rahmenordnung als defizitär zu charakterisieren und es stellt sich die Frage nach der Vertrauensbasis globaler wirtschaftlicher Zusammenarbeit.
Vor diesem Hintergrund untersucht die vorliegende Dissertation den Beitrag Globaler Chartas zur Stabilisierung des Vertrauensverhältnisses von (Welt-) Gesellschaftsmitgliedern und transnationalen Unternehmen.
Die Forschungsarbeit verfolgt hierbei zwei Ziele: Erstens die systematische Verortung des Konzepts Vertrauen im Drei-Ebenen-Paradigma der ökonomischen Ethik sowie zweitens die Entwicklung einer Heuristik zur Gestaltung bzw. Weiterentwicklung Globaler Chartas in der Praxis. Die entwickelte Heuristik wird anhand von drei Globalen Chartas beispielhaft illustriert. Zu diesen zählen der UN Global Compact, das Manifest Globales Wirtschaftsethos sowie die Caux Round Table Prinzipien.:1 Einleitung
1.1 Problemexposition
1.2 Theoretischer Zugriff
1.3 Zielsetzung und Vorgehensweise
2 Grundlegende Axiome der ökonomischen Ethik
2.1 Der Grundkonflikt zwischen Gewinn und Moral
2.2 Die erweiterte Goldene Regel
2.3 Unternehmensverantwortung aus Sicht der ökonomischen Ethik
3 Vertrauen als Grundlage gelingender Kooperation
3.1 Der Vertrauensprozess
3.1.1 Vertrauen des Vertrauensgebers
3.1.1.1 Spezifisches Vertrauen
3.1.1.2 Generalisiertes Vertrauen
3.1.2 Vertrauenswürdigkeit des Vertrauensnehmers
3.1.3 Von Vertrauenswürdigkeit und Vertrauen zu Kooperation
3.2 Vertrauen im Drei-Ebenen-Paradigma
3.2.1 Akteure im Drei-Ebenen-Paradigma
3.2.2 Das Drei-Ebenen-Paradigma
3.2.2.1 Spielzüge
3.2.2.2 Spielregeln
3.2.2.3 Spielverständnis
3.2.2.3.1 Begriffsbestimmung
3.2.2.3.2 Funktionen
3.2.3 Relevante Inkonsistenzen
3.3 Investitionsheuristik
3.4 Synopsis
4 Globale Chartas als Investition in den Faktor Vertrauen
4.1 Begriffsbestimmung „Globale Chartas“ als Initiativen der Global
Governance
4.2 Bedingungen der Globalität
4.2.1 Moderne Strukturbedingungen von Interaktionen
4.2.2 Defizitäre globale Rahmenordnung
4.2.3 Globaler (Werte-, Normen- und Motivations-) Pluralismus
4.3 Ansatzpunkte Globaler Chartas im Vertrauensprozess
4.3.1 Globale Chartas als (Meta-) Signal auf Spielzugebene?
4.3.2 Globale Chartas als Institution auf Spielregelebene?
4.3.3 Globale Chartas als Investition in ein gemeinsames Spielverständnis?
4.4 Heuristik zur Gestaltung Globaler Chartas
4.5 Synopsis
5 Illustration der Heuristik
5.1 Der United Nations Global Compact
5.1.1 Zum Bekanntheitsgrad des UNGC
5.1.2 Zum Selbstverständnis des UNGC
5.1.3 Zur Sicherstellung der Glaubwürdigkeit des UNGC
5.1.4 Zum Angebot an belastbaren Orientierungspunkten des UNGC
5.1.5 Zur Ermöglichung der lokalen Interpretation der UNGC
Prinzipien
5.2 Das Manifest Globales Wirtschaftsethos
5.2.1 Zum Bekanntheitsgrad des Manifest Globales Wirtschaftsethos
5.2.2 Zum Selbstverständnis des Manifest Globales Wirtschaftsethos
5.2.3 Zur Sicherstellung der Glaubwürdigkeit des Manifest Globales Wirtschaftsethos
5.2.4 Zum Angebot an belastbaren Orientierungspunkten des Manifest Globales Wirtschaftsethos
5.2.5 Zur Ermöglichung der lokalen Interpretation des Manifest Globales Wirtschaftsethos
5.3 Die Caux Round Table Prinzipien für verantwortungsvolle Unternehmen
5.3.1 Zum Bekanntheitsgrad der Caux Round Table Prinzipien
5.3.2 Zum Selbstverständnis der Caux Round Table Prinzipien
5.3.3 Zur Sicherstellung der Glaubwürdigkeit der Caux Round Table Prinzipien
5.3.4 Zum Angebot an belastbaren Orientierungspunkten der Caux Round
Table Prinzipien
5.3.5 Zur Ermöglichung der lokalen Interpretation der Caux Round Table Prinzipien
5.4 Synopsis
6 Schlussbemerkung
LITERATURVERZEICHNIS
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Francis, Lynette Crysta-Lee. "Housing an illegitimate aristocracy : an urban profile of a coloured community in Greenwood Park from the 1950's to the 1970's." Diss., 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/16808.
Full textAbstract:
There is no historiography on Durban coloureds . This work is an attempt to change that . This dissertation is an urban study of a small coloured community in Greenwood Park (GWP) during the apartheid era - a study in which housing is used as a vehicle to examine this community's response to their changing economic and socio-political status from the 1950's to the 1970's. Because of the absence of historical data , this study relies heavily on the contributions of other social sciences . It also uses oral data to fill the many gaps in the story of this marginal group . Chapter 4 and 5 explores housing as a complex physical and social phenomenon. Chapter 6 explores the GWP community's response to their housing environment . In this chapter, the association between housing and
socio-economic status is explored . From 1950 to the l 970's, housing became the single most defining entity which kept coloureds trapped in the vortex of privilege and oppression .History
M. A. (History)
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Gayet, Anne-Claire. "La conformité de l’obligation contractuelle des travailleurs agricoles de maintenir un lien fixe avec leur employeur avec l’article 46 de la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne du Québec interprétée à la lumière du droit international." Thèse, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/5107.
Full textAbstract:
Le Québec reçoit chaque année un nombre croissant de travailleurs agricoles
temporaires, à travers deux programmes : le Programme des travailleurs agricoles
saisonniers (principalement Mexicains) et le Programme des travailleurs peu qualifiés
(pour l’instant Guatémaltèques). Une de leurs caractéristiques communes est le lien fixe
à l’employeur imposé aux travailleurs. Cette recherche analyse la conformité de cette
disposition avec l’article 46 de la Charte québécoise qui garantit le droit à des conditions
de travail justes et raisonnables. Un examen des effets du lien fixe démontre que celui-ci
établit une dépendance forte des travailleurs envers leur employeur, aux niveaux légal
(du fait de la possibilité du rapatriement anticipé en cas de problèmes liés au travail ou
au comportement), financier (dû à la nomination des travailleurs année après année et au
dépôt de sécurité imposé aux travailleurs guatémaltèques) et psychologique (soumission,
crainte). L’interprétation de l’article 46 à la lumière du droit international des droits de la
personne met en évidence la non conformité du lien fixe avec cette disposition. Or si
l’objectif de cette mesure est de retenir la main-d’oeuvre dans le secteur agricole, il serait
plus juste et raisonnable d’améliorer les conditions de travail de cette main-d’oeuvre
plutôt que de l’asservir.Each year the province of Quebec receives an increasing number of temporary farm workers through two programs: the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (mainly Mexican workers) and the Low-Skill Temporary Workers Program (with Guatemalan workers). These programs share a common characteristic: the workers’ permits are tied to an employer. This research analyses the compliance of the bonded-work permit with article 46 of the Quebec Charter, which guarantees the right to just and reasonable working conditions. An analysis of the effects of the work-tied permit shows that it creates a huge dependence of the workers vis-à-vis their employers – legally (due to the possibility of anticipated repatriation for work or behaviour related problems), financially (among other things because of the naming practise) and mentally (submission, fear). The interpretation of article 46 in light of international human rights law shows that tied-work permits violate that provision. If the objective of the bonded characteristic of the work permit is to retain a labour force, it would be much more just and reasonable to improve working conditions rather than to enslave workers.
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Fryščáková, Soňa. "Směřování a cíle informační politiky Evropské unie (se zaměřením na knihovnictví v rámci institucionální struktury Evropské unie)." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-352221.
Full textAbstract:
Mgr. Soňa Fryščáková The aims and objectives of the European Union information policy (with a focus on librarianship in the institutional structure of the European Union) (dissertation thesis) (Směřování a cíle informační politiky Evropské unie (se zaměřením na knihovnictví v rámci institucionální struktury Evropské unie) Abstract This thesis is focused on the analysis of the selected libraries (and the other information services) of the European Union Institution, in particular the analysis of their current situation with an aim to address a proposal for their further development. The proposal points out problematic areas within the libraries' operation and prepares suggestions to the program goals of the information policy of the libraries of EU Institutions. The first part is devoted to the EU information policy in general and presents the development of the information society in the context of the European Union. The next section describes the information services of the EU Institutions. Specifically, those are libraries of selected EU institutions and also the Historical Archives of the European Union and the professional association of European libraries Eurolib. The last part deals with analysis of the information strategy of the EU institutions and with the solution that represent program aims of...
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Kodj, Grace Dede. "The role of women in poverty reduction in Ghana." Diss., 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/27560.
Full textAbstract:
Various governments in post-independent Ghana have attempted to alleviate poverty among the citizenry. In furtherance of this, several poverty reduction strategies have been employed with different results. Even though the rate of poverty has fallen over the years, it is still high at 21,4% (Molini and Paci, 2015) with women unfortunately bearing most of the brunt of this (National Development Planning Commission, 2012). This dissertation looks at filling the gap in information by exploring the role women can play in poverty reduction,
using Ghana as a case study. In doing that, the study analyses poverty and the underlying reasons for endemic poverty among Ghanaians.
The objective of this study was to contextualize and make a dimension of poverty broadly in Africa and Ghana in particular. It also sought to critique the current policy alleviation policies and programmes, in relation to various factors contributing to endemic poverty among Ghanaian women, with the aim of identifying the roles that women can play in poverty reduction and making recommendations.
In this regard, a descriptive research design coupled with qualitative research methodological technique was employed, where relevant publications in the form of government reports, journals, textbooks and internet were used to collect data.
Inferences were extracted based on the requirements of the research topic.
The study found that women play an important role in food production, trade, and business. It also emerged from the study that there are numerous factors inimical to the reduction of poverty among women in Ghana. They included their inability to negotiate labour matters; a lack of, or limited education; patriarchal culture or customs; and economic sabotage. In addressing the aforementioned factors, the study recommended that in its pre-assessment of NGOs, government tailor their intervention to synchronize with the development strategies to alleviate poverty among women. It also advised educational awareness and public-public partnerships in the establishment of schools targeted most especially at women for empowerment purposes. Finally, there was an emphasis on advocacy for the reservation of land exclusively for women through land reforms.Public Administration and Management
M. Admin. (Public Administration)