Academic literature on the topic 'Union Nationale (Quebec)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Union Nationale (Quebec)"
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Savage, Larry. "Quebec Labour and the Referendums." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 4 (December 2008): 861–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908081067.
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Abstract.The Quebec labour movement's decision to withdraw its support for Canada's federal system in the 1970s and instead embrace the sovereignist option was unquestionably linked to the intersection of class and nation in Quebec. In this period, unions saw the sovereignist project as part of a larger socialist or social democratic societal project. Because the economic inequalities related to ethnic class, which fuelled the labour movement's support for sovereignty in the 1970s, were no longer as prevalent by the time of Quebec's 1995 referendum, organized labour's continued support for the sovereignist option in the post-referendum period cannot adequately be explained using the traditional lens of class and nation. This paper employs an institutional comparative analysis of Quebec's three largest trade union centrals with a view to demonstrating that organized labour's primary basis for supporting sovereignty has changed considerably over time. While unions have not completely abandoned a class-based approach to the national question, they have tended to downplay class division in favour of an emphasis on Quebec's uniqueness and the importance of preserving the collective francophone identity of the nation. Party–union relations, the changing cultural, political and economic basis of the sovereignist project and the emergence of neoliberalism in Quebec are offered as key explanatory factors for the labour movement's shift in focus.Résumé.La décision du mouvement syndical québécois de retirer son soutien du système fédéral, dans les années 1970, et d'embrasser l'option souverainiste, a été liée incontestablement à l'intersection de classe et nation au Québec. Dans cette période, les syndicats ont vu le projet souverainiste en tant qu'élément d'un plus grand projet de société à caractère social démocratique ou socialiste. Toutefois, puisque les inégalités économiques associées à la classe ethnique qui avaient poussé le mouvement syndical dans le camp de la souveraineté n'étaient plus aussi prononcées lors du référendum de 1995, l'analyse traditionnelle de classe et nation ne peut plus expliquer le maintien de sa position souverainiste durant la période postréférendaire. Cet article se fonde sur une analyse comparative et institutionnelle des trois plus grandes centrales syndicales québécoises en vue de démontrer que les motifs premiers de l'appui syndical au projet souverainiste ont changé considérablement avec le temps. Même si les syndicats n'ont pas complètement abandonné l'approche militante surla question nationale, ils ont relégué les divisions de classes au second plan et plutôt mis l'accent sur le caractère distinct du Québec et sur l'importance de préserver l'identité francophone collective de la nation. Les relations entre les syndicats et les partis politiques, la base culturelle, politique et économique du projet souverainiste, et l'introduction du néolibéralisme au Québec sont présentées en tant que facteurs principaux expliquant l'évolution de la position syndicale à l'égard de la question nationale.
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Ruff, Kathleen. "How Canada’s Asbestos Industry Was Defeated in Quebec." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 26, no. 4 (November 24, 2016): 543–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1048291116679951.
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Less than a decade ago, the Quebec asbestos industry enjoyed support from all the political parties in the Canadian House of Commons and the Quebec National Assembly, as well as from business and union organizations. Two lobby organizations (Chrysotile Institute and International Chrysotile Association) had significant global impact in promoting asbestos use and defeating asbestos ban efforts in developing countries. Quebec’s two asbestos mines planned to expand operations and make Quebec the second biggest global asbestos exporter. With the aid of lobbyists, public relations consultants, and government financing, the asbestos industry came close to succeeding. The article examines how a campaign of international solidarity, involving scientific experts, asbestos victims, and health activists in Quebec, Canada, and overseas, succeeded in closing the two mines and defeating the political and social power that the Quebec asbestos industry had wielded for a century. This victory ended Canada’s destructive role as global propagandist for the asbestos industry.
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Laroche, Mélanie, and Mélanie Dufour-Poirier. "Revitalizing Union Representation through Labor Education Initiatives: A Close Examination of Two Trade Unions in Quebec." Labor Studies Journal 42, no. 2 (March 20, 2017): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x17697442.
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This article aims to explain whether and to what extent formal and informal labor education and training initiatives help increase union participation among young members. Between 2009 and 2014, twenty-two interviews were conducted with ten national union leaders and twelve young leaders in two trade union organizations operating in the public and private sectors in Quebec. To complement these data, fifty-three focus group discussions were held, involving more than four hundred thirty young members (under the age of thirty). Our results reveal the presence of three areas of tension associated with the internal functioning of these unions. They also point out some factors that may boost the participation of young workers, internally.
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Rickenbacher, Daniel. "The Anti-Israel Movement in Québec in the 1970s: At the Ideological Crossroads of the New Left and Liberation-Nationalism." Canadian Jewish Studies / Études juives canadiennes 29 (June 13, 2020): 81–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1916-0925.40170.
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Since the late 1950s, Third World nationalism in Algeria, Vietnam, and the Middle East had fascinated radical Quebec nationalists. Quebec nationalism’s militant arm, the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ), styled itself as a national-liberation movement fighting against Anglo-Canadian exploitation and oppression. After the Six-Day-War, the PLO became a significant source of inspiration for these elements. Quebec was their Palestine, as one prominent Quebec Nationalist asserted. This militant Quebec nationalism coincided and often overlapped with the rise of the New Left at Quebec’s universities and in its unions. Like its European and American counterparts, the Quebec New Left adopted the ideologies of anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism, and in 1972, the Quebec-Palestine Association was established in this milieu. Anti-imperialism combined the Marxist analysis of class struggle with a nationalistic worldview, which saw the world divided between oppressor and oppressed nations. For the New Left, Israel became the epitome of an oppressor nation. It was associated with all the supposed vices of the West: Racism, capitalism, inauthenticity, and militarism. This paper sheds light on the founding years of the Quebec anti-Zionist movement in the early 1970 and discusses the themes and images it used to describe Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Furthermore, the paper investigates whether these articulations a genuine critique of Zionism and Israeli policies or whether they were, instead, a reflection of antisemitic stereotypes. Moreover, the paper compares Quebec anti-Zionism to parallel manifestations of New Left anti-Zionism in Germany, asking whether the cultural context in Quebec affected the message of anti-Zionism.
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Frangi, Lorenzo, and Marc-Antonin Hennebert. "Expressing Confidence in Unions in Quebec and the Other Canadian Provinces: Similarities and Contrasts in Findings." Articles 70, no. 1 (March 27, 2015): 131–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1029283ar.
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This article examines changes in levels of confidence in unions and proposes an intra-national comparison between Quebec and the rest of Canada based on the analysis of the three most recent waves of the World Values Survey (WVS) database, of which Canada is part (i.e. 1990, 2000, 2006). After noting differences in the trends of confidence in unions in these two regions, we applied the same logistic regression model to both regions, based on the 2006 WVS wave, in order to bring out the determinants of the propensity of individuals to express confidence in unions. The results show both similarities and differences between the two regions. As for the similarities between Quebec and the rest of Canada, it should be noted that involvement in politics and the fact of being unionized had a positive effect on the respondents’ propensity to have confidence in unions whereas most of the socio-demographic variables had no significant effects. As for the differences, the fact of reporting a higher income had a significant negative impact in Quebec, but was not significant in the rest of Canada. The fact of supporting the NDP in the rest of Canada had a more structuring effect on the propensity of individuals to have confidence in unions than the fact of supporting the BQ in Quebec. Moreover, the greater the extent to which citizens in Quebec identified with left-leaning ideological positions, the more likely they were to have confidence in unions. Finally, the respondent’s level of education was not significant in the rest of Canada but,cetiris paribus, was highly significant and positively related to confidence in unions in Quebec.
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Smith, Mary Elizabeth. "On the Margins: Eastern Canadian Theatre as Post-colonialist Discourse." Theatre Research International 21, no. 1 (1996): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300012694.
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Canada became a country in 1867 through the Confederation of the two small eastern (Maritime) colonies of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick with the larger, more inland colonies of Upper and Lower Canada (Ontario and Quebec). Yet the flag remained the British Union Jack and the constitution resided in London. Canada's own flag was raised only in 1965, and the constitution repatriated only in 1982, both events accompanied by considerable controversy within the nation. The political controversy then (and now) reflects a constantly ambivalent attitude of Canadians towards the relationship between identity and nationalism, an ambivalence that encompasses protean forms of nationalism, including essentialist nationalism and a more elastic concept which recognizes the legitimacy of emotional and cultural ties beyond the national borders.
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Moses, Nigel R. "Student Organizations as Historical Actors: The Case of Mass Student Aid." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 31, no. 1 (April 30, 2001): 75–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v31i1.183379.
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The National Federation of Canadian University Students (NFCUS) and the Canadian Union of Students (CUS) had historicity; that is, they helped transform the field of historical action by convincing business, government, university administrators and public opinion on the need for mass student-aid programs and low tuition fees. From the 1950s to the mid-1960s, NFCUS and CUS campaigned for government-funded mass student-aid; in fact, it was their number one "national affairs" concern. Governments responded to the NFCUS and CUS accessibility lobby with the Canada Student Loan Program (CSLP) in 1964, the Ontario Student Assistance Plan (OSAP) in 1966 and "frozen" tuition fees by 1967. The achievement of the CSLP divided Quebec and English- Canadian students and began a process of removing traditional student movement catalysts. NFCUS's and CUS's lobby for non-repayable student bursaries was co-opted. However, the level of accessibility to post- secondary education was unprecedented and, in part, provided the social conditions for the emergence of new social movements.
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Brunton, D. F., P. C. Sokoloff, J. F. Bolin, and D. F. Fraser. "Isoetes laurentiana, sp. nov. (Isoetaceae) endemic to freshwater tidal marshes in eastern Quebec, Canada." Botany 97, no. 11 (November 2019): 571–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/cjb-2019-0037.
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Morphological, phytogeographic, ecological, preliminary genetic, and C-value evidence indicates that populations of Isoetes confined to freshwater tidal marsh habitats along the St. Lawrence River in Quebec, Canada, represent an undescribed endemic species, proposed here as Isoetes laurentiana sp. nov. The combination of short velum coverage (ca. 10%) over a plain (unstreaked) sporangium, broad (ca. 1.0 mm) erect leaves, small megaspores (ca. 459 μm) with more densely convoluted-reticulate, almost echinate ornamentation, and its occurrence within an exceptional habitat, readily distinguish I. laurentiana from I. tuckermanii A.Braun with which it was formerly combined. Isoetes laurentiana is one of a series of endemic taxa of the floristically extraordinary St. Lawrence River estuary. Some populations of I. laurentiana are immense; in cultivation it demonstrates the capacity for prolific production of new individuals, which is presumably necessary to sustain such local abundance. Isoetes laurentiana is of national and global phytogeographic significance, but is not considered to represent a species at risk according to standards from the International Union for Conservation of Nature.
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Ilishev, Ildus G. "Russian Federalism: Political, Legal, and Ethnolingual Aspects—A View from the Republic of Bashkortostan." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 4 (December 1998): 723–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408597.
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Problems of building a new democratic Russia based on federative principles and the region's long-refractory “national question,” forming a knotty tangle of complicated issues, have steadily remained in the political limelight. In a number of regions worldwide dramatic changes have occurred, related in one way or the other to the processes of national-territorial self-determination. As a result of this, the Eurasian political landscape has been marked by the emergence of some twenty newly independent states. Suffice it to say that the Soviet Union, a preponderant superpower feared by all, collapsed; and in Europe the Federative Republic of Yugoslavia ceased to exist, bringing on a long-term national conflict threatening not only regional but even global security. In East Central Europe binational Czechoslovakia split up into two independent nation states. Elsewhere, even in the absence of militarized national conflict, political processes have dramatically intensified. In Asia, for example, the multinational Chinese Republic with its Tibetan and Uighur problems, and ethnically heterogeneous India with its population speaking more than 400 languages and dialects have long attracted public attention as sources of potential instability in the region. The “Sikh issue” alone, for instance, continues to pose a threat to India. Even the North American continent, a peaceful region in terms of its political and ethnic stability, is confronted with similar problems. The integrity of Canada is still in question with the franco-lingual province of Quebec striving for independence.
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Nikolic, Dusan. "Private law in Vojvodina between two world wars: Heritage for European future." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 125 (2008): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0825009n.
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This article represents an overview of different legal cultures. Author compares pluralistic legal systems, concomitant to Eastern societies, with monistic legal systems typical for Western civilizations. This article demonstrates the convergence of different legal traditions as the result of regional and global integration processes. Special attention has been given to Western legal culture. In this respect, the author analyzes fundamental features of European continental law, created by legislature, and of Anglo-American law primarily formed by judiciary. European Union has been in search for a medium solution. The aim is creating a combined legal system which would include both models of law. Such combined legal systems have existed in Scotland (United Kingdom), Quebec (Canada), Louisiana (The United States of America), and South Africa. However, it has not been well known that a similar combined legal system existed in Vojvodina between two world wars. This legal heritage, in the opinion of the author, could serve as a model for creating a new ius comunae europaeum. This model represents the evidence of a successful fusion of legisla?tive (parliamentary) law and common law. In 2005 Matica Srpska launched the research project 'Private Law in Vojvodina between Two World Wars' in order to present this legal heritage nationally and inter?nationally. This Collection of Papers displays preliminary results of this research.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Union Nationale (Quebec)"
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Barron, Alexandra Lynn. "Postcolonial unions: the queer national romance in film and literature." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1506.
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Barron, Alexandra Lynn Moore Lisa. "Postcolonial unions the queer national romance in film and literature /." 2005. http://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/1506/barrona50243.pdf.
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Bergeron, Marco. "Le nationalisme et les partis politiques dans l'élection provinciale québécoise de 1936 /." 1998. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=734150251&sid=6&Fmt=2&clientId=9268&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Full textBooks on the topic "Union Nationale (Quebec)"
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Güntzel, Ralph Peter. Trade unions and separatism in Québec: The Conféderation des syndicats nationaux, the idea of independence and the sovereigntist movement, 1960-1980. Augsburg: AV-Verlag, 1993.
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Paulin, Marguerite. Maurice Duplessis: Powerbroker, Politician (The Quest Library). XYZ Publishing, 2005.
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La CSN: 75 ans d'action syndicale et sociale (Les Leaders du Quebec contemporain). Presses de l'Universite du Quebec, 1998.
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The Co-operative Union of Canada, organised 1909, affiliated with the International Co-operative Alliance: The national federation of Canadian co-operative societies, with affiliated societies in Alberta, British Columbia, Manitoba, Nova Scotia, Ontario and Quebec. Brantford, Ont: [The Union, 1997.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Union Nationale (Quebec)"
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Torrance, David. "The SNP and ‘Five Continuing Unions’." In Standing up for Scotland, 148–67. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447812.003.0008.
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This chapter flips the book’s analysis and looks at the ‘unionism’ of the Scottish National Party, which after 1942 supported the secession of Scotland from the UK. A speech made by Alex Salmond in 2013 is used as a means of examining different strands of the party’s unionism following its formation in 1934. First was the SNP’s attachment to some form of supra-national authority, initially the British Empire and later the European Union; second was defence co-operation via NATO; third was a form of monetary union as advocated by the Scottish Government during the 2012-14 referendum campaign; fourth was a long-standing SNP commitment to the 1603 Union of the Crowns, or retention of the Queen as head of state in an independent Scotland; and fifth was what Alex Salmond called a ‘social union’ between the ‘peoples of these islands’.
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Coleman, James J. "‘Staunch Loyalty to the Flag that Stands for Union’." In Remembering the Past in Nineteenth-Century Scotland. Edinburgh University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748676903.003.0008.
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If the legacy of Mary Queen of Scots was incapable of finding a home within the definition of Scottish nationality, there were some readings of the past that could accommodate her. As noted in the previous chapter, many Scottish Catholics viewed Mary as a Catholic martyr, someone who stood up for the religion of Rome and its Scottish antecedents in the midst of reforming turmoil. Though growing, the Catholic experience was still on the fringes of Scottish nationality, still finding its place in expressing its identity, yet this was not the only national frame within which the Queen could be placed. We encounter a somewhat unusual deployment of Mary in the exploits of the proto-nationalist and ardent neo-Jacobite Theodore Napier when visiting Fotheringay Castle – another focal point for Marian memory – in February 1908.
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Porta, Donatella della, Lorenzo Cini, and César Guzmán-Concha. "Student Campaigns." In Contesting Higher Education, 29–64. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529208627.003.0002.
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This chapter illustrates the temporal trajectories and the main characteristics of the recent student mobilizations, occurring in the four cases under investigation, that oppose measures promoted by national governments to foster a neoliberal model of higher education. In exploring the goals, strategies, and action repertoires of such mobilizations, it notes similarities and differences between the actors involved in the protests within and across the four regions. To begin with, students have various traditions of activism in the four cases studied, which have informed contemporary movements. Moreover, in the four cases, the mobilization campaigns have shown a surprisingly high (especially for England and Quebec) confrontational orientation, exemplified by the adoption of very disruptive protest tactics, such as street blockades, and railway and university occupations. Similar also were the main demands and goals pursued by the students, who were concerned with the negative consequences of the process of marketization affecting their universities and their lives, and the support of the restoration of a stronger public system with a more democratic outlook. Yet, some key differences across the four cases were identified in the various capacities of students to build unitary protest fronts and to make alliances with other social and political actors, such as leftist political parties and trade unions — a capacity which was higher in the Quebec and Chilean cases, and lower in the Italian and English ones.
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Coleman, James J. "‘By the Imprudence of His Ancestors’: Commemorating Jacobitism and Mary Queen of Scots." In Remembering the Past in Nineteenth-Century Scotland. Edinburgh University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748676903.003.0007.
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The Scottish national past was the story of the struggle for civil and religious liberty, reaching its glorious outcome at the Revolution of 1688. With their prologue in the proto-Presbyterian Culdees, collective memories of Scottish nationality ran from Wallace and Bruce, through Knox, to the Covenanters. At each stage in this memory, the heroes of Scotland’s past had overcome the threat posed by their antithesis, whether Edward I or Edward II, the Roman Catholic church, or the later Stuart kings. Both explicitly and implicitly, the narrative of civil and religious liberty framed the commemoration of the Scottish past in the nineteenth century, generating a collective sense of what it meant to be Scottish, explaining or justifying present attitudes and national mores. In a sense, the Glorious Revolution marked the end of Presbyterian history, the closure of a centuries-long struggle to achieve full and coherent Scottish nationality with a free nation and a secure Presbyterian church. It was for this reason that union was made possible. The Scots had proved their point, won their battle, and could give up their statehood, confident that Scottish nationality could never be undone.
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Finlay, Richard J. "Scotland and the Monarchy in the Twentieth Century." In Anglo-Scottish Relations, from 1900 to Devolution and Beyond. British Academy, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263310.003.0002.
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This chapter demonstrates that Queen Victoria had a talent for interpreting and manipulating history, adopting national identities and evoking a significant response. It also discusses the English reaction when the ‘Stone of Destiny’ was (briefly) taken from Westminster Abbey in 1950 by nationalist students from Glasgow University. It specifically explores Scottish perceptions of the monarchy as part of a wider British identity in Scotland. It begins by briefly outlining the ways in which Victoria re-established the notion of monarchy in Scottish society. The contrast between the popular perception of Victoria and her heir, Edward, is examined to illustrate how notions of Scottishness were significant in identifying the attitudes towards the monarchy. It then addresses the period surrounding the coronation of Queen Elizabeth as it took place in 1953, the 350th anniversary of the Union of the Crowns. It further evaluates some of the reasons why the effect of monarchy as a unifying factor in British identity has decreased in Scotland over the last twenty years. There has been a steady decline in the number of Scots who served in the armed forces in the period after 1945.