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Journal articles on the topic 'Union Campaign'

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1

Reed, Thomas F. "Incidence and Patterns of Representation Campaign Tactics: A Comparison of Manufacturing and Service Unions." Articles 47, no. 2 (2005): 203–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050763ar.

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Using data on 430 campaigns provided by organizers employed by eight U.S. unions, this paper examines the incidence and patterns of organizing tactics in representation campaigns. Three issues are addressed: how prévalent are various organizing strategies and tactics?; do tactics differ by union type?; and do patterns exist among campaign tactics?
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2

DeMaria, Alfred T. "Anticipating a Union Campaign." Management Report for Nonunion Organizations 41, no. 11 (2018): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/mare.30439.

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3

Tattersall, Amanda. "Powerful Community Relationships and Union Renewal in Australia." Articles 61, no. 4 (2007): 589–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/014762ar.

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Terms such as labour-community coalitions, community unionism and social movement unionism are important features of current strategies for union renewal. This article develops a three-part framework of union-community relationships, from ad hoc to deeply engaged relationships. Criteria such as common interest, coalition structure, scale and union participation are identified as important variables for relationship variation and campaign success. The article explores the framework by analyzing three case studies from Sydney, Australia, involving the central labour council—Unions NSW. The paper
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4

Markowitz, Linda. "Union Presentation of Self and Worker Participation in Organizing Campaigns." Sociological Perspectives 38, no. 3 (1995): 437–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389436.

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Worker participation, or lack thereof, in union organizing campaigns has mainly been explained by workers' individual characteristics. This article takes a broader perspective: It postulates that union characteristics, and most importantly, the manner in which the union presents itself, are crucial in individuals' decisions to participate. The article shows, through analyses of interviews with workers collected after a union organizing campaign, that potential participants act in accordance with symbols the union presents to them. In the case examined here, the union presented itself as a busi
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5

LEPKOWSKI, WIL. "Union launches plant safety campaign." Chemical & Engineering News 68, no. 27 (1990): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v068n027.p005.

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6

Prowse, Peter, Ana Lopes, and Ray Fells. "Community and union-led Living Wage campaigns." Employee Relations 39, no. 6 (2017): 825–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-03-2017-0053.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate different approaches to effective campaigning in support of the Living Wage and so this paper contributes to the broader debate over the nature of the union movement’s engagement with community groups in pursuit of workplace and social issues. Design/methodology/approach The paper presents a systematic comparison of a union-led and a community-led campaign, drawing primarily upon interview and survey data. Findings Though different, both campaigns met with a measure of success in improving employee pay and in increasing union membership sugge
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Reed, Thomas F. "Do Union Organizers Matter? Individual Differences, Campaign Practices, and Representation Election Outcomes." ILR Review 43, no. 1 (1989): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398904300109.

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Although many studies have investigated the determinants of union representation election outcomes, none has examined union organizers' influence on those outcomes. Based on a literature review and interviews with the directors of organizing of eight unions, the author of this study hypothesizes that certain personal characteristics of organizers are associated with success in organizing campaigns. An analysis of survey questionnaires completed by 64 organizers supports the general hypothesis that some personal and demographic characteristics of organizers affect both the percentage of pro-uni
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Forman, Harriet, and Guy A. Davis. "The Anatomy of a Union Campaign." JONA: The Journal of Nursing Administration 32, no. 9 (2002): 444–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00005110-200209000-00005.

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9

Walker, J. Malcolm, and John J. Lawler. "Union campaign activities and voter preferences." Journal of Labor Research 7, no. 1 (1986): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02685298.

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I. Sachs, Benjamin. "THE UNBUNDLED UNION." Revista Direito das Relações Sociais e Trabalhistas 4, no. 2 (2019): 16–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26843/mestradodireito.v4i2.126.

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Public policy in the United States is disproportionately responsive to the wealthy, and the traditional response to this problem, campaign finance regulation, has failed. As students of politics have long recognized, however, political influence flows not only from wealth but also from organization, a form of political power open to all income groups. Accordingly, as this Essay argues, a promising alternative to campaign finance regulations is legal interventions designed to facilitate political organizing by the poor and middle class. To date, the most important legal intervention of this kin
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Wilson, Graham K. "Brexit, Trump and the special relationship." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 3 (2017): 543–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117713719.

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The unexpected victories of Donald Trump in the United States 2016 Presidential campaign and of the Leave campaign in the British referendum on membership in the European Union have important similarities in terms of campaign strategy, rhetoric and social bases of support. They are exemplars of a wave of right-wing populism that has swept across advanced democracies. The triumph of Brexit also raises questions about the future relationship between the United Kingdom and United States. While it is too early to be certain about either the impact of Brexit or the future direction of the Trump Adm
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12

Rogers, Sean E., Adrienne E. Eaton, Paula B. Voos, Tracy F. H. Chang, and Marcus A. Valenzuela. "Assessing Employee Support during Union Organizing Campaigns." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 4 (2018): 285–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x18803694.

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Many labor unions assess support among prospective members to guide decision making during organizing campaigns, and to predict voting in representation elections. However, research on the actual practice of how unions make assessments is limited. We fill this void through a study that combined quantitative and qualitative analysis of the assessment activities. The quantitative portion involved a survey of eligible voters in the 2010 flight attendant representation election at Delta Air Lines. The qualitative portion involved in-depth interviews with staff involved in that campaign and organiz
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13

Yu, Kyoung-Hee. "Organizational Contexts for Union Renewal." Articles 69, no. 3 (2014): 501–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1026756ar.

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SummaryThis article seeks to identify organizational structures and processes that contribute to incorporating immigrant identities and fostering democratic participation in unions. Empirical analysis is based on ethnographic observations conducted in four local branches within the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) of the USA that underwent the Justice for Janitors campaign. Despite the fact that all four local unions experienced external revitalization owing to the campaign, internal renewal was most successful in Los Angeles, least in Washington DC, and somewhat successful in Bost
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Oliver, Damian. "Australian Unions in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (2008): 447–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089999.

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Australian unions will remember 2007 as the year that their `Your Rights at Work' campaign contributed to the defeat of the Coalition Government. Industrial relations dominated the election campaign and remained at the centre of public policy and media debates throughout the year. Employers used the Howard government's Work Choices legislation to refuse to bargain with unions and to prevent lawful industrial action. Union officials and members were prosecuted for unlawful industrial action. In response, unions conducted a highly resourced and professional campaign aimed at changing the governm
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15

Lefevere, Jonas. "The Impact of Election Campaigns on the Nationalization of Voting Behavior in Local Elections: A Case Study of the Antwerp Local Election Campaign." Urban Affairs Review 54, no. 4 (2016): 761–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416669825.

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Nonnational elections are at least partially determined by factors pertaining to the national level, which is problematic for the democratic functioning of these nonnational policy levels. Recent scholarly work has begun examining the impact of the election campaign on voters’ tendency to vote “nationally". However, these studies focus almost exclusively on European Union (EU) elections, and their findings may not be generalizable to other contexts. Moreover, they assume campaigns affect all voters similarly. In contrast, this study examines whether campaigns affect voters’ tendency to vote na
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Barnes, Alison. "Trade Unionism in 2005." Journal of Industrial Relations 48, no. 3 (2006): 369–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185606064791.

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In 2005, the primary focus of union activity was on the WorkChoices legislation, the passage of which was made possible by the Coalition Government’s post-June 2005 Senate majority. Unions responded by concentrating media and community attention on the threat posed to working conditions and workplace fairness. Although it proved impossible to prevent the Bill’s passing, the unions’ ‘Your Rights at Work’ campaign succeeded in raising public awareness and generating widespread opposition to the Bill. This review explores key elements of the campaign and the implications for unions of the new ind
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Eversone, Madara. "Kampaņa pret abstrakcionismu un formālismu 1963. gadā. Latvijas Padomju rakstnieku savienības valdes nostāja." Letonica, no. 35 (2017): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.35539/ltnc.2017.0035.m.e.43.52.

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Between 1962 and 1963 the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Nikita Khrushchev launched several campaigns against abstractionists and formalists in Moscow, thus marking the end of the so-called Thaw throughout the Soviet Union. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Latvia also started a campaign against national abstractionists and formalists. On the 22nd and 28th of March 1963 the works of the new poets Vizma Belševica, Monta Kroma, Ojārs Vācietis as well as writer Ēvalds Vilks came under the criticism cross-fire at the Intelligentsia Meeting of the Latvian S
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18

Ogden, Stuart. "The trade union campaign against water privatisation." Industrial Relations Journal 22, no. 1 (1991): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2338.1991.tb00624.x.

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19

Fearon, Gervan. "Labor union political contributions and campaign spending." International Advances in Economic Research 7, no. 2 (2001): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02296022.

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Iuzva, Liudmyla. "Media discourse on receiving funds for financing of the elections’2019 in Ukraine." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2021 (September 8, 2021): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.21.9.

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One of the most important indicators of democracy is electoral transparency, which is characterised by the legitimacy of campaign financing. Since Ukraine declares its desire to join the European Union, it should demonstrate the compliance with the values common to the EU, one of which is democracy. In 2019, Ukraine held «double» elections, around which, traditionally, a multi-vector discourse unfolded in the media space. One of the areas covered was the financing of election campaigns. The author applied one of the basic sociological methods of document analysis – content analysis of the disc
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21

Lillie, Nathan. "Union Networks and Global Unionism in Maritime Shipping." Articles 60, no. 1 (2005): 88–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011540ar.

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Under the auspices of the International Transport Workers’ Federation’s (ITF) Flag of Convenience campaign, maritime unions have developed transnational global structures exploiting interdependencies in transportation production chains. The ITF, a London-based association of transport unions, connects the struggles of seafarers and port workers through a global strategy of union networking and coordinated industrial action. Seafaring unions draw on the industrial leverage of port workers to negotiate minimum standard pay agreements, while dock unions leverage the growing influence of the ITF i
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22

Engström, Robin. "(De)legitimizing Scottish independence on Twitter: A multimodal comparison of the main official campaigns." Discourse & Communication 14, no. 6 (2020): 580–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481320939703.

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The Scottish independence referendum in 2014 saw the breakthrough of online political campaigning in the UK. Despite the outcome, research and media alike concluded that the main pro-independence campaign, Yes Scotland (YS), outdid the main pro-union campaign, Better Together (BT), in the online battle. This article addresses this discrepancy by exploring how YS and BT used social media affordances in order to legitimize their own and de-legitimize their opponents’ positions. The material consists of multimodal tweets published by YS and BT in the run-up to the referendum. The article employs
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23

Martynov, Andrii. "GERMAN PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY AFTER 2021 ELECTION." European Historical Studies, no. 20 (2021): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.7.

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The article examines the impact of the 2021 parliamentary elections on German parliamentary democracy. The pandemic and climate change have affected the mood of German voters. The peculiarities of the activity of German parliamentary parties during the election campaign are analyzed. German voters have demonstrated the ability to make rational political decisions. This made it possible to renew the composition of the Bundestag and preserve the professionalism of the deputies. The «Christian Democrats» believed that Germany should become a climate-neutral industrial state. Following the electio
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24

Knotter, Ad. "Justice for Janitors Goes Dutch. Precarious Labour and Trade Union Response in the Cleaning Industry (1988–2012): A Transnational History." International Review of Social History 62, no. 1 (2017): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000651.

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AbstractPrecarious labour has been on the rise globally since the 1970s and 1980s. Changing labour relations in the cleaning industry are an example of these developments. From the 1970s onwards, outsourcing changed the position of industrial cleaners fundamentally: subcontracting companies were able to reduce labour costs by recruiting mainly women and immigrants with a weak position in the labour market. For trade unions, it was hard to find a way to counteract this tendency and to organize these workers until the Justice for Janitors (J4J) campaigns, set up by the US-based Service Employees
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Marczewska-Rytko, Maria. "Poland in the Process of European Integration: Conditions and Course of the Campaign before the Accession Referendum." Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia 31, no. 1 (2024): 19–36. https://doi.org/10.17951/k.2024.31.1.19-36.

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The aim of this article is to analyze the main entities and course of the campaign before the accession referendum in Poland. The subjects of the analysis were legal acts, documents (including programs of political parties and various public entities and speeches of leaders), statistical data, and scientific studies. The research process involved in-depth analysis of documents and critical content analysis. The article was divided into several parts relating to Polish society’s attitude towards EU accession; the Polish political scene after the parliamentary elections in 2001; assumptions of t
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Livingston, Amy. "Employee Free Choice: Amplifying Employee Voice without Silencing Employers - A Proposal for Reforming the National Labor Relations Act." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 45.1 (2011): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.45.1.employee.

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This Note investigates the effectiveness of the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) in balancing unions, employers', and employees' rights during the course of union organizing drives. After reviewing case law and commentary, it concludes that the NLRA's certification regime is ineffective and permits pressures that inhibit employees from expressing their real desires about whether or not to be represented by a union. This Note then examines proposed alternatives for certifying unions, and takes note of Canada's federal and ten provincial certification regimes. Finally, it concludes that the N
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Leitch, Shirley, and Juliet Roper. "AD Wars: Adversarial Advertising by Interest Groups in a New Zealand General Election." Media International Australia 92, no. 1 (1999): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9909200112.

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During New Zealand's 1996 general election, neo-liberal employment law became the subject of two opposing advertising campaigns. Although the campaigns confined themselves to a single piece of legislation, the Employment Contracts Act, they reflected a deep division within New Zealand society. This article examines the two campaigns which were run by the Engineers' Union and the Employers' Federation. At its core, the Engineers' campaign was a defence of collectivism both in terms of the values underlying trade unionism and, more broadly, of Keynesian social democracy, whereas the Employers' F
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Masters, Marick F., and Robert S. Atkin. "Local Union Officers' Donations to a Political Action Committee." Articles 51, no. 1 (2005): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/051074ar.

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During the 1980s, unions in the United States significantly increased their political activity, partly as a strategic response to declining membership. An important aspect of this effort is contributing money to congressional and presidential candidates through political action committees (PACs). U.S. federal election campaign laws allow unions to raise PAC money from members on a strictly uoluntary basis. Elected local union officers may play an important part in union PAC fundraising, as they are a sizable cadre of potential donors and their donations may send powerful signais to rank-and-fi
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Goodwin, Matthew, Simon Hix, and Mark Pickup. "For and Against Brexit: A Survey Experiment of the Impact of Campaign Effects on Public Attitudes toward EU Membership." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 2 (2018): 481–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000667.

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What are the lessons of the 2016 referendum on UK membership of the European Union (EU) regarding the effects of message framing? This article reports findings from an innovative online survey experiment based on a two-wave panel design. The findings show that, despite the expectation that campaign effects are generally small for high-salience issues – such as Brexit – the potential for campaign effects was high for the pro-EU frames. This suggests that within an asymmetrical information environment – in which the arguments for one side of an issue (anti-EU) are ‘priced in’, while arguments fo
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Burch, Carolyn. "Renewed campaign against Hebrew in the Soviet Union." Religion in Communist Lands 13, no. 1 (1985): 90–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637498508431172.

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Goldman, Wendy. "Stalinist Terror and Democracy: The 1937 Union Campaign." American Historical Review 110, no. 5 (2005): 1427–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.5.1427.

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DeMaria, Alfred T. "What Managers May Say during a Union Campaign." Management Report for Nonunion Organizations 21, no. 7 (1998): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/mare.4080210707.

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Spytska, Liana. "Prohibition in the USA, the USSR, and the UAE: Ideological and Procedural Differences, Causes of Failures or Successes." Novum Jus 17, no. 3 (2023): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14718/novumjus.2023.17.3.3.

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This study is relevant in light of a thorough investigation of alcohol control and prohibition in the United States of America, the United Arab Emirates, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. In order to establish the causes of their successes or failures on the matter it is necessary to analize experiences in the regulation of alcohol abuse and consumption in the modern world, as well as ideological and procedural differences in alcohol control campaigns. The purpose of this study is to investigate the features of the introduction of prohibition in the United States of America, the Uni
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Palmer, Ian, and Peter McGraw. "Union Diversification and the Battle for Recognition in the Travel Agency Industry." Journal of Industrial Relations 32, no. 1 (1990): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569003200101.

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As a strategy to halt the decline in union membership, the ACTU has targeted service industries and those dominated by women as areas of potential membership growth. The attempts by the Australian Shipping and Travel Officers' Association (ASTOA) and the Federated Clerks' Union (FCU) to organize the travel agency industry demonstrate the problems faced by unions in moving into such traditionally neglected areas. Despite low membership in the industry, and opposition from both the peak employer organization, the Australian Federation of Travel Agents (AFTA), and the FCU, ASTOA has recently been
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Heery, Edmund, Deborah Hann, and David Nash. "The Living Wage campaign in the UK." Employee Relations 39, no. 6 (2017): 800–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-04-2017-0083.

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Purpose This paper presents an account of the UK campaign for the voluntary Living Wage, an example of civil regulation. The purpose of this paper is to identify and characterize the actors involved in the campaign, describe methods used and examine direct and indirect consequences of the campaign. Design/methodology/approach A mixed-method design is employed, reflecting the broadly framed purpose of the research. The research used semi-structured interviews with campaigners, union representatives and employers, observation of campaign activities and the creation of a database of Living Wage e
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Fairbrother, Peter, and Nikolaus Hammer. "Global Unions." Articles 60, no. 3 (2006): 405–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/012153ar.

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International trade unionism faces a major challenge. Historically, Global Union Federations have been small and relatively remote international union secretariats with limited capacity to mobilize and speak on behalf of local members. However, with the changing architecture of international capital and nation states, these union bodies have started to renew themselves. The argument is that the emergent political economy provides the base upon which these unions can begin to campaign and represent members in more dynamic ways than in the past. Critical to these developments has been the promul
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Ahmed, Farheen, Kirsten Forkert, and David Featherstone. "Solidarity against the odds: trade union activism in a hostile environment." Soundings 82, no. 82 (2023): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.82.02.2022.

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A discussion on the challenges facing trade union activists in the light of the government's determination to create a hostile environment for trade unionists as well as people of colour - including the ways in which intersectionalities of race and class play out in the workplace and the labour movement. Topics discussed include: how and why people get involved in unions - and how to maintain their interest in the face of sometimes outdated practices; organising with the United Voices of the World (UVW) and larger trade unions; the relationship between students and university staff/academics i
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Korsakov, Sergey N. "“Fight Against Cosmopolitism” in Philosophy: Gorkovsky Case." Vestnik of Samara State Technical University. Series Philosophy 5, no. 1 (2023): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17673/vsgtu-phil.2023.5.3.

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In the article, using the example of what happened to the Nizhny Novgorod philosopher I.B. Liogonkiy examines the main components of the practice of the campaign for the fight against cosmopolitanism carried out in the post-war Soviet Union at the direction of Stalin. I.B. Liogonky is the first candidate of philosophical sciences who defended his dissertation in the city of Gorky (Nizhny Novgorod). In 1949, he was fired from Gorky University and subjected to unjustified persecution as part of a campaign to fight against cosmopolitanism. The colleagues of I.B. Liogonky were interested in this,
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Wich, Scott. "Make It Pertinent and Personal." Management Report for Nonunion Organizations 46, no. 9 (2023): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/mare.30995.

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Union‐free campaign strategies come in all shapes and sizes, and topics can be seemingly endless. Dues. Adversarial relations. Loss of direct dealing. Likewise, the means of communicating those topics can be varied. One‐to‐one meetings. Presentations. Newsletters. The style and substance of campaign points can result in dozens of different approaches. This month, I would like to delve more deeply into one of the more potent union‐free messages and, upon reflection, one of the most ineffectively communicated: strikes.
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Struve, Kai. "Theodor Oberländer and the Nachtigall Battalion in 1959/60—an Entangled History of Propaganda, Politics, and Memory in East and West." Slavic Review 81, no. 3 (2022): 677–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2022.228.

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This article analyzes the East German and Soviet campaign against the West German federal minister Theodor Oberländer in 1959–60 as an exemplary case of how the Cold War and east-west entanglements influenced the memory of the Holocaust and Stalinist crimes. These entanglements were complex and went beyond the relations between the two German states. The article examines also the interrelations with the Soviet Union's propagandistic struggle against Ukrainian nationalism. It addresses the diverse impact that the campaign had in the two German states, the Ukrainian diaspora, and the Soviet Unio
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Armbruster-Sandoval, Ralph. "Globalization and Transnational Labor Organizing." Social Science History 27, no. 4 (2003): 551–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012682.

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The proliferation of garment industry sweatshops over the past 20 years has generated numerous cross-border (transnational) organizing campaigns involving U.S., Mexican, and Central American labor unions and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). This article examines one such campaign that took place at the Honduran maquiladora factory known as Kimi. The Kimi workers (along with their transnational allies) struggled for six years before they were legally recognized as a union, and they negotiated one of the few collective bargaining agreements in the entire Central American region. The factory
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Kirkby, Diane. "Connecting work identity and politics in the internationalism of ‘seafarers … who share the seas’." International Journal of Maritime History 29, no. 2 (2017): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871417692965.

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‘We seafarers … who share the seas’ is the expression of a collective identity and mutual responsibility. This article examines that collective identity among members of the Seamen’s Union of Australia and asks, what did internationalism mean in practice to seafarers themselves? Employing an oral history method, coupled with a reading of the union’s own printed media, it explores the seafarers’ understanding of internationalism that they claimed was ‘the language of seafarers’. It was grounded in the nature and reality of their work, and became their politics. The article takes as a case study
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Pechenkin, Alexander. "The Struggle against Idealism in Quantum Chemistry in the USSR and Discussions of XXI Century." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 7 (July 2024): 114–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2024-7-114-124.

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At the end of the last century and at the beginning of this century, a number of historical and methodological papers was published on the ideological and political campaigns that took place in the USSR in the late 1940s and early 1950s. This article continues this historical and scientific line. It examines an ideological attack on one of the early quantum chemical theories, the theory of resonance, which took place in Soviet science in the 1949–1951’s (more broadly, the expression “antiresonance campaign” can be rewritten as follows: “a campaign to fight against idealism in quantum chemistry
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Donn, Clifford B., and G. Phelan. "Australian Maritime Unions and Flag of Convenience Vessels." Journal of Industrial Relations 33, no. 3 (1991): 329–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569103300303.

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The purpose of this paper is to update Kingsley Laffer's 1977 Journal of Industrial Relations article on the policies of Australian trade unions with respect to flag of convenience vessels. Australian unions have supported the campaign against such vessels initiated by the International Transport Workers Federation (ITF). After detailing the process by which the maritime unions become aware of whether or not a flag of convenience vessel is operating under the conditions established by the ITF, the paper goes on to examine two disputes involving flag of convenience vessels. The first, in 1977,
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McMurry, Richard M., and David Evans. "Sherman's Horsemen: Union Cavalry Operations in the Atlanta Campaign." Journal of Southern History 64, no. 1 (1998): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2588102.

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Pratt, William C. "The Farmers Union and the 1948 Henry Wallace Campaign." Annals of Iowa 49, no. 5 (1988): 349–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0003-4827.9278.

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47

Klunder, Willard Carl. "Sherman's Horsemen: Union Cavalry Operations in the Atlanta Campaign." History: Reviews of New Books 25, no. 4 (1997): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.9952872.

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Zarocostas, John. "African Union launches a pan-African anti-malaria campaign." Lancet 392, no. 10142 (2018): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(18)31606-4.

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Adams, Michael C. C., David Evans, and his Confederate Raiders., and Edward E. Leslie. "Sherman's Horsemen: Union Cavalry Operations in the Atlanta Campaign." Journal of American History 84, no. 3 (1997): 1068. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953147.

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Hurd, Richard W., and William Rouse. "Progressive Union Organizing: The SEIU Justice for Janitors Campaign." Review of Radical Political Economics 21, no. 3 (1989): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/048661348902100313.

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