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Journal articles on the topic 'Union du Maghreb arabe'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 January 2023

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1

Aghrout, Ahmed, and Keith Sutton. "Regional Economic Union in the Maghreb." Journal of Modern African Studies 28, no. 1 (March 1990): 115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054252.

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The establishment of the Union du Maghreb arabe (U.M.A.) at the 1989 summit held in Marrakech is the culmination of over three decades of pan-Maghreb rhetoric. As claimed recently, there have been plenty of joint agreements on paper, but ‘unfortunately the importance given to these events is inversely proportional to their real application and effectiveness’.

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2

Human Rights Law in Africa, Editors. "ARAB MAGHREB UNION (AMU)." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 1, no. 1 (2004): 619–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160604x00387.

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3

Finaish, Mohamad Ali, and Eric Bell. "The Arab Maghreb Union." IMF Working Papers 94, no. 95 (1994): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451969122.001.

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4

Guemide, Boutkhil, and Samir Amir. "The US-backed Moroccan- Israeli Normalization Agreement: Implications on the Future of the Maghreb Union." Journal of US-Africa Studies International Journal of US and African Studies 1, no. 1 (2019): 102–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/21846251/joura4.

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After the signing of the Abraham Accords between the Zionist entity and the countries of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Bahrain under the auspices of US President Trump, Morocco joined the normalization process and became the latest country in the Arab League which agreed to normalize its relations with Israel through US mediation. As part of the agreement, the US agreed to recognize Morocco’s sovereignty over the disputed Western Sahara region, and to release $ 1 billion in military aid to Morocco. This Moroccan step added fuel to the flame and worsened its relations with the Palestinian Authority, on the one hand, and the countries of the Maghreb union, on the other hand. Morocco’s normalization of its relations with the Zionist entity does not only deteriorate its relations with Algeria, which supports the POLISARIO, but also affects the future of the Maghreb union. This paper discusses the implications of Morocco’s normalization of its relations with the Zionist entity on the Arab Maghreb integration project. It takes into account the Moroccan normalization process as a part of the overall Arab approach. In addition, it highlights the Israeli relations with the Maghreb countries of Morocco, Mauritania, and Tunisia, and how Moroccan normalization will affect the future of integration of Maghreb union.

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5

Amrani, Saâd, and Najib Lairini. "Le Maghreb dans le système régional et international : crises et mutations." Études internationales 22, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702843ar.

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As the 1980s drew to a close in the Maghreb, old plans for unification were dusted off with the creation of the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), an organization bringing together all five countries of North Africa : Algeria, Mauritania, Morocco, Tunisia, and Libya. This article seeks to analyze this new dynamic of regional integration by emphasizing its significance, its characteristics, its scope, and its limits. We express the hypothesis according to which the process of the Maghreb 's integration has been set in motion largely by the crisis in the inter-Arab System. Above all else, it represents a response to the constraints implicit in the push towards European union.

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6

Dursun, Hatice Rumeysa. "Understanding the Failure of the Arab Maghreb Union: A Critical Constructivits Account." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 10, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 26–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v10i2.3024.

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The Arab Maghreb Union (AMU), which was established by the countries of the region known as North Africa, also called as the Maghreb, to strengthen regional cooperation, draws attention as an organization that has lost its effectiveness today. This study examines the factors that affect the "failure" of the AMU. The discussions for the AMU to gain an active structure, which was established with the participation of Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, Mauritania and Libya in the late 1980s, have increased even more with the current political crisis in Libya. The idea of "a united Maghreb" was actually a political argument used to mobilize the people of the region against the colonial powers during their struggle for independence long before the establishment of the AMU. Many reasons can be put forward to explain why the leaders of the region, who used the idea of creating a "united Maghreb" in their discourses, did not show enough will to achieve this dream. This study uses a critical constructivist account of state identity and interest and argues that Maghreb states were not able to develop shared identities and interests. It argues that the creation of the AMU could not pave the way for regional cooperation because Maghreb states consider each other as rivals and articulated their interests on this conception.

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7

OUESLATI, Adnen. "The Arab Maghreb Union: the "Cost of Non Maghreb" and Sectoral Prospects." International Journal of Economics, Finance and Management Sciences 1, no. 6 (2013): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.ijefm.20130106.14.

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8

Almosly, Mohamed Riyad M. "The Institutional and Constitutional Aspects of the Arab Maghreb Union and the Dispute on Western Sahara as an Obstacle: What Role does the European Union Play in Promoting Maghreb Regional Integration?" Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 22, no. 1 (October 7, 2019): 284–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413_022001012.

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The current era is witnessing a proliferation of challenges of a transnational character that do not recognize the geographical limits of sovereign States, such as human traficking and pollution. Therefore, States have to establish new regional cooperative methods to find effective solutions for these challenges. Although the Maghreb States (i.e. Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia) have been suffering from the negative impacts of such challenges over the last few decades, they have not yet created an effective regional cooperative framework. In this respect, since its establishment in 1989 among the Maghreb States, the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU, Union) has not been successful in stimulating Maghreb regional integration. The current study addresses a topic that has not yet been fully exploited by legal studies in the English language. It examines, first, the genesis and institutional structure of the AMU as well as the constitutional aspects of the 1989 AMU Treaty; second, the role of the EU’s multilateral and bilateral instruments in promoting Maghreb regional integration; and third, the dispute on Western Sahara between Morocco and the Polisario Front and its effect on Maghreb regional integration. The article concludes that Maghreb regional integration has so far failed due to the institutional and constitutional limits of the AMU Treaty and the political division among the Maghreb States resulting from the Western Sahara conflict. In addition, the EU so far has not followed a consistent and single approach in promoting the Maghreb integration nor did it play any role in solving the dispute on Western Sahara.

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9

Bakr, Noha. "African Foreign Policies of the Arab Maghreb Union." Review of Economics and Political Science 2, no. 2 (2017): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0040034.

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10

Dris-Aït-Hamadouche, Louisa, and Yahia Zoubir. "The Maghreb: Social, Political, and Economic Developments." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 261–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207757.

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AbstractDue to its geographical position, events in the Middle East, the Sahel, and Europe have consequential effects on the Maghreb (Algeria, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia). Hence, recent economic, political, and cultural changes are more or less inspired or encouraged by those developments taking place in the surrounding environment. Together with Mauritania, the four countries founded in 1989 the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), which aimed at regional integration. Unfortunately, the UMA remains a distant wish; the conflict over Western Sahara and the political differences between Algeria and Morocco have prevented the UMA's advance.Each Maghrebi country witnessed particular events and reacted differently to identical stimuli. Undoubtedly, the countries' distinctive historical experiences provide a valuable understanding of the internal logic of the processes they have undergone and the way they sought to tackle them. This article will review the salient developments that occurred within each of the four Maghrebi countries and analyze the ways through which the regimes seek to resolve the challenges they are faced with. The main contention in the article is that the regimes in place have yet to open up the political space and allow genuine democratization to take place, for despite some genuine transformations in a few areas, the old rulers are still reluctant to loosen their grip over power. While they succeed in reestablishing order, the roots that generate cyclical uprisings remain intact. Civil society has yet to fulfill its full potential and enjoy genuine citizen participation.

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11

Sonia, Idrissi, and Afef Tlili. "The revival of trade in the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU)." Journal of Global Economy 14, no. 3 (November 8, 2018): 219–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1956/jge.v14i3.505.

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In particular, transport infrastructure can be seen as a lever for economic and social development, as it can be an important accelerator of the regional integration process in the southern Mediterranean. Several studies have shown that the improvement of infrastructure and the redevelopment of ports, airports, railways and roads have positive effects on economic growth, employment, industry and competitiveness. More importantly, improving the flow of goods and people illustrates a major indicator of regional integration. In many countries, economic recovery cannot begin without upgrades to the infrastructure. In this Communication, we have shown the important role of the transport sector and its major contribution to improving intra-AMU trade. The results show that the transport factor in the southern region is still weak and unable to advance its integration process. This weakness will encourage these countries to pursue an adequate strategy that will advance the process of regional integration and the development of production capacities and infrastructure in order to achieve the objectives of their economic growth.

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12

Rhomari, Mostafa. "The Arab Maghreb Union: Building a Commercial and Financial Area." International Review of Administrative Sciences 57, no. 4 (December 1991): 591–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002085239105700407.

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13

Kibrasli, Feras, and Haled Alheder. "The EU Contribution to the Strengthening of Economic Cooperation Between Countries of the Maghreb and the Agadir Agreement at the Present Stage." Scientific Research and Development. Economics 8, no. 2 (May 15, 2020): 42–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-9111-2020-42-45.

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The specifics of economic cooperation of the EU countries, the Union of the Arab Maghreb and the Agadir Agreement are considered. The factors that impede the deepening of integration of the states of the region are identified. The internal causes of the vulnerability of the associations in question are the uniformity of economies, the similarity of the profile of specialization, and the lack of organizational, regulatory and financial and economic structures. The role of external causes of the low efficiency of this association is revealed: the military-political crisis, economic competition in the Middle East region, as well as the influence of external regional and world actors. The analysis of the current state and prospects of economic cooperation between the EU countries, the Arab Maghreb Union and the Agadir Agreement, the volume of foreign trade cooperation and investment with individual states of the region is given. It is substantiated that in order to strengthen collective bargaining agreements and achieve political stability in the Middle East, it is advisable to focus EU efforts on deepening horizontal integration.

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14

Yazdanshenas, Zakiyeh. "International institutions of the middle east: the GCC, Arab League, and Arab Maghreb Union." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 48, no. 3 (March 16, 2021): 539–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2021.1900040.

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15

Muthuri, Rosenabi Deborah Karimi, Newton Gitonga Muthuri, and Joses Muthuri Kirigia. "Pecuniary Value of Disability-Adjusted-Life-Years in the Arab Maghreb Union in 2015." Journal of Human Resource and Sustainability Studies 06, no. 04 (2018): 249–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jhrss.2018.64041.

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16

Hadili, Abduraawf, Roman Raab, and Jan Wenzelburger. "Trade liberalisation, governance, and the balance of payments: evidence from the Arab Maghreb Union." Middle East Development Journal 12, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 101–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17938120.2020.1731200.

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17

Cammett, Melani. "Defensive Integration and Late Developers: The Gulf Cooperation Council and the Arab Maghreb Union." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 5, no. 3 (August 3, 1999): 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-00503006.

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18

Aghrout, Ahmed. "The food deficits problem in the Arab Maghreb union: present state and future perspectives." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 19, no. 1 (January 1992): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530199208705549.

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19

Toubasi, Salem, Ahmad Alzubaidi, and Mushir Abahra. "The Problems of Arab Solidarity and the Impact of Arab Spring on It: Study on the Model of the GCC Security." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 3 (August 20, 2020): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n3p160.

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The author presents a brief study of the Arab solidarity. Furthermore, From the point of view of the author the Arab cooperation is one of the most controversial topics in the Arab world, whereas this idea extends to the first history of the Arab countries, we can also mention the creation of the Gulf Cooperation Council, and then the Maghreb Union of Arab Countries. In this article, the topic of Arab solidarity will be presented, through the views of many thinkers, and based on many analytical researches of Arab public opinion, the view of Arab solidarity and analysis of many ideas put forward for this project. There are new positive ideas possibly can be implemented to achieve the Arab solidarity, which is still a very important project for a wide sector of Arabs, this analytical study will present the case of the Gulf Cooperation Council states as example of positive implementation of Arab solidarity. This article includes the results of Arab public opinion and shed the light on the Arab spring which affected many international and local events. The author asks if Arab solidarity will a real case in the future. This study will investigate these issues and provide the readers with a modern perspective on this topic, furthermore this research approaches this subject from three different areas of discussion: the realism approach, the functionalism approach, and the idealism approach.

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20

Kamel, Helali. "Panel threshold regression model analysis of real effective exchange rate impact on the Arab Maghreb Union economic growth." Journal of Quantitative Methods 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.29145/2021/jqm/050103.

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The purpose of this article was to explain the asymmetry of real effective exchange rate (REER) impact on economic growth for the Arab Maghreb Union during the period 1980-2019. This work sought to measure the adjustment rate of the exchange rate policy towards its equilibrium levels, justifying the use of nonlinear modelling. The complexity of the exchange rate dynamics has led to the application of the Panel Threshold Regression Model to test the hypothesis testifying for its effect on domestic economic growth. The empirical results reveal that the REER shows opposite effects below and over the estimated threshold. This highlights the asymmetrical effect of unforeseen shocks on its volatility. JEL Classification: C33; F31; F43; O55; O57

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21

Apuuli, Kasaija Phillip. "The Competing Mediations in the Post-Qaddafi Libyan Political Crisis." International Negotiation 27, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 41–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10019.

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Abstract Since the end of the revolution that toppled the rule of Muammar Qaddafi in October 2011, Libya has never known peace. The country descended into civil war with different factions contending for control. In this milieu, the United Nations attempted to mediate an end to the crisis but its efforts have failed to gain traction partly as a result of other mediation initiatives undertaken by several European actors. Sub-regional and continental organizations, including the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) and the African Union (AU) respectively, that should have taken the lead in the mediation have been absent. Meanwhile, continued fighting has hampered a mediated settlement, and terrorist groups such as the Islamic State (IS) and al-Qaeda have taken advantage of the situation to establish a presence in the country. In the end, rather than ending the crisis, Libya has provided the ground for competing mediation processes which have prolonged the crisis.

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22

Bouchour, Radia, and Ahmed Touil. "Gouvernance et Développement Humain : Éclairage des Concepts et Etude Comparative entre Trois Pays de l’Union du Maghreb Arabe ( Algérie - Maroc - Tunisie ) = Governance and Human Development : Clarify the Concepts and A Comparative Study between Three Countries of the Arab Maghreb Union ( Algeria - Morocco - Tunisia )." Algerian Review of Economic Development, no. 1 (December 2014): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0020020.

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23

Kłosowicz, Robert. "Policies of the Maghreb Countries Toward Western Sahara: Mauritania’s Perspective." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 16, no. 1 (June 23, 2022): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2022.16.1.4.

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Mauritania is the country considered closest historically and culturally to the inhabitants of Western Sahara. It also has the longest border with the territory of Western Sahara. This country’s legal status is defined in Article 73 of the Charter of the United Nations, which indicates that it is a non-self-governing territory going through the process of decolonization. The border between Mauritania and Western Sahara is 1564 km in length, which constitutes 75% of all the land borders of Western Sahara. The area that Mauritania borders with is completely controlled by the self-proclaimed Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic, which constitutes about 20% of the territory of Western Sahara. The remaining 80% of the territory is occupied and administered by neighbouring Morocco. The problem of Western Sahara, which has caused great divisions between Morocco and Algeria since the mid-1970s, is that POLISARIO’s main supporter has also constituted a serious issue for Mauritanian foreign politics. Within this dispute, Mauritania is in quite a difficult position as it attempts to not become conflicted with either of its powerful neighbours, both of which are aspiring to be leaders in the region. At a press conference in November 2019, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mauritania, Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed, issued a statement indicating that Mauritania does not intend to remain just an observer any longer, but rather plans to become an active participant in addressing the Western Sahara issue to finally resolve the 46-year conflict. This conflict casts a shadow on the regional cooperation within the framework of the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU), which – if it actually functioned – could aid in the economic development of the region, especially important for the politically and economically weak Mauritania. This has become even more important in the most recent period with the global economy experiencing turbulence following the two-year COVID-19 epidemic and the current war in Ukraine.

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Testas, Abdelaziz. "Economic Gains from Integration among Developing Countries: The Case of the North Africa Arab Maghreb Union (AMU)." Development Policy Review 15, no. 2 (June 1997): 173–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-7679.00032.

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25

CRISTIANI, Dario. "Mediterranean Troubles and European Security: at the Regional Roots of the Barcelona Process." Journal of European Integration History 28, no. 2 (2022): 335–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2022-2-335.

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28 November 2020 marked 25 years since the European Union (EU) launched the so-called Barcelona Process. What was known as the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) is, to date, the most ambitious attempt launched by the EU to cope with the challenges emanating from its Southern neighbourhood. This article aims to shed light on the Mediterranean dynamics at play in the years before the formal launch of the EMP, and consider them the crucial drivers in pushing the EC/EU to promote a more comprehensive approach to the Mediterranean. Developments in Europe, notably the German reunification, clearly played a significant role in pushing countries such as Spain, France and Italy to promote a more significant European role in the Mediterranean to partially rebalance the impact of a united Germany. However, in this work, it is argued that security problems arising from the Maghreb and a number of structural changes in the Arab Israeli confrontation created the actual momentum for the establishment of the EMP. The primary focus is thus on those regional dynamics that pushed the EU to adopt a new and more comprehensive Mediterranean policy, at least in its intentions.

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Kłosowicz, Robert. "Między Marokiem a Algierią." Politeja 18, no. 6(75) (December 16, 2021): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.75.07.

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Between Morocco and Algeria: Mauritania and the question of Western Sahara Following the change of government and the election of a new president, Mauritania makes it clear that it hopes to resolve the issue of Western Sahara, which has divided Morocco and Algeria since the mid-1970s and still poses a serious problem to Mauritanian foreign policy. Mauritania in this dispute is between the proverbial rock and a hard place, trying not to come into conflict with any of the powerful neighbors, each of whom aspires to the role of a leader in the region. The conflict also casts a shadow on regional cooperation within the Arab Maghreb Union, which, if it functioned, could greatly help in the economic development of the region, especially important for the economically weakest Mauritania. Over the last few years, Nouakchott has maintained the position of the so-called “positive neutrality” which irritated the authorities in Rabat and created tense political relations with Morocco. The current striving for a more active role in the process of resolving the Western Saharan conflict seems to be largely dictated by the internal situation in Algeria and its troubles related to social protests demanding changes at the top of the government. Algeria has been the greatest ally of the Polisario Front and the Sahrawi cause so far. It is also not without significance that Morocco, after years of absence, returned to the African Union – the move, which definitely strengthened Morocco’s position among the countries of the continent.

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El Kadiri, Abdelkader. "L'UNION DU MAGHREB ARABE." African Yearbook of International Law Online / Annuaire Africain de droit international Online 2, no. 1 (1994): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221161794x00070.

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Hurrell, Andrew. "Explaining the resurgence of regionalism in world politics." Review of International Studies 21, no. 4 (October 1995): 331–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117954.

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The past decade has witnessed a resurgence of regionalism in world politics. Old regionalist organizations have been revived, new organizations formed, and regionalism and the call for strengthened regionalist arrangements have been central to many of the debates about the nature of the post-Cold War international order. The number, scope and diversity of regionalist schemes have grown significantly since the last major ‘regionalist wave’ in the 1960s. Writing towards the end of this earlier regionalist wave, Joseph Nye could point to two major classes of regionalist activity: on the one hand, micro-economic organizations involving formal economic integration and characterized by formal institutional structures; and on the other, macro-regional political organizations concerned with controlling conflict. Today, in the political field, regional dinosaurs such as the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Organization of American States (OAS) have re-emerged. They have been joined both by a large number of aspiring micro-regional bodies (such as the Visegrad Pact and the Pentagonale in central Europe; the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in the Middle East; ECOWAS and possibly a revived Southern African Development Community (SADC, formerly SADCC) led by post-apartheid South Africa in Africa), and by loosely institutionalized meso-regional security groupings such as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE, now OSCE) and more recently the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). In the economic field, micro-regional schemes for economic cooperation or integration (such as the Southern Cone Common Market, Mercosur, the Andean Pact, the Central American Common Market (CACM) and CARICOM in the Americas; the attempts to expand economic integration within ASEAN; and the proliferation of free trade areas throughout the developing world) stand together with arguments for macro-economic or ‘bloc regionalism’ built around the triad of an expanded European Union (EU), the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) and some further development of Asia-Pacific regionalism. The relationship between these regional schemes and between regional and broader global initiatives is central to the politics of contemporary regionalism.

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Daoud, Zakya. "La création de l’Union du Maghreb arabe." Maghreb - Machrek N° 124, no. 2 (January 2, 1989): 120–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/machr1.124.0120.

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Kouttroub, Smail. "Printemps arabe et nouvel ordre géopolitique au Maghreb." L'Année du Maghreb, no. IX (October 24, 2013): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anneemaghreb.1885.

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Gontard, Marc. "Qu'est-ce qu'une littérature arabe francophone ? L'exemple du Maghreb." Horizons Maghrébins - Le droit à la mémoire 52, no. 1 (2005): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/horma.2005.2262.

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Mahmah, Amar. "Le projet d’intégration maghrébine à l’épreuve des tensions régionales." les cahiers du cread 38, no. 2 (July 8, 2022): 175–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/cread.v38i2.7.

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Le projet d’unification du Maghreb est un projet ancien enraciné dans la conscience des peuples de la région, puisqu’il se fonde sur des éléments de solidarité extrêmement puissants comme la culture, l’histoire et le destin communs. Cet article se propose de montrer comment les tentatives d’intégration régionale, dans le cadre du Comité Permanent Consultatif Maghrébin (CPCM) mis en place en 1964 et de l’Union du Maghreb Arabe (UMA) instituée en 1989, n’ont pas atteint les objectifs escomptés. Pourtant, la coopération au sein du CPCM et de l’UMA aurait pu constituer le cadre idéal pour la normalisation des rapports entre les pays du Maghreb.

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Hannoum, Abdelmajid. "Historiographie et Légende au Maghreb." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 54, no. 3 (June 1999): 667–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1999.279771.

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On sait peu de choses de la Kahina, cette célèbre femme berbère qui a tenu tête aux Arabes lors des conquêtes du Maghreb à la fin du 7e siècle. Pourtant c'est d'elle que se réclament aujourd'hui aussi bien les Berbères, les juifs que les féministes, et c'est l'épisode de sa résistance qui explique selon eux le Maghreb des temps présents. Cet épisode, cependant, fut d'abord et pour longtemps le monopole des historiens arabes. Je chercherai done dans cet article à voir comment la légende s'est formée, à partir de quels éléments, et ce qu'elle signifie à chaque phase de sa transformation. L’ analyse révélera également comment les historiens et chroniqueurs ont élaboré graduellement une mythologie pour justifier la présence arabe au Maghreb et expliquer la place des Berbères dans la communauté musulmane.

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Mezouaghi, Mihoub. "La revue Maghreb Machrek « Le monde arabe dans la crise »." Afrique contemporaine 238, no. 2 (2011): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/afco.238.0135.

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الوردي, مشير. "دراسة قياسية لأثر بعض المتغيرات الاقتصادية الكلية للاتحاد الأوروبي في اقتصاديات بلدان اتحاد المغرب العربي (الجزائر، تونس والمغرب) للفترة 1970 - 2012 = Econometric Study to the Impact of Some Economic Variables of the European Union on the Economies of the Countries of the Arab Maghreb Union (Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco) 2012 - 1970." مجلة جامعة القدس المفتوحة للأبحاث و الدراسات الإدارية و الاقتصادية 2, no. 7 (2017): 291–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0038912.

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Gazzo, Yves. "Le monde arabe face à l’endettement : le cas des pays du Maghreb." Maghreb - Machrek N° 114, no. 4 (January 4, 1986): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/machr1.114.0030.

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Gharbi, Kacem. "LA RELIGION ET LA POLITIQUE DANS LE MAGHREB ARABE: UNE RELATION AMBIGUË." Revista Caminhos - Revista de Ciências da Religião 17, no. 4 (December 13, 2019): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/cam.v17i4.7834.

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Levallois, Michel. "Le « mariage arabe » d’Ismaÿl Urbain." Études littéraires 33, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/501311ar.

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Mûlatre de Cayenne, membre de la famille constituée par le Père Enfantin après la mort de Saint-Simon, converti à l'islam pendant la mission des saint-simoniens en Égypte, l'interprète militaire Ismaÿl Urbain (1812-1884), commença une carrière d'interprète militaire en Algérie en 1837. Affecté à la Direction de l'Algérie au Ministère de la Guerre à Paris, puis membre du Conseil de gouvernement à Alger, il fut le conseiller politique du duc d'Aumale, puis l'inspirateur de la politique dite du " Royaume arabe " de Napoléon III. Par ses rapports, ses articles dans la presse, deux publications et une abondante correspondance, il exerça un magistère intellectuel et politique dans l'armée, l'administration et la presse, pour la défense des " Indigènes " contre les exigences des " colonistes " qui voulaient leur prendre leurs terres, leur refuser l'accès aux droits de la citoyenneté. Il est un aspect de cette personnalité complexe qui n'a pas encore été mis en lumière : c'est ce qu'il a appelé son " mariage arabe ". Ce mariage, qui tient une place importante dans ses deux autobiographies encore inédites et dans ses correspondances, a été vécu par Urbain comme le contrepoint de son engagement politique en faveur des Arabes. Célébrée devant le Cadi à Constantine en 1841, non reconnue par la loi française, cette union n'était pour le jeune interprète qu'un engagement provisoire. Elle aurait pû n'être qu'un " amour colonial ", si la personnalité de sa très jeune femme ne l'avait transformée en une union durable. L'écartèlement entre deux sociétés antagonistes, le regard des autres, de longues séparations, puis les souffrances et la maladie qui en 1864 emporta Djeyhmouna à l'âge de trente-cinq ans, l'enrichirent et la renforcèrent. C'est l'histoire de cette union qui est évoquée ici, à partir des informations qu'Urbain a données à ses amis sur une démarche qu'il voulait, et qui le fut presque, exemplaire.

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황의갑. "A Study of Cooperation in EU & Maghreb Union -Starting Union for Mediterranean-." Journal of Mediterranean Area Studies 10, no. 4 (December 2008): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18218/jmas.2008.10.4.165.

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Sarkali, Dr Ensaf. "The Economic Factor and Integration of the Maghreb Union." Egypt Institute Journal Egypt Institute Journal vol.4, no. 13 (January 31, 2019): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.36912/eisjournal.2020.63.

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Dakhlia, Jocelyne. "La «culture nébuleuse» ou l’Islam à l’épreuve de la comparaison." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 56, no. 6 (December 2001): 1177–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900033941.

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RésuméLa faible présence théorique en France des sciences sociales du Maghreb et, plus généralement, du monde arabe et de l’Islam conduit à s’interroger d’une part sur la chronologie de cet effacement, à partir du cas d’un débat sur l’anthropologie culturelle lancé par l’historien marocain Abdallah Laroui dans les années 1970, d’autre part sur les raisons ou les effets d’une opacité de l’Islam en regard d’autres aires culturelles extra-européennes dans l’échange comparatiste. L’article tend à remettre en cause une certaine forme de comparatisme, trop axé sur le principe de la cohérence culturelle des sociétés envisagées et qui postule le plus souvent la spécificité irréductible de chacune d’entre elles. Il conteste également le principe de parité, inhérent à l’opération comparatiste, qui s’avère illusoire et trompeur lorsqu’il met en présence des contextes de production scientifique asymétriques. Dans le cas du Maghreb, la formulation même de la comparaison est encore aggravée par la subordination politique.

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Oualdi, M'hamed. "Une succession d'empires: Les historicités d'une société maghrébine (1860-1930)." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 72, no. 4 (December 2017): 1055–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264918000586.

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RésuméEn étudiant un conflit juridique transméditerranéen autour de la succession d'un ancien ministre tunisien mort à Florence en 1887, cet article appelle à une écriture de l'histoire du Maghreb contemporain qui ne soit pas seulement conçue à partir de l’étude des sources coloniales européennes ou selon une temporalité coloniale mais qui puisse emprunter d'autres cadres d'analyse. Il s'agit aussi de prendre en compte le chevauchement des temporalités impériales française et ottomane en Méditerranée jusqu'aux années 1920, ainsi que la multiplication des litiges nés avant la colonisation de la Tunisie, des dissensions qui continuaient à fournir des raisons d'agir durant la période coloniale. Reconsidérer ces conflits non pas à l'aune de la colonisation mais selon leurs multiples temporalités et en diversifiant les sources nuancerait largement l'idée d'une absence de sources dites « locales » souvent avancée dans les études d'histoire coloniale du Maghreb. Tout autant que les parties prenantes européennes, les acteurs maghrébins impliqués dans des litiges juridiques furent à l'origine d'une profusion documentaire. Ils n'ont cessé de produire des preuves écrites et des justifications – y compris littéraires – en langue arabe pour appuyer leurs argumentaires. Les archives coloniales n'ont capté qu'une partie de ces écrits et donc des sources disponibles pour raconter une autre histoire contemporaine du Maghreb.

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el-Mechat, Samya. "L'improbable "Nation arabe". La Ligue des Etats arabes et l'independance du Maghreb (1945-1956)." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 82 (April 2004): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3771581.

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Cherif, Fayçal. "La propagande arabe anglaise vers le Maghreb pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale (1939-1943)." Revue LISA / LISA e-journal, Vol. IV - n°3 (September 1, 2006): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lisa.2013.

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JOFFÉ, GEORGE. "The European Union, Democracy and Counter-Terrorism in the Maghreb." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 46, no. 1 (December 10, 2007): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2007.00771.x.

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Feltrin, Lorenzo. "Labour and democracy in the Maghreb: The Moroccan and Tunisian trade unions in the 2011 Arab Uprisings." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (August 24, 2018): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780316.

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This article focuses on the part played by Moroccan and Tunisian labour in the 2011 Arab Uprisings and their outcomes, aiming to add fresh evidence to the long-standing debate over the place of social classes in democratisation processes. In Morocco, most labour confederations supported a new constitution that did not alter the undemocratic nature of the political system. In Tunisia, instead, rank-and-file trade unionists successfully rallied the single labour confederation in support of the popular mobilisations, eventually contributing to democratisation. The most important facilitating factor for these divergent processes and outcomes was the different level of working-class power existing in the two countries. On the eve of the Uprisings, working-class power was higher in Tunisia than in Morocco and this enabled Tunisian workers to mobilise more effectively. Democratisation in Tunisia, however, has so far failed to address the demands for social justice that were at the core of the Uprisings.

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Volpi, Frédéric. "Stabilité et changement politique au Maghreb : Positionner l’Algérie dans le contexte régional de l’après-printemps arabe." Maghreb - Machrek 221, no. 3 (2014): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/machr.221.0035.

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Hadj-Moussa, Ratiba. "Sur un concept contesté." Anthropologie et Sociétés 36, no. 1-2 (August 10, 2012): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1011722ar.

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L’avènement des télévisons satellitaires arabes dans le paysage médiatique du Sud et de l’Est de la Méditerranée soulève de nombreuses questions sur la nature de la sphère publique qui en a résulté. Bien que la généalogie de cette sphère puisse être retracée dans des médias plus anciens tels que la radio égyptienne et son programme « La voix des Arabes », elle s’en démarque par sa nature (comment des télévisions non-nationales peuvent-elles rassembler dans un ensemble commun des groupes nationaux déjà établis ?), mais aussi par ses effets « fédérateurs lâches » et néanmoins persistants. Cet article discute le concept de « sphère publique arabe » en traitant de ses conditions de possibilité et en le rapportant aux débats sur la sphère publique libérale démocratique, et sur les modernités alternatives. Les télévisions satellitaires créent-elles la sphère publique arabe, comme semblent le suggérer certains travaux ? Si oui, quelles en sont les prémisses ? Il est difficile de prétendre à la transnationalité de la sphère publique sans une mise en relation avec « le substrat social » des sphères publiques nationales. Nous montrerons ce lien en nous appuyant sur une recherche de terrain effectuée au Maghreb. Il s’agit de reposer la question d’un espace public virtuel, si problématique dans sa réalisation mais si riche en possibilités.

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Cherif, Fayçal. "Fondements du discours propagandiste arabe de la Grande-Bretagne au Maghreb pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale (1939-1943)." Revue LISA / LISA e-journal, Vol. VI – n°1 (January 1, 2008): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lisa.492.

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STIEGLER, Valérie. "Envisager le Maghreb à la lumière du renouveau des relations Europe/monde arabe au début des années 1970." Journal of European Integration History 23, no. 1 (2017): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2017-1-113.

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