To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: UN Peace Support Operations.
Journal articles on the topic 'UN Peace Support Operations'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'UN Peace Support Operations.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
WHITMAN, JIM, and IAN BARTHOLOMEW. "Collective Control of UN Peace Support Operations." Security Dialogue 25, no. 1 (March 1994): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010694025001007.
Full text
2
ISHIZUKA, KATSUMI. "Japan and UN Peace Operations." Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, no. 1 (May 2004): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109904001355.
Full textAbstract:
Japan created ‘the PKO Law’ in 1992 to provide a legal framework for international peacekeeping activities, following its financial involvement in the Gulf War of 1991. This paper argues that the PKO Law imposed certain restrictions which complicated the missions of the Japanese Self Defence Forces (SDF) and civilian personnel in operational fields. Post 11 September (2001), the Japanese government created a new legal framework for counter-terrorism and dispatched its SDF personnel to the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) and the United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET).
3
Giuliani, Céline. "Advancing Peace through Human Rights in UN Peace Operations." Journal of International Peacekeeping 24, no. 1-2 (May 24, 2021): 252–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-20210006.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The integration of human rights in United Nations peace operations has witnessed remarkable progress during the past fifteen years. This article analyzes the evolution of human rights integration in the peace and security architecture in relation to peace operations, focusing on the achievements and shortcomings of Headquarters-led policies and reforms of the last decade, as well as the impact of recent Security Council dynamics. The article reviews the significant realizations on both the substantive and structural fronts and argues that ownership of the human rights agenda and policies, as well as accountability and leadership for their implementation, warrants a greater commitment of the organization. Such commitment should translate into institutionalizing Headquarters’ cooperation mechanisms, creating further space for human rights in decision-making, allocating adequate resources, and strengthening accountability for risk-mitigation policies, inter alia. A stronger political will is equally required to better articulate human rights issues in relation to conflict analysis, prevention and peacebuilding, in support of political objectives of peace operations.
4
Uz Zaman, Rashed, and Niloy Ranjan Biswas. "‘Not business as usual’: changing realities and the transformations in peace operations." Studia Politologiczne 2020, no. 56 (June 15, 2020): 299–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2020.56.18.
Full textAbstract:
The paper highlights the major transformations in global peace support operations led by the United Nations at present. In light of these trends, this paper asks how these trends affect today’s peace operations and what affect they may have on future operations. In attempting to answer these questions, the paper conducts a comparative historical analysis of peacekeeping and peace enforcement operations – their scopes and legal mandates. This paper explores the local security and legitimacy implications of the expanded will of the United Nations to use peace enforcement. Furthermore, it examines the major challenges – both doctrinal and operational – of peace operations in the contemporary period. Finally, the paper sheds light on three crucial features of contemporary trends of UN peace support operations – (a) technological development and its impact on UN peacekeeping, (b) the growing trend of regionalism in peacekeeping operations, and (c) the UN’s role in countering violent extremism (CVE). The paper argues that technological changes, regional powers in peacekeeping and threats of violent extremism are critical factors to understanding the complex nature of peace support operations. The changing patterns of peace operations highlight that robust peace enforcement as opposed to conventional peacekeeping is the emerging trend. Enforced peace requires cautious, but also a positive approach by the stakeholders to accommodate changing patterns of peace operations.
5
Burke, Róisín. "Due Diligence and UN Support for African Union Security Forces." Journal of International Peacekeeping 21, no. 1-2 (June 7, 2017): 1–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-02101001.
Full textAbstract:
Complicity by UN military peacekeepers in sexual abuse and sexual exploitation (‘SEA’) has been in the lime light in academic, practice and policy circles for many years now. Recent scandals involving sexual violence and abuse by peacekeepers in the Central African Republic and failures to respond are proving the catalyst for major reforms being discussed and implemented currently at UN level. There are numerous legal complexities, difficulties and flaws with the legal framework, policies and systems presently in place. Less considered are the parallel regulatory frameworks operative, or not operative, in the context of peacekeeping done beyond the remit of the United Nations or by those not deployed under its command and control. The fact remains that SEA is also prevalent across these peace operations but very little focus has been placed on these by academics or practitioners alike. Increasingly the UN is likely to rely on regional bodies in conducting peace operations falling outside its SEA regulatory framework. This may leave local populations vulnerable to unregulated or poorly regulated acts of sexual abuse and exploitation by peacekeepers. This paper seeks to address a gap in the literature in examining this regulatory space, focusing on the African Union’s (‘AU’s’) policy and regulatory frameworks governing its personnel deployed to peace operation environments in so far as they appear to exist. In doing so, it will reflect on the relationship this has to the UN’s Human Rights Due Diligence Policy on United Nations Support to Non-United Nations Security Forces, and the increasing reliance on AU regional peace operations, and re-hatting of forces.
6
Griffin, Michèle. "Retrenchment, reform and regionalization: Trends in un peace support operations." International Peacekeeping 6, no. 1 (March 1999): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533319908413755.
Full text
7
Presutti, Francesco. "Financial Contributions by the EU to UN Peace Operations." International Organizations Law Review 15, no. 1 (May 1, 2018): 77–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-01501004.
Full textAbstract:
The UN has recently embarked in a comprehensive debate concerning the reform of its peace and security response. Improved financing mechanisms and other support modalities are called for. Currently, the EU is engaged in a strategic and operational cooperation framework with the UN, but only its Member States contribute troops, civilian police, and funding to the UN peace operations. This article explores the feasibility and potential benefits for the maintenance of international peace and security of an enhanced role of the EU as an entity in funding UN peace operations and other activities related to them. It first contends that this development would increase the effectiveness of the EU foreign policy. It then analyses the institutional and legal challenges that it would raise in the UN setting. It finally concludes that using this financing tool to invigorate the EU leadership in foreign policy would benefit the European integration project.
8
Labbé, Jérémie, and Arthur Boutellis. "Peace operations by proxy: implications for humanitarian action of UN peacekeeping partnerships with non-UN security forces." International Review of the Red Cross 95, no. 891-892 (December 2013): 539–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383114000101.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractMandates of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions increasingly include stabilisation and peace enforcement components, which imply a proactive use of force often carried out by national, regional or multinational non-UN partners, operating either in support of or with the support of the UN, acting as ‘proxies’. This article analyses the legal, policy and perception/security implications of different types of ‘peace operations by proxy’ and the additional challenges that such operations create for humanitarian action. It suggests some mitigating measures, including opportunities offered by the UN Human Rights Due Diligence Policy, for a more coherent approach to the protection of civilians, but also acknowledges some of the limitations to an independent UN-led humanitarian action.
9
Pergantis, Vassilis. "un–au Partnerships in International Peace and Security and Issues of Responsibility Allocation in Cases of un Support to Regional Missions." International Organizations Law Review 13, no. 1 (September 3, 2016): 74–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-01301005.
Full textAbstract:
In the last decade, the United Nations and the African Union have forged a close partnership in matters of international peace and security. This article attempts to shed light on the multifaceted role of the un in the strategic and operational planning and evolution, as well as the funding, of regional (African Union) peace support operations. Such involvement goes well beyond a simple authorization by the un Security Council and raises crucial questions in respect of the allocation of responsibility between the un and the African Union. The analysis of the relevant responsibility allocation clauses showcases that a holistic approach should be adopted that does not micromanage the different aspects of the un involvement in regional missions, but treats them as an aggregate that should be taken into account as a whole when allocating responsibility. Otherwise, the soft or indirect (but crucial) influence exercised by the un will inevitably escape responsibility.
10
Tull, Denis M. "When They Overstay Their Welcome: UN Peacekeepers in Africa." Journal of International Peacekeeping 17, no. 3-4 (2013): 179–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1704002.
Full textAbstract:
United Nations (UN) peace operations are once again at a crossroads, partly due to overstretched capacities. In the meantime, there are indications that peacekeepers face a new and perhaps less expected challenge. Over the last few years, rulers in Burundi, Chad and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have pushed through the reduction of peacekeeping personnel or forced the wholesale withdrawal of peace operations – despite the concerns of the UN. This paper explores whether there is a new hostility to peacekeeping in Africa’s weak states. What should and can the UN do if the assistance they offer in support of peace consolidation is rejected by their putative national ‘partners’, especially when the countries in question continue to face serious post-conflict challenges? Using the cases of UN missions in the DRC and South Sudan, this article examines why the well-established principle of consent of host state governments cannot any longer be taken for granted by peacekeepers. It argues that the increasing hostility towards peace operations is a function of their becoming actors in the domestic power game, as a result of their ever longer and intrusive presence.
11
Caplan, Richard, and Anke Hoeffler. "Why peace endures: an analysis of post-conflict stabilisation." European Journal of International Security 2, no. 2 (March 22, 2017): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2017.2.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article is concerned with explaining why peace endures in countries that have experienced a civil armed conflict. We use a mixed methods approach by evaluating six case studies (Burundi, East Timor, El Salvador, Liberia, Nepal, Sierra Leone) and survival analysis that allows us to consider 205 peace episodes since 1990. We find that it is difficult to explain why peace endures using statistical analysis but there is some indication that conflict termination is important in post-conflict stabilisation: negotiated settlements are more likely to break down than military victories. We also consider the impact of UN peacekeeping operations on the duration of peace but find little evidence of their contribution. However, in situations where UN peacekeeping operations are deployed in support of negotiated settlements they do seem to contribute to peace stabilisation.
12
Collinge, Daniel. "The Missing Link." Journal of International Peacekeeping 23, no. 1-2 (October 9, 2019): 82–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-20200002.
Full textAbstract:
As the mandate of peace support operations has evolved since the mid-1990s to embrace a protection of civilians mandate, the necessary linkages have not been made with international human rights law and associated jurisprudence in relation to the right to life. Consequently, the extent and scope of the UN’s human rights obligations and the range of duty bearers involved is not properly appreciated and integrated into relevant instruments and administrative frameworks, which has a detrimental impact on the right to life. Given the absence of an oversight human rights mechanism for the UN, this article argues that jurisprudence from regional and international human rights bodies should be applied mutatis mutandis to peace support operations to bring more pressure and accountability to UN staff regarding adherence to international human rights standards. This includes not only front-line personnel using force, but also personnel responsible for: planning and controlling operations; operating command and coordination structures; providing training, information and equipment; establishing legal and administrative frameworks; and formulating operational guidelines and strategies.
13
Liégeois, Michel, and Murat Caliskan. "Peace Operations from the Perspective of Strategy and Doctrine." Journal of International Peacekeeping 23, no. 1-2 (October 9, 2019): 24–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-20200003.
Full textAbstract:
Recent peace operations 1 demonstrated that traditional principles of peacekeeping require a significant interpretation to serve the needs of UN peacekeeping. There is a clear mismatch between doctrine and current practices. Furthermore, as many analysts point out, one underlying problem in peace operations lies in the lack of an overall strategy because any action in operations is as worthy as it supports the overall strategic objective. The authors argue that the current UN system is not capable to produce and maintain strategies, hence, strategic theory and doctrine can be useful in closing the gap between what is being asked and what UN peace operations can deliver. In this context, this paper examines the UN structure and peace operations from the perspective of strategy and doctrine. It provides proposals for each level of UN structure through the lens of strategic theory and discusses six main conceptual themes that need to be clarified in a new doctrine.
14
Nikitin, A. "United Nations Peace Operations: Reconsidering the Principles, Reforming the Practice." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 3 (2016): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-3-16-26.
Full textAbstract:
The article describes and debates main points and recommendations of the Report-2015 of the Independent High Level Group on the UN Peace Operations. The author analyses doctrinal innovations and practical guidelines suggested by the Group and debates consequences of the recommended “politicizing” of the UN operations (assuring the leading role for the UN in any political peace process supported by UN peacekeepers, and avoiding operations where the UN role is limited to passive disengagement of conflict sides). Necessity for and limits of reconsidering traditional principles of peacekeeping, such as impartiality, consent of conflict parties, and use of force for self-defence are questioned. Trends in UN operations are compared with trends in operations related to conflicts in the Post-Soviet space (South Ossetia/Georgia, Abkhazia/Georgia, Tajikistan, Transnistria/Moldova, etc.). The author advocates timeliness for an extended interpretation of the “defence of the mandate” formula instead of the classical “self-defence of the contingent”. It is suggested to practically erase the dividing line between operations of the “peacekeeping” type under the UN DPKO, and “political missions” under the UN Political Department. The arsenal of the UN instruments for conflict resolution must be widened from non-intrusive observation missions, conflict prevention and mediation, through support of ceasefire agreements and implementation of peace accords, down to coercive peace enforcement, offensive elements, and UN Charter Chapter VII-based collective operations against aggressive regimes and states. Poorly defined functions and insufficiently clarified use of force limits for the SC-mandated “UN Intervention Brigade” in Democratic Republic of Congo lead to unnecessary involvement of the UN into coercive actions. The experience of the UN “infrastructural hubs” establishing, like the one in Entebbe (Uganda) used for supplying eight African UN operations, is described. New technology for peacekeeping, like the use of unpiloted flying drones, opens new opportunities, but creates legal and practical problems. A distinction of functions between “blue helmets” (specially trained multinational UN contingents) and “green helmets” (regular national armies used by states in foreign conflicts) is recommended, including avoidance of counter-terrorism tasks and strong coercive tasks for the UN peacekeepers. Parallel and interfaced “partnerships” between the limited UN operations and more forceful national/coalition operations in the same areas are suggested instead.
15
Østensen, Åse Gilje. "Implementers or Governors?" International Community Law Review 16, no. 4 (October 24, 2014): 423–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341288.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the role of private security and military companies within the wider confinements of peace operations governance. To do so, the paper looks at the roles that pmscs play within two different us peace support initiatives as well as within un peace operations. Using theory lenses derived from the governance literature, the article finds that private military and security companies are already established actors within what it calls ‘the peace operations network’. By training forces, by building or reforming institutions, by supplying security and advisory services, or by being technological experts, private providers of military and security services carry out key tasks in the planning and implementation of peace operations. In the process, the paper argues, they ultimately exercise authority, make decisions and establish practices that often lay the foundations for the future management of security of local populations.
16
Hutabarat, Leonard F. "Indonesian Female Peacekeepers in The United Nations Peacekeeping Mission." Jurnal Pertahanan 3, no. 3 (December 18, 2017): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v3i3.214.
Full textAbstract:
<p align="justify">As peacekeeping has evolved to encompass a broader humanitarian approach, women personels have become increasingly part of the peacekeeping family. The UN has called for more deployment of female peacekeepers to enhance the overall “holistic” approach to current UN peacekeeping operations. There is clearly more work to be done to integrate more female peacekeepers into UN missions. More skilled and trained female peacekeepers can only be an asset to future peacekeeping operations. In October 2000, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. The resolution was hailed as a landmark resolution in that for the first time, the Security Council recognised the contribution women make during and post-conflict. Since the adoption of Resolution 1325, attention to gender perspectives within the international peace agenda has ¬firmly been placed within the broader peace and security framework. This article explains the development of Indonesian female peacekeepers contribution in the period of 2009-20016 and argues why Indonesia needs to support and to consider deploying more female peacekeepers in UN peacekeeping operations.</p>
17
SANTISO, CARLOS. "Promoting Democratic Governance and Preventing the Recurrence of Conflict: The Role of the United Nations Development Programme in Post-Conflict Peace-Building." Journal of Latin American Studies 34, no. 3 (August 2002): 555–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x02006508.
Full textAbstract:
Promoting democracy and strengthening good governance have become core components of post-conflict peace-building initiatives of the United Nations (UN). An often overlooked dimension of the analysis of UN peace support operations has been the crucial role played by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) at the critical juncture linking peacekeeping to sustainable development. UN peace operations in Central America over the last decade have pioneered the organisation's involvement in the uncharted territory of post-conflict peace building. UNDP's Central American experience was the first step in the organisation's evolution away from providing traditional development assistance, towards playing an active and openly political role in post-conflict democracy building and governance reform. This new role of the UNDP has had dramatic repercussions on its mandate, administrative structures, corporate policies and operational strategies. The current institutional renewal of UNDP has its roots in its endorsement of democratic governance as essential dimensions of its mandate to promote sustainable human development. This article assesses the significance, promises and dilemmas of the governance agenda for UNDP and analyses the scope, nature and institutionalisation of democracy and governance programmes within UNDP, using Central America as a case study. It argues that the future of UNDP democracy assistance will largely depend on how successful it is at resolving the inherent tensions between democracy promotion and national sovereignty, while retaining its multilateral approach to peace and democracy.
18
Sošić, Marko. "Montenegrin civilian capacities for peace operations: Will without means?" Journal of Regional Security 9, no. 2 (2014): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x142pps43.
Full textAbstract:
The question that this paper sets outs to answer is whether Montenegro is prepared for participation in peace support operations with civilian capacities. Montenegro currently participates in four peace support missions under UN, NATO and EU auspices, almost exclusively with armed troops. The police is starting to deploy its officers to missions, while the civil protection units have not yet been formed and the representatives of other institutions have so far not participated in any missions. The key finding of this paper is that Montenegro is at the very start of developing its policy in the area of civilian participation in the peace support missions. Political will to engage in developing CIVCAP exists. However, it does not seem to stem from an inherent need of the country or to be a choice made on the basis of evaluation of hitherto policy in this area. Montenegro has started to conduct activities aimed at establishing CIVCAP exclusively as one of the specifically outlined steps in the NATO integration process. The incentive to pursue this goal is not yet strong and the process of developing CIVCAP has not yet been institutionalized. The legal framework, though regulating the military participation in relatively elaborate detail, does not deal with civilian capacities at all. The concept of CIVCAP suitable for Montenegro is still being debated in the administration with no clear idea on what direction to take and very little knowledge about the comparative experiences in this regard. The process is quite challenging for a small state with limited capacities and strong donor support for initial steps is crucial for its success.
19
Karlsrud, John, and Marko Milošević. "Mapping western Balkans civilian capacities for peace operations." Journal of Regional Security 9, no. 2 (2014): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x142ppk41.
Full textAbstract:
Over the past several years the United Nations has increasingly emphasized the role that civilian capacities can play in post-conflict peacebuilding and called for member states to provide expertise. This special issue of the Journal of Regional Security will explore the civilian capacities of the Western Balkans countries and whether there is political will to respond to the call to deploy civilian capacities to UN peace operations and other international organizations. Looking at how Western Balkan countries train, roster and deploy civilian capacities, it will also explore whether increased cooperation in this area could be considered as a security community practice, nurturing bilateral relations and building cooperation in the Western Balkan region. The article finds that there is still a great gap between the expressed policy intent of providing civilian capacities to peace support operations, and putting it into practice. There is also lack of a strategic consideration of how the training and deployment of civilian capacities to peace operations could build legitimacy in international organizations and enhance regional cooperation among the states in the Western Balkans. The article recommends the initiation of a regional dialogue on training and rostering of civilian capacities, realizing synergies and furthering regional cooperation.
20
McLauchlin, Theodore. "Partnerships in Military Interventions and the Canadian Public." Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, no. 3 (December 15, 2016): 773–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423916000998.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractDo Canadians’ preferences for Canada's role in the world depend on who Canada acts with and not just what Canada does? This question is particularly important in the context of overseas military intervention, which Canada never undertakes on its own. This paper presents a survey experiment measuring how support for a hypothetical peace operation changes with the leader of the mission. Missions led by the United Nations and by Canada's European allies receive more support than American-led missions do, especially among respondents who also favour peace operations for substantive reasons. The finding suggests that the UN and the European connection are alternative ways for a mission to benefit from a preference for multilateralism. While the results confirm some tension between American-led missions and internationalism, European partnerships may offer a way of reconciling an interest in alliances with the internationalist Canadian public.
21
Haass, Felix, and Nadine Ansorg. "Better peacekeepers, better protection? Troop quality of United Nations peace operations and violence against civilians." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 6 (August 31, 2018): 742–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318785419.
Full textAbstract:
Why do similarly sized peacekeeping missions vary in their effectiveness to protect civilians in conflicts? We argue that peace operations with a large share of troops from countries with high-quality militaries are better able to deter violence from state and non-state actors and create buffer zones within conflict areas, can better reach remote locations, and have superior capabilities – including diplomatic pressure by troop contributing countries – to monitor the implementation of peace agreements. These operational advantages enable them to better protect civilians. Combining data from military expenditures of troop contributing countries together with monthly data on the composition of peace operations, we create a proxy indicator for the average troop quality of UN PKOs. Statistical evidence from an extended sample of conflicts in Africa and Asia between 1991 and 2010 supports our argument.
22
Howe, Brendan, and Boris Kondoch. "Northeast Asian Perspectives on UN Peacekeeping." Journal of International Peacekeeping 18, no. 3-4 (November 26, 2014): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1804002.
Full textAbstract:
Peacekeeping operations are the most visible activity of the United Nations and widely considered an important tool for conflict resolution. For historical, cultural, and political reasons, however, states from Northeast Asia have been hesitant in their support, and limited in their contributions. Yet Northeast Asian regional actors are no longer as resistant to collective security and international governance initiatives as they have historically been portrayed. With the exception of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk), a rogue regime often at loggerheads with the United Nations (un), and the Republic of China (roc) in Taiwan, a province currently denied independent un membership, the three remaining regional powers, the People’s Republic of China (prc), Japan, and the Republic of Korea (rok), have become increasingly engaged in regional and global peace operations. This engagement has picked up pace since the end of the Cold War in 1991. This article, therefore, examines the contributions to un peacekeeping operations by these three Northeast Asian powers. It further explores the motivational impetuses for policy changes and increasing contributions. Finally the paper assesses both the obstacles to, and the potential for future peacekeeping contributions emanating from the region.
23
Hamilton, Kate. "The Role of Peacekeeping Operations in International Criminal Justice." Journal of International Peacekeeping 20, no. 3-4 (August 17, 2016): 342–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-02003012.
Full textAbstract:
International justice is inextricably intertwined with peace. However, where the un Security Council has in the past referred situations to the International Criminal Court it has failed to provide follow-up support. Neither Libya nor Sudan have consented to the icc’s jurisdiction, and without its own police force the icc has faced enormous difficulty in conducting investigations and obtaining the accused. Despite being indicted by the icc, the Libyan authorities are refusing to hand over Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi, whom they have sentenced to death in a domestic trial, and despite repeated calls for his arrest, Sudanese President, Omar Al-Bashir is travelling around the world with impunity. This embarrassing deadlock has led to calls for un troops, already present on the ground in both Libya and Sudan, to intervene. This paper highlights the practical difficulties of such cooperation, looking at case studies of successful cooperation between the icc and peacekeeping missions in the drc, Cote D’Ivoire, and Mali, as well as the role of nato in the former Yugoslavia and contrasting these with the situations in Libya and Sudan. Ultimately, this paper suggests that to extend the mandates of the peacekeeping operations present in Libya and Sudan would compromise the missions, erasing impartiality, leading to a withdrawal of State consent, and requiring such excessive force as to constitute a threat to peace.
24
Ifediora, Obinna Franklin. "A Regional Responsibility to Protect? Towards ‘Enhancing Regional Action’ in Africa." Global Responsibility to Protect 8, no. 2-3 (May 24, 2016): 270–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00803010.
Full textAbstract:
Ten years after its endorsement by the un General Assembly, the operationalisation of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) concept faces challenges of consistency and capacity. Too often, global politics at the world’s premier intergovernmental body, the un, hampers effective action. Regional arrangements have a crucial role to play in this regard, however, questions of capacity to live up to this expectation remain. The Peace and Security Council (psc) of the African Union (au), mandated to implement the African Peace and Security Architecture (apsa) has primarily focused on developing the African Standby Force (asf), which the au succeeded in bringing to its ‘Full Operational Capability’ (foc) in December 2015 for implementation. Deploying the asf in deserving cases, for instance in Burundi in 2016, raises issues of sovereign consent, risks and costs. To avoid these complexities, this article argues that regional arrangements under Chapter viii are primarily pacific tools of the Security Council; focusing on harnessing these peaceful mechanisms of conflict prevention offers potential for consistent and effective ‘first responses’ to crises, with fewer complications. Regional arrangements as mediation tools present great opportunity for peaceful settlement of local disputes. Support for mediation is typically by peace operations. This article proposes that mediation support by a ‘preventive arbitration’ tool through ‘popular participation’ under the African Governance Architecture (aga) may have a pivotal role in this respect. Therefore, a regional responsibility to protect, through greater mediation, requires mediating challenges of governance in Africa.
25
Ryngaert, Cedric. "Apportioning Responsibility between the UN and Member States in UN Peace-Support Operations: An Inquiry into the Application of the ‘Effective Control’ Standard after Behrami." Israel Law Review 45, no. 1 (March 2012): 151–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223711000070.
Full textAbstract:
There is a tendency among the judiciary to apply the standard of ‘effective control’ as the applicable yardstick for apportioning responsibility for wrongful acts between the United Nations and the member states contributing troops to UN peace-support operations. This is evidenced by recent decisions in the cases of Srebrenica (Dutch Court of Appeal, 2011), Al Jedda (European Court of Human Rights, 2011) and Mukeshimana (Belgian First Instance Court, 2010), which appear to repudiate the ‘ultimate authority and control’ standard espoused by the European Court of Human Rights in Behrami (2007). This process may have been set in motion by (the current) Article 7 of the ILC's Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organizations, which may in due course reflect customary international law. From a policy perspective, the application of an ‘effective control’ standard is highly desirable, as it locates responsibility with the actor who is in a position to prevent the violation.
26
TKAVC, SUZANA. "UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 AND THE ROLE OF GENDER PERSPECTIVE." WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY ON THE 15TH ANNIVERSARY OF UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325/ ŽENSKE, MIR IN VARNOST OB 15. OBLETNICI SPREJETJA RESOLUCIJE VARNOSTNEGA SVETA ORGANIZACIJE ZDRUŽENIH NARODOV 1325, VOLUME 2016/ ISSUE 18/3 (September 30, 2016): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179//bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.18.3.2.
Full textAbstract:
An increasingly intensive activity has been noticed recently at the international level with regard to the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and associated resolutions. More and more international events regarding women, peace and security are being organised every year, education and training programmes as well as a conceptual framework of the gender perspective are being developed, and system solutions in both international organisations and national structures are being put forward. One of such solutions is the appointment of ambassadors for women, peace and security, as well as of gender advisors on gender perspective. Last year, a full-time advisor position in this field was set up at the General Staff of the Slovenian Armed Forces. Being a subject matter expert for the area of gender perspective in the Slovenian Armed Forces, I am pleased that the importance of the agenda regarding women, peace and security has been recognised and that a publication has been issued at the academic level by involving experts and gaining support from the leadership. I am grateful to my international colleagues for their papers, for having kindly responded to the invitation to share their views, solutions and experiences with us. This is indeed the main value of this publication: sharing is caring. The set of topics demonstrates to what extent the Resolution and the gender perspective are implemented, ranging from the international level, through national solutions and to the realisation in international operations and missions. Although Resolution 1325 is extensively explained in individual papers, I would like to introduce several key factors linking the Resolution and the gender perspective, to proffer a better understanding of the topic and emphasise why the integration of the gender perspective is vital for both Slovenian and international landscape. The basis for this discussion are conceptual solutions of international organisations and my participation in the NATO Committee on Gender Perspectives. Actions like this are vital for they aim to develop the said area and encourage new ways of thinking,thereby highlighting compound gender-related topics and informing the practices of Slovenian Armed Forces. Resolution 1325 is a milestone for the role of women in conflict prevention and resolution, in peace processes, humanitarian response and in post conflict reconstruction. It underlines three interlinking factors, i.e. women, peace and security. There is no security without peace, and no peace without a safe and secure environment. Moreover, there is no peace and security without addressing the entire population. In the past, women were frequently excluded from peace processes. If solely one perspective is included, the expected result can be partial. In 15 years since the adoption of Resolution 1325, the increased asymmetric threats in a complex security environment have resulted in the need for more comprehensive approaches to ensure security and peace around the world. During this time, many facts which were ignored in the past have been seriously discussed at the international level with the aim of finding solutions. Armed conflicts and the post-conflict period affect women differently than men. Boys and girls too are affected differently, in relative terms. Importantly, acts of men and women in such circumstances can be either different or the same, but due to socially constructed perceptions they are accepted differently. More particularly, it should be stressed that socially constructed is their gender, which is a concept that this introduction defines as social and cultural characteristics associated with a given sex (whereas sex refers to biological differences between males, females, and intersex persons, and is assigned at birth). Gender as such materialises in our reality: for example, while during armed conflicts the majority of men are recruited for combat tasks, women stay at home with children or are forced to leave their homes. That is why they make up the majority of internally displaced persons and refugees both on refugee routes and in refugee camps. Their safety is compromised in such circumstances; they are often targeted by groups of combatants, kidnapped, enslaved or abused. It should also be noted that girls and boys are not exposed in the same way: girls can be subject to pre- mature and forced marriages, boys to early recruitment into combatant groups. As regards the general recognition of the role of men and women in armed conflicts and beyond, the most common perception is of women as victims and men as combatants. However, the truth is that women also are combatants and strong actors for peace, and men are victims of intentionally committed acts. Furthermore, a serious problem in contemporary conflicts is sexual and gender-based violence. This is an alarming issue. This form of violence is predominantly inflicted against women, although also girls, boys and men suffer from it, either in the form of torture or as a weapon of war. It could be said that the gender perspective in relation to international operations and missions has, on the one hand, developed for the purpose of implementing Resolution 1325 and, on the other hand, resulted from militaries’ experiences. Central to the gender perspective in international operations and missions is making women’s and men’s experiences and concerns integral to operation processes, whilst taking into account the different security-related situations these individuals face in line with their gender. As it has been argued, there is evidence that women and men, boys and girls, face different security risks - a process underpinned by the way their masculinities and femininities are perceived in a given culture and society, i.e. gender. Being able to recognise and understand the entire security situation as broadly as possible is crucial for operational effectiveness. Recognising the routes of women, which are usually different from routes used by men due to their individual gender roles, can affect the execution of an operation. Such information influences the provision of security, force protection and operational success. Therefore, the integration of the gender perspective into every process at all levels and in every stage of action is of extreme importance; comprehensive information on situation in the area of operation contribute to decisions of those in command. Experiences gained in international operations and missions have led to observations on certain limitations in the execution of tasks, particularly at the tactical level, for example as regards the exclusion of women from the local environment, particularly in those areas of operation where women are not allowed to communicate publicly with unknown men and where the structure and personnel are predominantly male. The inclusion of the gender perspective into task accomplishment has thus become a necessity to which international organisations, such as UN, NATO, the EU and other have drawn attention. In their structures, the contemporary armed forces need both female and male members at all levels and on different duties. This holds true for the fulfilment of tasks in international operations and missions and for the execution of tasks in domestic environment. International organisations tend to increasingly emphasize the importance of the inclusion of women into all structures; however, questions regarding women in armed forces keep appearing in the military, particularly as regards gender equality, physical performance of women and removal of restrictions in relation to the fulfilment of certain duties for women. There are growing tendencies to implement the gender equality principle, whereby a risk of equating equality with sameness may appear in the militaries. However, to perceive equality as sameness can lead to unilateral or too general solutions. Concerns, for example, that taking into account the biological differences between men and women in setting the standards could mean lower criteria and poorer performance actually lead to more important question: are standards really defined according to the requirements of individual duties or are they too general, and are they also established on the basis of the inclusion of gender perspective? It is crucial to understand that different tasks require different competences and preparedness of an individual. Indeed, the truth is that men and women will never be the same. There is variety between males and females which should be recognised as an advantage and not as a weakness. Failing to include the spectrum of gender, the wholeness cannot be reached; the inclusion of both male and female perspective on the same issue leads to integrity by bringing together the diversity. Due to changing security environment, we all are faced with new challenges, requiring even stronger networking of organisations both at the national and international levels in order to ensure comprehensive and effective solutions. Meteorological changes causing large-scale destruction call more often for the engagement of the armed forces in search and rescue tasks. Last year, mass migration from conflict zones, the Middle East and Africa to Europe required the involvement of the armed forces into tasks at home. Similarly as in fulfilling the tasks in international operations and missions, the armed forces and other government and non-government organisations dealing with refugees and migrants were faced with different cultures, where socially determined roles of men and women have great significance. Such circumstances promote further knowledge about the integration of gender perspective in new directions. The fundamental fact that the society is made up of women and men, girls and boys, remains, just as the diversity which, in its integrity, should bring us all towards ensuring security and peace. I wish you a pleasant reading of papers hoping they will help broaden new horizons and encourage new thoughts.
27
Kaiser, Thierry, and Carlijn Ruers. "The Application of International Humanitarian Law to Peacekeepers." Journal of International Peacekeeping 24, no. 1-2 (May 24, 2021): 190–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-20210004.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Peacekeepers deployed as part of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (minusma) are operating in an increasingly hostile environment, requiring them to use force regularly in order to defend civilians, themselves and, more generally, minusma’s mandate. Over the last few years, minusma’s mandate has been expanded to enable the Mission to address the growing threat posed by hostile armed groups, including terrorist armed groups, and to provide support to counter-terrorist forces. The frequent hostilities, coupled with the Mission’s enhanced “robust” mandate and the rising number of demands made on minusma by non-UN forces for operational and logistical support, have raised questions concerning the status and legal protection of minusma’s peacekeepers under international humanitarian law, and more broadly the adequacy of the legal framework applicable to modern UN peacekeeping operations deployed in a “no peace to keep” environment. This article argues that a clarification of the application of the legal framework is required in order to afford better protection to Mission personnel and to more accurately capture the situation on the ground.
28
GRAY, CHRISTINE. "Peacekeeping and enforcement action in Africa: the role of Europe and the obligations of multilateralism." Review of International Studies 31, S1 (December 2005): 207–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006868.
Full textAbstract:
The duties, if any, of European states to participate in multilateral operations in Africa are currently a matter of some controversy. What are the obligations of European states with regard to the maintenance of international peace and security in Africa? How far is it legitimate for them to avoid the contribution of troops to UN peacekeeping operations in Africa? Does the reluctance of European and other developed states to participate in UN peacekeeping operations in Africa have significant legal consequences? This article will consider these issues in three main sections. The first provides an overview of UN peacekeeping in recent years at a time when there has been a substantial surge in demand for peacekeeping troops. It discusses the problems that the UN has faced in securing troops from developed member states, particularly for operations in Africa. The second section describes the pattern which has emerged in recent practice with regard to peacekeeping and enforcement action in Africa. Although developed states have generally been reluctant to provide troops for UN peacekeeping operations in Africa, they have undertaken Chapter VII operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire as ‘coalitions of the willing’. They have also provided assistance to certain African governments threatened with violent overthrow, such as the governments of Sierra Leone and Côte d’Ivoire. They have turned to regional and sub-regional organisations to take the lead in certain conflicts: they have provided financial assistance, logistical support and military training for such organisations.
29
Charles, Ken, and Chris E. Cloete. "Outsourcing scorecard for the UN and similar international public sector organisations." South African Journal of Economic and Management Sciences 12, no. 3 (June 17, 2011): 327–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajems.v12i3.223.
Full textAbstract:
Outsourcing has become one of the most powerful, organisation-shaping management tools available today. However, the UN’s experience in outsourcing is limited to providing troops for peacekeeping operations. The purpose of the paper is to develop an outsourcing scorecard for the UN and similar organisations. Forty national and international organisations were surveyed through questionnaires, review of relevant literatures and records. The research established that by identifying core competencies, goals and objectives, risks, selection of provider as well as measurements and evaluation of providers performance using an outsourcing scorecard, support functions can be outsourced successfully. Other criteria indicated as important is peace-building, suitable for humanitarian organisations. The scorecard developed by the research could provide the UN with a number of benefits, such as maximization of efficiency and savings in costs. The paper develops the first outsourcing scorecard to guide the UN and similar organisations in identifying services that can be outsourced successfully.
30
Smidt, Hannah M. "United Nations Peacekeeping Locally: Enabling Conflict Resolution, Reducing Communal Violence." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 2-3 (July 17, 2019): 344–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719859631.
Full textAbstract:
United Nations peacekeeping operations (UN PKOs) increasingly engage with local communities to support peace processes in war-torn countries. Yet, while existing research tends to focus on the coercive and state-building functions of UN PKOs, their concrete local activities with community leaders and populations remain, empirically and theoretically, understudied. Thus, this study investigates how peacekeepers’ community-based intergroup dialogue activities influence communal violence. It argues that facilitating dialogue between different communal identity-based groups locally can revive intergroup coordination and diminish negative biases against other groups, thereby reducing the risk of communal conflict escalation. This argument is tested using a novel data set of intergroup dialogue activities organized by the UN PKO in Côte d’Ivoire across 107 departments from October 2011 to May 2016. Bivariate probit and matching address the nonrandom assignment of these interventions. The analyses provide robust evidence that the UN PKO mitigated communal violence by organizing intergroup dialogues.
31
Nduka-Agwu, Adibeli. "‘Doing Gender’ After the War: Dealing with Gender Mainstreaming and Sexual Exploitation and Abuse in UN Peace Support Operations in Liberia and Sierra Leone." Civil Wars 11, no. 2 (June 2009): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698240802631087.
Full text
32
Seatzu, Francesco. "Speculating on the World Bank’s Involvement in Post-Conflict Reconstruction Operations and Activities." International Organizations Law Review 16, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 192–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-20181126.
Full textAbstract:
Over the last few decades, the World Bank (‘WB’) has gained wide experience in post-conflict peacebuilding by experimenting new approaches to peace-and state-building in a wide range of difficult, fragile and conflict-affected countries such as Burundi, Liberia, and Nepal, all of which were undergoing significant political processes in the area of post-conflict reconstruction and democratic consolidation. The WB is the principal organization of the UN system providing low-interest loans for improvements in countries in difficulties. This paper explores the extent to which the WB can assert a role in the operational management of post-conflict reconstruction and argues that the WB’s increasing engagement with post-reconstruction issues is proper and permissible according both to its Establishing Agreement and its Relationship Agreement with the UN. But this is only provided it is balanced against a recognition of its intrinsic and operational limitations: namely and in particular the limitations that arise, respectively, from the UN Security Council’s competing competence in the same sector and the enduring existence of political prohibition clauses in the WB’s and IDA’s Establishing Agreements. If the WB’s post-conflict activities continue, it will turn out to be a player of great significance and actuality in developing and applying international post-conflict reconstruction norms and principles. Ultimately, given the inextricable link between development and conflict, the WB’s competence over post-conflict reconstruction issues is functional to its legitimacy. Support for the WB’s evolving role in post-conflict reconstruction scenarios will be highest if the WB enacts measures to promote its substantive and procedural legitimacy among member countries. This paper therefore collocates its analysis within the framework of democratic decision-making and argues for a clearer definition of responsibilities among the WB financial institutions and other organizations and organs belonging to the same UN family, such the UN Security Council, ECOSOC and the UN Peacebuilding Commission.
33
AGUILAR, SÉRGIO LUIZ CRUZ. "Operações de Paz: novos mandatos e suas implicações para os países contribuintes com tropas * Peace operations: new mandates and their implications for troops contributing countries." História e Cultura 4, no. 1 (March 6, 2015): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v4i1.1485.
Full textAbstract:
<p><strong>Resumo: </strong>O artigo apresenta as alterações nas operações de paz contemporâneas conduzidas pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e suas implicações para o Brasil. Baseada em bibliografia sobre o assunto e documentos das Nações Unidas o texto apresenta o apoio conceitual e jurídico para a implementação dessas operações e descreve a evolução dos mandatos e do uso da força pelo componente militar. Com base nas alterações recentes, o texto discorre sobre tendências na aprovação e condução das operações e suas implicações para os países contribuintes com tropa. </p><p><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Operações de Paz; Nações Unidas; Segurança Internacional.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Abstract: </strong>The article presents the changes in contemporary peacekeeping operations conducted by the United Nations (UN) in a historical perspective and its implications for the troops contributing countries. Based on literature of the subject and UN documents the text presents the conceptual and legal support for the implementation of these operations and describes the evolution of mandates and the use of force by the military component. Based on recent changes, we discuss trends in the approval and conduct of operations and their implications for the troops contributing countries.<strong></strong></p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Peace Operations; United Nations; International Security.
34
Ononogbu, Olihe Adaeze, and Chikodiri Nwangwu. "Counter-Insurgency Operations of the African Union and Mitigation of Humanitarian Crisis in Somalia." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 9, no. 2 (March 1, 2018): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0032.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe protracted armed conflict in Somalia has engendered an unprecedented humanitarian crisis; one that makes it a leading storehouse of the worst humanitarian conditions in the world. The intervention of the African Union (AU) through its third Peace Support Operation- the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM)- was aimed at supporting the Transitional Federal Institutions in the stabilisation of the country, advancing dialogue and reconciliation as well as facilitating the provision of humanitarian support. The achievement of the humanitarian component of the mission’s mandate is largely contingent on the first two mandates. Essentially, this study interrogated the interface between the implementation of the humanitarian component of AMISOM mandate and the control of the worsening conditions of Somali internally displaced persons and refugees. Anchoring analysis within the classical approach to national security, the study found that the restoration of relative stability in the polity has not widened access to economic and humanitarian assistance in the terror-laden state of Somalia. Thus, greater commitment of major stakeholders, especially the United Nations (UN), the United States as well as the AU is required in the transmutation of AMISOM and Somalia National Armed Forces into a force that is entirely indigenous to the people of Somalia. This will serve as an elixir to the ever-constricting humanitarian corridor that has exacerbated the conditions of the victims of forced migration in Somalia.
35
Österdahl, Inger. "The Responsibility to Protect and the Responsibility While Protecting: Why Did Brazil Write a Letter to the UN?" Nordic Journal of International Law 82, no. 4 (2013): 459–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-08204001.
Full textAbstract:
The responsibility to protect was invoked by the United Nations (UN) Security Council in support of its authorization of a military intervention in Libya in 2011. In the wake of the intervention, Brazil approached the UN with a new doctrine: the responsibility while protecting. The responsibility while protecting implies a greater degree of caution on the part of the international community in its exercise of the responsibility to protect. Intentionally or unintentionally, Brazil mixes aspects of the jus ad bellum with aspects of the jus in bello in the new doctrine. This is controversial and potentially detrimental to both areas of law. An additional layer of limitations on the use of armed force in multinational peace operations is introduced beyond the existing restrictions on warfare following from international humanitarian law. A lack of clarity pertaining to the use of force and to the respective roles of the Security Council and the General Assembly in this respect in the exercise of the responsibility to protect contribute to making the responsibility while protecting seem increasingly enigmatic. Interpreted constructively, however, the responsibility while protecting simply urges the international community to follow international law. This would be good.
36
Williams, Paul D. "Keeping the Peace in Africa: Why “African” Solutions Are Not Enough." Ethics & International Affairs 22, no. 3 (2008): 309–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2008.00158.x.
Full textAbstract:
Since the early 1990s, a variety of African and Western governments alike have often suggested that finding “African solutions to African problems” represents the best approach to keeping the peace in Africa. Not only does the empirical evidence from post-Cold War Africa suggest that there are some fundamental problems with this approach, it also rests upon some problematic normative commitments. Specifically in relation to the problem of armed conflict, the “African solutions” logic would have at least three negative consequences: it would undermine the UN; it would provide a convenient excuse for powerful Western states that wished to avoid sending their own soldiers to peace operations in Africa; and it would help African autocrats fend off international, especially Western, criticism of their policies. After providing an overview of the constituent elements of the “African solutions” approach, this article sets out in general terms the central problems with it before turning to a specific illustration of how these problems affected the international responses to the ongoing war in Darfur, Sudan. Instead of searching for “African solutions”, policymakers should focus on developing effective solutions for the complex challenges raised by the issue of armed conflict in Africa. To this end, Western states in general and the P-3 in particular should give greater support to conflict management activities undertaken by the United Nations, develop clearer guidelines for how these should relate to regional initiatives, and facilitate the efforts of civic associations to build the foundations for stable peace in the continent's war zones.
37
Barber, Rebecca. "Reflections on the Peacekeeping Failure in Darfur: Is There Any Substance to the 'Responsibility to Protect'?" Journal of International Peacekeeping 13, no. 3-4 (2009): 294–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187541009x12463418050696.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper examines the failure of the African Mission in Sudan (AMIS) to provide protection to civilians in Darfur, and considers the relevance, in this context, of the emerging doctrine of responsibility to protect. It is argued that while the existence of the responsibility to protect has been widely endorsed, there has been relatively scant attention paid to its content. In the context of the AMIS intervention in Darfur, this paper considers the question of what the responsibility to protect actually entails: for peace-support operations, for the states that send them, and most importantly, for the civilian population that expects to be protected by the soldiers sent to protect them. Because the responsibility to protect (as described by the International Commission on State Sovereignty (ICISS) and endorsed by the UN Secretary General, the General Assembly and the Security Council) says little as to positive obligations, such as might require peacesupport operations to actively protect, this paper considers whether there are obligations that can be drawn from international human rights or international humanitarian law that may assist in locating a substantive content for the responsibility to protect. It is suggested, in conclusion, that it is in the law of occupation that we come closest to finding a legal responsibility to protect.
38
Grant, Mark Lyall. "Updating Security and Defence Policy." National Institute Economic Review 250 (November 2019): R40—R46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011925000116.
Full textAbstract:
Executive SummaryThreats to the security of the UK are evolving with the changing nature of conflict and balance of power in the world. They are multiple and fragmented, and domestic and online as well as overseas in nature: principally state-based threats such as posed by Russian activity; terrorism; cyber-attacks; and serious organised crime. To respond, the United Kingdom will need flexible capabilities aimed at fostering infrastructural and societal resilience as much as conventional defence. Above all, the UK needs to focus on maintaining, promoting, and defending the international rules-based order, as represented by the UN and NATO among other institutions.The UK possesses significant assets to these ends, including its continuing status as one of eight acknowledged nuclear powers – a status that it should not abandon unilaterally; permanent membership of the UN Security Council; membership of the ‘Five Eyes' intelligence community; and its internationally respected armed forces.But effort and resources are required to support these commitments, for example in helping to encourage other European states to spend more on defence; in contributing to UN peace-keeping operations or other collaborative overseas actions; and most of all in ensuring that army and navy manpower is rebuilt. Two per cent of GDP is no longer sufficient for the proper defence of the nation. Even allowing for the demands of other parts of government, the target for defence spending should be raised in the next review to 2.2 per cent.The principal focus will need to be on efficiency and redeployment of resources as the current equipment-heavy procurement cycle comes to an end. In particular, investment needs to continue to be rebalanced towards new capabilities such as drone technology, offensive and defensive cyber and intelligence manpower.But, to avoid any weakening of the country's security, priority should be given to negotiating a new agreement on security and intelligence cooperation with its European allies to replace the arrangements it had within the EU.
39
Neto, Jacintho Maia. "Strategic Defense Management: transforming the military environment in face of the new demands in security and defense." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas Avançadas do Terceiro Setor 2, no. 2 (August 18, 2019): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.31501/repats.v2i2.10589.
Full textAbstract:
The dynamics of wars have demanded new challenges from the military. Acting on the whole spectrum of conflicts, in an environment that may not have winners, achieve goals with the lowest number of military and civilian casualties, with minimal material losses, and manage the chaos that comes after the conflicts, the major challenges for states and international organizations. Alongside these challenges, the military structure, in times of peace, needs to be adapted to its strategic environment, that is, to what is imposed on it by governments and the society it must protect. Flexible, specialized, and better equipped military structures have become, not only an operational requirement of the new asymmetric battlefield environment, but a requirement of society. It is understood that the main result of this work will be to present a proposal of how the Armed Forces and Brazilian society need to face these new challenges, ranging from aid to natural catastrophes, support for major events, acting in a police environment, and at the same time, be able to act in an external environment, markedly in UN missions or regional cooperation.
40
Michael, Kobi, and Eyal Ben-Ari. "Contemporary Peace Support Operations." Armed Forces & Society 37, no. 4 (November 19, 2010): 657–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x10390467.
Full text
41
von Billerbeck, Sarah B. K. "UN Peace Operations and Conflicting Legitimacies." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 11, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 286–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2017.1353751.
Full text
42
Popovski, Vesselin. "UN Peace Operations and Asian Security." Contemporary Southeast Asia 28, no. 1 (April 2006): 174–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs28-1l.
Full text
43
Wilde, Noel. "Editorial: The Peace Support Operations Model." Journal of Defense Modeling and Simulation: Applications, Methodology, Technology 8, no. 2 (March 7, 2011): 67–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1548512911402417.
Full text
44
Dorff, Robert H. "The future of peace support operations." Small Wars & Insurgencies 9, no. 1 (March 1998): 160–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592319808423201.
Full text
45
Tardy, Thierry. "French Policy Towards Peace Support Operations." International Peacekeeping 6, no. 1 (March 1999): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533319908413757.
Full text
46
Baehr, P. R. "Political Aspects of UN Peace-Keeping Operations." Netherlands International Law Review 35, no. 03 (December 1988): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165070x00008020.
Full text
47
Suy, E. "Legal Aspects of UN Peace-Keeping Operations." Netherlands International Law Review 35, no. 03 (December 1988): 318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165070x00008056.
Full text
48
Caballero-Anthony, Mely. "Introduction: UN peace operations and Asian security." International Peacekeeping 12, no. 1 (March 2005): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353331042000286522.
Full text
49
Landgren, Karin. "Unmeasured Positive Legacies of UN Peace Operations." International Peacekeeping 27, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 65–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2019.1710375.
Full text
50
Popovski, Vesselin. "UN Peace Operations and Asian Security (review)." Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs 28, no. 1 (2006): 174–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/csa.2006.0006.
Full text