To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Union of Young Communist of Czechoslovakia.
Journal articles on the topic 'Union of Young Communist of Czechoslovakia'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Union of Young Communist of Czechoslovakia.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Ševčíková, Markéta, and Kaarle Nordenstreng. "The Story of Journalist Organizations in Czechoslovakia." Media and Communication 5, no. 3 (September 27, 2017): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i3.1042.
Full textAbstract:
This article reviews the political history of Czechoslovakia as a vital part of the Soviet-dominated “Communist bloc” and its repercussions for the journalist associations based in the country. Following an eventful history since 1918, Czechoslovakia changed in 1948 from a liberal democracy into a Communist regime. This had significant consequences for journalists and their national union and also for the International Organization of Journalists (IOJ), which had just established its headquarters in Prague. The second historical event to shake the political system was the “Prague Spring” of 1968 and its aftermath among journalists and their unions. The third landmark was the “Velvet Revolution” of 1989, which played a significant part in the fall of Communism in Central and Eastern Europe and led to the closing of the old Union of Journalists in 1990, followed by the founding of a new Syndicate which refused to serve as the host of the IOJ. This led to a gradual disintegration and the closing down of what in the 1980s was the world’s largest non-governmental organization in the media field.
2
Kirschenbaum, Lisa A., and Nancy M. Wingfield. "Gender and the Construction of Wartime Heroism in Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union." European History Quarterly 39, no. 3 (June 15, 2009): 465–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691409105062.
Full textAbstract:
During World War II, the Soviet media featured both male and female military heroes as part of an effort to mobilize the entire nation for the protection of hearth and home. The wartime hero cults inspired post-war commemoration in both the Soviet Union and in countries it `liberated' from Nazism. However, no single Communist/Soviet model of commemoration and heroism was imposed on post-World War II Eastern Europe. The relative lack of female heroes constituted one of the most striking differences between the `cults' of the war in the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia. The difference can be explained in part as a consequence of the very different Soviet and Czechoslovak wartime experiences. The absence of female heroes also points to post-war differences in how the two states' leaders understood and employed the legitimizing potential of the war. These differences in turn shaped the post-Communist fate of hero cults in both countries.
3
Cooke, Philip. "‘Oggi in Italia’: The Voice of Truth and Peace in Cold War Italy." Modern Italy 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 251–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362763.
Full textAbstract:
Based on archival materials in Italy and the Czech Republic, the article examines the history of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) radio programme ‘Oggi in Italia’, which was broadcast from Prague to Italy throughout the 1950s and 1960s. The programme was produced clandestinely by former partisans who had fled to Czechoslovakia in order to escape prosecution during the ‘trial of the Resistance’ (processo alla Resistenza). ‘Oggi in Italia’ was a central element in the PCI's media strategy, particularly during the Cold War, when access to the official airwaves was circumscribed. The programme was thus a key element of the long-term legacy of the Resistance movement, but also played a highly significant role in the wider process of negotiation between the Communist parties of Italy, Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union.
4
Dmytryshyn, Basil. "The Legal Framework for the Sovietization of Czechoslovakia 1941–1945." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 02 (June 1997): 255–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408502.
Full textAbstract:
Literature in many languages (documentary, monographic, memoir-like and periodical) is abundant on the sovietization of Czechoslovakia, as are the reasons advanced for it. Some observers have argued that the Soviet takeover of the country stemmed from an excessive preoccupation with Panslavism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries by a few Czech and Slovak intellectuals, politicians, writers and poets and their uncritical affection and fascination for everything Russian and Soviet. Others have attributed the drawing of Czechoslovakia into the Soviet orbit to Franco-British appeasement of Hitler's imperial ambitions during the September 1938, Munich crisis. At Munich, Czechoslovakia lost its sovereignty and territory, France its honor, England its respect and trust; and the Soviet Union, by its abstract offer to aid Czechoslovakia (without detailing how or in what form the assistance would come) gained admiration. Still others have pinned the blame for the sovietization of Czechoslovakia on machinations by top leaders of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, who, as obedient tools of Moscow, supported Soviet geopolitical designs on Czechoslovakia, who sought and received political asylum in the USSR during World War II, and who returned to Czechoslovakia with the victorious Soviet armed forces at the end of World War II as high-ranking members of the Soviet establishment. Finally, there are some who maintain that the sovietization of Czechoslovakia commenced with the 25 February 1948, Communist coup, followed by the tragic death of Foreign Minister Jan Masaryk on 10 March 1948, and the replacement, on 7 June 1948, of President Eduard Beneš by the Moscow-trained, loyal Kremlin servant Klement Gottwald.
5
Batt, Judy. "The End of Communist Rule in East-Central Europe: A Four-Country Comparison." Government and Opposition 26, no. 3 (July 1, 1991): 368–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01147.x.
Full textAbstract:
This article compares the patterns of breakdown of communist rule and the processes by which power was transferred to new ruling groups in four countries: Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and the GDR. In the countries covered in this paper, two paths to systemic crisis and breakdown are identified: the path of failed reform in Hungary and Poland, and the path of intransigent resistance to reform in Czechoslovakia and the German Democratic Republic. The lesson of the Czechoslovak and East German experience was clearly that those regimes which totally rejected reform, because they saw it as incompatible with communist power, faced total and rapid collapse when confronted with the challenge of Gorbachev's perestroika and when deprived of the support of the ‘Brezhnev Doctrine’; but the experience of Poland and Hungary suggests that those regimes which embarked on reform were no more successful in preserving communist power — half-way reform turned out in many ways to be even worse than no reform at all, while radical reform, that is, reform which would bring about the intended economic results, in the end could not be achieved without sweeping away communist power. Gorbachev himself now seems to be impaled on the horns of this same dilemma in the Soviet Union.
6
Gubricová, Janette. "Forming Pupils’ Positive Relationship to the Soviet Union in the Period of Socialism in Czechoslovakia Through the Lens of Chronicles." Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology 69, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 236–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/se-2021-0013.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The cooperation of Czechoslovakia (and other socialist countries) with the Soviet Union was an important phenomenon during the period of socialism. It represented one form of building and consolidating socialism within socialist countries. Relationships with the Soviet Union affected political, ideological, economic and cultural domains, including education. This study follows points of departure and forms of building children’s positive relationship with the Soviet Union in the period of socialism. The content analysis of the Pioneer Organisation chronicles shows that the most frequently identified forms of activities were regularly organised (celebrations of memorial days and public holidays, politically motivated commitments, correspondence, games, expeditions, competitions, etc.). Some identified activities could be considered occasional, as they reflected current events in the Soviet Union (showing Soviet films, deaths of prominent politicians, anniversaries of birth/death of politicians, etc.). The proclaimed “diversity and attractiveness of content and forms” can characterise the process, and it affected many domains of children’s lives. However, the (in)direct power interest of the Soviet Union was hidden in the proclamation of “children’s well-being”, while the programme of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia was implemented to reinforce the communistic ideology and actual political interests.
7
Štěpánek, Kamil. "On the Topic Role Models for Young People in Visual Media and History Education: Czechoslovakia 1948–1989." Czech-polish historical and pedagogical journal 12, no. 1 (2020): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cphpj-2020-003.
Full textAbstract:
The text of the paper aims to analyse selected educational patterns from contemporary visual media (Czechoslovakia 1948–89) – postage stamps, posters, comics or caricatures aimed at the target group of young people. For the totalitarian communist regime, the youth represented an easily educated bearer of ideas and the prospects of maintaining the regime in the generations to come. The didactic application of these patterns in history education represents a suitable alternative to media education.
8
Macek-Macková, Emanuela. "Challenges in conflict management in multi-ethnic states – the dissolution of Czechoslovakia and Serbia and Montenegro." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 4 (July 2011): 615–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.579952.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the break-ups of post-communist Czechoslovakia and the Union of Serbia and Montenegro under consociationalism. According to Arend Lijphart, social divisions may be neutralized at the elite level with power-sharing mechanisms. Lijphart's theory has been abundantly criticized, particularly because, while its intention is to induce cooperation, consociationalism does not give leaders actual incentives to cooperate. Czechoslovakia and the Union qualified as consociations; however most favorable factors were absent. The states failed to overcome their divisions and broke apart. Both states were going through a democratization period, experienced differently in each republic. The article argues that the application of consociationalism at this time magnified the divisions. Stirring up the ethnic sensitivity of the population was the most reliable strategy for politicians to secure popular support. In this context, and with the EU enlargement prospect, the consociational structure, instead of bringing elites together, weakened the federal power and provided elites the opportunity to defend republican interests at the expense of the federations. Hence, while a consociation requires certain conditions and favorable factors, the context in which consociationalism is implemented, and particularly democratization periods, may have a decisive influence on the leaders’ ability to cooperate, on their decisions, and thereby on the state.
9
Schneer, Cecil. "The Geologists At Prague: August 1968. History of the International Union of Geological Sciences." Earth Sciences History 14, no. 2 (January 1, 1995): 172–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.14.2.4206571252431810.
Full textAbstract:
In August, 1968 nearly 3000 geologists from 91 countries gathered in Prague for the XXIIIrd International Geological Congress. Geology was in a state of major transformation and the Congress was the opportunity for the nascent International Union of Geological Sciences to involve the world geological community. But a brutal invasion of Czechoslovakia by its Communist allies frustrated all plans. Over 500 papers, more than 50 field trips, dozens of colloquia, meetings of affiliated societies etc. were canceled. Thousands of geologists who might have disseminated a uniquely global science to the classrooms and boardrooms of 91 countries's, were scattered by the winds of war. In rump sessions within the dying Congress and immediately after, a handful of West bloc geologists, committed agents of the new developments, struggled to pick up the pieces. The IUGS had to wait four years for another plenary session with the world geological community.
10
Almashiy, Volodymyr. "Socio-Political and Socio-Cultural Activities of the Union of Rusyns-Ukrainians in the Slovak Republic (1989-1993)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 29 (November 10, 2020): 226–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2020.29.226.
Full textAbstract:
The given article, based on archival documents, provides the analysis of socio-political, socio-cultural, and educational activities of the Union of Rusyns-Ukrainians in the Slovak Republic, the updated name of which was adopted at the extraordinary Congress of the Cultural Union of Ukrainian workers of Czechoslovakia in January 20, 1990 in Prešov. The Cultural Union of Ukrainian Workers of Czechoslovakia of cultural orientation (founded in 1951), which was the predecessor of the new organization, is mentioned. According to the decision of the Congress, the reformed organization focused on strengthening the friendship and cooperation with the Slovak people, other nationalities in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, etc. It is noted that the return to the old name was seen by the Rusyn-Ukrainians of Eastern Slovakia as one of the means of identity struggle against the accelerated slovakization in the context of aggravation of interethnic relations in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in the late 1980s and 1990s. The analysis of the adopted documents in which the Congress stated its intentions and requirements is given including: Program Proclamation of the Congress, the Memorandum of Rusyns-Ukrainians of Czechoslovakia to the Federal Assembly of Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Slovak National Council and the SSR Government, the Statute of the Council of Rusyns-Ukrainians of Czechoslovakia, “Organization’s Work Plan for the Near Future”, which expressed the need to give priority to working with young people in and out of schools. The catastrophic decrease in the number of schools with the Ukrainian language of instruction is stated. The paper also notes the numerical grow and revitalization of other Ukrainian national associations and institutions in Slovakia willing to work in the field of cultural and national life of Rusyns-Ukrainians (Oleksander Dukhnovych Society, Rukh, “OBRUCH” Organization, Association of Ukrainians in the Czech Republic, Carpathians Youth Union, etc.)
11
Wołoszyn, Jacek. "Postawy antysystemowe młodzieży w wybranych państwach socjalistycznych Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w latach 1945–1956 – zarys problematyki." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 4 (December 2020): 203–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.4.9.
Full textAbstract:
The changes occurring in countries of Central and Eastern Europe after 1945 deprived young people of their subjectivity, divested them of the possibility of legal activities outside the structures controlled by the rulers. Simultaneously, the activities taken by the latter threatened the values which were fundamental for the most of them. Some of young people attempted – more or less – to engage in active resistance, usually determined axiologically. It took, among other things, the form of refusal to participate in official youth organisations while staying in religious communities. Some also publicly expressed their oppositions in the form of participation in street demonstrations. Others joined the anti-communist underground or established their own underground groups. Young people’s anti-system attitudes were discussed on the examples of Belarus, Estonia, Czechoslovakia, Lithuania, Latvia, the German Democratic Republic and Ukraine.
12
Lukes, Igor. "Changing Patterns of Power in Cold War Politics: The Mysterious Case of Vladimír Komárek." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 1 (January 2001): 61–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970151032155.
Full textAbstract:
The story of the arrest and imprisonment of Vladimír Komárek sheds valuable light on relations between Czechoslovakia and the United States in the 1950s and 1960s. Komárek, who had worked as an intelligence officer against the Czechoslovak Communist regime in the 1950s, was a U.S. citizen traveling to the Soviet Union on business when he was dramatically captured by the Czechoslovak authorities. Pressure from the U.S. government and private individuals, as well as conflicts between the Czechoslovak secret service and other, more liberal, elements in the Czechoslovak government, ultimately led to Komárek's release. Czechoslovakia's eventual willingness to cooperate in the Komárek case signaled a new approach to relations with the West, an approach that would have significant consequences during the Prague Spring of 1968.
13
Rychtaříková, Jitka. "Length of life, health and attitudes in the European Union." Geografie 120, no. 4 (2015): 542–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2015120040542.
Full textAbstract:
The contribution addresses three fields of investigation: mortality, health, and attitudes in the countries of EU28, Norway and Iceland. The data of EUROSTAT and EUROBAROMETER 378 were analyzed. In 2011, life expectancy at the age of 65 was shorter in post-Communist countries and there was also a smaller share of years lived in self-perceived good health. Two-level regression modelling has shown that the higher the age, the lower the satisfaction with health and with life. Higher-educated people and those living in a partnership are generally happier than the rest. Compared with other age and gender groups, young people and men perceive someone as old much sooner. Pessimistic attitudes are, to a smaller extent, intensified by living in former Communist countries.
14
Clybor, Shawn. "Laughter and Hatred Are Neighbors." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 3 (July 22, 2012): 589–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412436842.
Full textAbstract:
This article considers how Adolf Hoffmeister and E.F. Burian, influential members of the interwar avant-garde, struggled to define themselves as socialist realists in Czechoslovakia 1948-1956, even as they engaged in a parallel struggle to create works consistent with their artistic legacy. It argues that their ideas emerged both in cooperation with and in opposition to the increasingly repressive post-1948 communist regime, whose broader ideals they enthusiastically shared. Using these two intellectuals as case studies, the goal is thus to reframe our understanding of “complicity” under the 1950s Stalinist regime as a complex series of responses to the political, social, and intellectual questions of the era. Neither vacuous mouthpieces of the regime nor political dissidents, Hoffmeister and Burian stood at a critical historical juncture that linked the legacy of the interwar avant-garde to the cultural flowering of the 1960s Prague Spring. The article comprises three sections: The first offers a brief overview of the Stalinist era in Czechoslovakia, taking into account recent historical scholarship that recasts our understanding of the period. The second section examines the art and politics of Adolf Hoffmeister, who played a key role in the Stalinization of the Czechoslovak Fine Arts Union in 1952, revealing his attempts to both criticize and employ the violent rhetoric of the communist Terror. The third section considers E.F. Burian’s desperate attempt to save his interwar Theater D from nationalization, which ironically forced him into a relationship with the Ministry of Defense under the arch-Stalinist Alexej Čepička.
15
Remington, Thomas F. "After the Deluge: Regional Crises and Political Consolidation in Russia. By Daniel S. Treisman. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999. 262p. $57.50." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 247–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401722010.
Full textAbstract:
Daniel Treisman offers an ingenious explanation for the fact that the Russian Federation held together after the collapse of the Soviet regime. Unlike the three other ethnic federa- tions in the communist world-Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and the USSR itself-the Russian Federation, which was the largest of the 15 nationally based constituent republics in the Soviet Union, avoided disintegration. Many observers in the early 1990s feared the same pressures that had led to powerful separatist movements among the Soviet republics would prove too strong for the fragile central government to resist. Yet, Russia managed to maintain itself as a federal state, albeit weak. The one constituent republic in which separatism ultimately led to armed confrontation was Chech- nia, where a brutal war began in 1994, paused in 1996, and erupted again in 1999.
16
Pavlaković, Vjeran. "The Spanish Civil War and the Yugoslav Successor States." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (August 2020): 279–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000272.
Full textAbstract:
Yugoslav scholarship about the Spanish Civil War, specifically the Yugoslav volunteers who fought in the International Brigades, was almost exclusively tied to the partisan struggle during the Second World War and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Many countries in the Soviet bloc published books about their heroes who fought fascism before Western Europe reacted and raised monuments to Spanish Civil War veterans. However, many lost their lives during Stalinist purges of the late 1940s and early 1950s since they were potentially compromised cadres who returned to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and other countries only after the Red Army's occupation. Yugoslav volunteers, however, generally had a more prominent status in the country (and historiography) since the Yugoslav resistance movement liberated the country with only minimal support from the Soviet Union.
17
Bidzilya, Yuriy. "Transcarpathian print media of the mid and second half of the 20th cс. as a process of deepening the Sovietization of the mass media space of the region." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 10(28) (January 2020): 180–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2020-10(28)-12.
Full textAbstract:
Against the background of the socio-political events of the time, the article analyzes the process of deepening the totalitarian ways of managing the media in Transcarpathia, the region most recently annexed to the Soviet Union. Communists liquidate newspapers and magazines of other parties, cultural and public associations in the region, and communist government bodies purposefully turn the newly created print media and survivors into a means of destroying dissent. Through custom newspaper publications, the communist administrative-command system not only launches repression against active local cultural and public figures, scholars, writers, clergy, but also uses a titanic effort to ideologically re-educate the population of Transcarpathia through the print media The main function of the media is to promote the communist way of life and class struggle. The author examines the main stages of the transformation of the Transcarpathian print media into communist print media, draws attention to the way in which the Soviet authorities in Transcarpathia fought dissent through the print media, rigidly implemented anti-religious propaganda in the media. Those public and religious figures who did not agree to move to the side of communist power were ruthlessly physically destroyed. Such was the fate of the famous and authoritative among the population of Transcarpathian Greek-Catholic bishop Theodore Romzha. Transcarpathian press of the second half of the 20th century becomes an era of strengthening and deepening of Sovietization. The media actively promoted the idea that the country had entered the era of advanced socialism, and that all peoples in the Soviet Union formed a single historical community – the «Soviet people». In this way, the idea that the national issue was finally resolved was entrenched. At the same time, self-publishing books, which proved quite differently, had a significant impact on Ukrainian society. During these years, Transcarpathia became the base for the transfer of selfpublishing and dissident works to Western Europe for printing. Anti-Communist appearances in neighboring Czechoslovakia, known as the «Prague Spring», have had a major impact on the information space of this region. Keywords: periodicals, journalism, mass media, media space, propaganda, agitation, party press.
18
McGarry, John. "‘Connor's communist control polities’: why ethno-federalism does not explain the break-up of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia." Nations and Nationalism 24, no. 3 (July 2018): 535–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12447.
Full text
19
Gordin, Michael D. "The Trials of Arnošt K." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 47, no. 3 (June 1, 2017): 320–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2017.47.3.320.
Full textAbstract:
The Prague-born philosopher and historian of science Arnošt Kolman (1892–1979)—who often published under his Russian name Ernest Kol’man—has fallen into obscurity, much like dialectical materialism, the philosophy of science he represented. From modest Czech-Jewish origins, Kolman seized opportunities posed by the advent of the Bolshevik Revolution to advance to the highest levels of polemical Stalinist philosophy, returned to Prague as an activist laying the groundwork for the Communist coup in Czechoslovakia in February 1948, was arrested and held for three years by the Soviet secret police, returned to work in Moscow and Prague as a historian of science, played vastly contrasting roles in the Luzin Affair of the 1930s and the rehabilitation of cybernetics in the 1950s, and defected—after 58 years in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union—to Sweden in 1976. This article argues that Kolman’s biography represents his gradual separation of dialectical materialism from other aspects of Soviet authority, a disentanglement enabled by the perspective gained from repeated returns to Prague and the diversity of dialectical-materialist thought developed in the Eastern Bloc. This essay is part of a special issue entitled THE BONDS OF HISTORY edited by Anita Guerrini.
20
Honey, Michael. "The Popular Front in the American South: The View from Memphis." International Labor and Working-Class History 30 (1986): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900016835.
Full textAbstract:
When I started organizing the CIO I was called a Communist anyhow, and one thing I noticed was that the Communists were the most dedicated union supporters. In 1939, I wasn't a Communist, just a militant young guy caught up in the class struggle … But I became acquainted with the Communists and I found myself defending them because they were the best organizers. I got caught up in the struggle, and at that time the big issue was black and white unity. I could see from experience that there was no way to achieve union organization without unity between black and white. It was a question of self interest on the part of whites, and the other white workers saw that too.
21
Honey, Michael. "The Popular Front in the American South: The View from Memphis." International Labor and Working-Class History 30 (1986): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900003859.
Full textAbstract:
When I started organizing the CIO I was called a Communist anyhow, and one thing I noticed was that the Communists were the most dedicated union supporters. In 1939, I wasn't a Communist, just a militant young guy caught up in the class struggle … But I became acquainted with the Communists and I found myself defending them because they were the best organizers. I got caught up in the struggle, and at that time the big issue was black and white unity. I could see from experience that there was no way to achieve union organization without unity between black and white. It was a question of self interest on the part of whites, and the other white workers saw that too.
22
Leff, Carol Skalnik. "Democratization and Disintegration in Multinational States: The Breakup of the Communist Federations." World Politics 51, no. 2 (January 1999): 205–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100008170.
Full textAbstract:
One of the challenges presented to democratization theory by the collapse of communist regimes is the need to take into account the impact of ethnonational diversity on the processes of transition. This article explores that question in a comparative analysis of the dissolutions of the multinational federations of Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and the Soviet Union. It revisits what has been a core—although usually unarticulated—premise of the democratization literature: that the decisions and negotiations that critically shape regime transition occur in a single, central political arena, a political space common to all actors. In contrast to that perspective, the strategic political context for transition in multinational states differs both from that in homogeneous states and from that in unitary multinational states, in offering multiple arenas of political contestation. The implication for democratization in multinational states is that, depending on the institutional structure of the state, regime change may occur at different rates in different substate political arenas—the republics—in such a way as to trigger the erosion of central control over the transition. Where democratization theory has emphasized strategic choice conditioned by the balance of power between regime and opposition actors, an accounting of the politics of transition in ethnofederal states must emphasize (1) strategic choices by actors in multiple political arenas and (2) the shifting balance of power between center and republics.
23
Wiatr, Jerzy J. "The Crisis of Democracy: An East-Central European Perspective." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 353–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0016.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractPost-communist states of East Central Europe face the authoritarian challenge to their young democracies, the sources of which are both historical and contemporary. Economic underdevelopment, the retarded process of nation-building and several decades of communist rul made countries of the region less well prepared for democratic transformation than their Western neighbors, but better than former Soviet Union. Combination of economic and social tensions, nationalism and religious fundamentalism creates conditions conducive tom the crises of democracy, but such crises can be overcome if liberal and socialist forces join hands.
24
Brožek, Josef, and Vid Pečjak. "Psychology of the Scientist: LIV. Reception and Rejection of “Western” Psychology in “Eastern” Europe during the 1950S and 1960S: Woodworth's Experimental Psychology." Perceptual and Motor Skills 74, no. 1 (February 1992): 179–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1992.74.1.179.
Full textAbstract:
This is a report on a fascinating but unknown facet of the history of American and international psychology. Its aim is to describe the differences in attitudes of “East European” (Soviet, Slovak, Polish, and Yugoslav) psychologists to American psychology and, more concretely and specifically, to R. S. Woodworth's textbook Experimental psychology of 1938 or its second (Woodworth-Schlosberg) edition of 1954. While in the eyes of most of the Western psychologists and of many American politicians, “Eastern” Europe (including Central European Czechs and South European Yugoslavs) appeared ideologically homogeneous, the attitudes to Experimental psychology varied from very negative and negative to positive and very positive. While the reported facts are striking, the information currently available to us does not provide an adequate basis for the interpretation of the differences. This applies, in particular, to what were the countries with “orthodox” Communist governments (Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, and Poland).
25
Nikolayenko, Olena. "Contextual effects on historical memory: Soviet nostalgia among post-Soviet adolescents." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 2 (April 25, 2008): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.03.001.
Full textAbstract:
Using an original survey of adolescents in post-communist Russia and Ukraine, this study analyzes attitudes toward the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The results demonstrate how contextual factors – the republic's position within the former Soviet Union and prior history of colonization – affect the level of nostalgia among the young generation. Based upon semi-structured interviews with adolescents, the study identifies sources of positive and negative attitudes toward the Soviet demise. Furthermore, the research reveals cross-national differences in the relationship between Soviet nostalgia and national pride.
26
Bugge, Peter. "Normalization and the Limits of the Law: The Case of the Czech Jazz Section." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 22, no. 2 (May 2008): 282–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408315828.
Full textAbstract:
The Jazz Section was one of the most remarkable cultural institutions in “normalized” Czechoslovakia. Established in 1971 as part of the official Musicians' Union, the Jazz Section used its legal status to arrange jazz and rock concerts and to publish a variety of books without the permission or consent of the Communist authorities. From the late 1970s, the regime strove hard to close the Section; however, it survived until 1984. Only in 1986 did the regime find a way to prosecute its leading activists. This article investigates why persecution proved so troublesome. It focuses on the impact of the Jazz Section's legalistic strategy, and on the role of legal concerns in regime behavior. It argues that references to “law and order” had a central legitimizing function in the social discourse of the Husák regime, and that the resulting need to translate policies of repression into legal measures inhibited the authorities in their assertion of power and created an ambiguous window of opportunity for independent social activism.
27
Nodia, Ghia. "Chasing the Meaning of ‘Post-communism’: a Transitional Phenomenon or Something to Stay?" Contemporary European History 9, no. 2 (July 2000): 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730000206x.
Full textAbstract:
Ian Bremmer and Ray Taras, eds., New States, New Politics: Building the Post-Soviet Nations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 743 pp., ISBN 0–521–57101–4Bruno Coppieters, Alexei Zverev and Dmitri Trenin, eds., Commonwealth and Independence in Post-Soviet Eurasia (London: Frank Cass, 1998), 232 pp., ISBN 0–714–64480–3Leslie Holmes, Post-Communism: an Introduction (Oxford: Polity Press, 1997), 260 pp., ISBN 0–745–61311–xMichael Mandelbaum, ed., Post-Communism: Four Perspectives (US Council of Foreign Relations, 1996), 208 pp., ISBN 0–876–09186–9Ilya Prizel, National Identity and Foreign Policy: Nationalism and Leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 443 pp., ISBN 0–521–57157–xRichard Rose, William Mishler and Christian Haerpfer, Democracy and Its Alternatives: Understanding Post-Communist Societies (Oxford: Polity Press, 1998), 270 pp., ISBN 0–745–61926–6Barnett R. Rubin and Jack Snyder, Post-Soviet Political Order (London/New York: Routledge, 1998), 201 pp., ISBN 0–415–17068–0Graham Smith, Vivien Law, Andrew Wilson, Annette Bohr and Edward Allworth, Nation-Building in Post-Soviet Borderlands: The Politics of National Identities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 304 pp., ISBN 0–521–59045–0Vladimir Tismaneanu, Fantasies of Salvation: Democracy, Nationalism, and Myth in Post-Communist Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), 217 pp., ISBN 0–691–04826–6Gordon Wightman, ed., Party Formation in East-Central Europe: Post-Communist Politics in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland and Bulgaria (Vermont: Edward Elgar, 1995), 270 pp., ISBN 1–858–898132–8It is now about 10 years since the communist bloc ceased to exist (1989 is the year when communism was defeated in central-eastern Europe, and in 1991 its bastion – the Soviet Union – fell). What it left behind are a couple of die-hard communist survivor-states, an urge to ‘rethink’ or ‘re-define’ many fundamental concepts of political science, and a large swathe of land that is still to be properly categorised in registers of comparative political science. ‘Post-communism’ is the most popular term to cover this territory. But does it refer to something real today, or does it just express some kind of intellectual inertia? How much do the ‘post-communist countries’ still have in common with each other and to what extent are they different from any others?
28
Elliott, Gregory. "Velocities of Change: Perry Anderson's Sense of an Ending." Historical Materialism 2, no. 1 (1998): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920698100414185.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn Considerations on Western Marxism, released in 1976, Perry Anderson stated and vindicated an affiliation to the Trotskyist tradition long apparent from the pages of New Left Review under his editorship. Central to this tradition, in its orthodox forms, was a historico-political perspective which regarded the Soviet Union (and cognate regimes) as ‘degenerate’ or ‘deformed’ ‘workers’ states’ – post-capitalist social formations whose complex character dictated rejection of Stalinism and anti-Sovietism alike. In Anderson's case, this orientation received a Deutscherite inflection: abroad, no less than at home, Soviet power was a contradictory phenomenon, by turns reactionary (Czechoslovakia) and progressive (Vietnam, Angola). The potential regeneration of the Russian Revolution and its sequels, whether via ‘proletarian revolution’ from below (Trotsky), or bureaucratic reformation from above (Deutscher), remained an article of faith among Marxists of this observance to the end. Accordingly, the debacle of Gorbachevite perestroika proved a profoundly disorientating experience for many who lent little or no credence to the mendacious claims of ‘actually existing socialism'. Amid capitalist euphoria at Communist collapse, what was to be said – and done? Anderson's displaced answer was forthcoming in 1992 in ‘The Ends of History’
29
Kiepe, Jan. "Nationalism as a Heavy Mortgage: SED Cadres Actions between Demand and Reality*." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 4 (July 2009): 467–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985694.
Full textAbstract:
In May 1951, students at the District Party School of the Socialist Union Party of Germany (SED) in the southern Thuringian city of Suhl evaluated the agitation and propaganda assignments that they had recently completed. Such assignments were a regular exercise in the instruction of future cadres. From these discussions, the difficulties that traditional German nationalism posed to the SED become clear. One student cited words of a party comrade he had talked to on the question of befriending the Polish and the Czechoslovak peoples. Instead of sticking to the official ideological line that rejected chauvinist ideas, this comrade had responded: “[…] I will never make friends with the Czech people. To me they are not human beings.” This anger directed against the Czechs by a German communist may have arisen from the frequently brutal deportation of Germans from Czechoslovakia after 1945: the Czechs had not made exceptions for German anti-fascists. It could also be explained by continued anti-Slav sentiment dating from the Nazi years. The file does not elaborate how the incident was resolved. Nevertheless, it demonstrates that nationalist sentiments had survived the collapse of Nazism even with members of the SED. How did the SED counter this heavy national mortgage?
30
Marks, Gary N. "Communist party membership in five former Soviet bloc countries, 1945–1989." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 37, no. 2 (June 1, 2004): 241–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2004.03.004.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the social composition of the communist party in the Soviet Union and four East European countries during the post-war period. Two alternative explanations for joining the communist party are examined: the classical political participation model from Western political science and the party policy model. In Western countries, the people who join political parties tend to be male, older, married, highly educated and in higher status occupations. According to the party policies model, recruitment should reflect the party’s policies, ideologies and intentions to promote particular social groups such as, workers, peasants, young people, women and those with proletarian backgrounds. The data analyzed are from nationally representative surveys from the Social Stratification in Eastern Europe after 1989 study. Stronger support was found for the political participation model. Generally, parental party membership, being male, married, highly educated and working in an administrative position influenced joining, whereas social background, a manual occupation, and political time period had little or no influence. Between-country differences in the process of joining were minor. There was little evidence that recruitment reflected the parties’ ideologies or policies.
31
Lonergan, Gayle. "‘Paper Communists’ – Bolshevik party membership in the Russian Civil War." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 1 (February 8, 2013): 137–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.12.009.
Full textAbstract:
This article illustrates the recruitment profile of the Civil War cohort of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union from 1919 to 1921.It disputes the traditional historiography, which presents the party as undergoing a linear process of decay and corruption ending in the period of the careerists of the Brezhnev period. Instead it demonstrates that even in the early period of the revolutionary republic the party was an attractive prospect for those wishing to attain position and privilege. Once it had shown itself to be the victor in the conflict, the party enjoyed considerable popularity in unexpected regions, attracting ambitious young peasants from the peripheries of the former Empire.
32
Vacek, Pavel. "Education for active goodness." Ethics & Bioethics 6, no. 1-2 (June 1, 2016): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ebce-2016-0006.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The present paper focuses on the interconnection and the impact of broader social events responsible for shaping the character of the young in the context of developments in both post-communist countries and the European Union as a whole. The attention of the paper is devoted to the changing perceptions of liberty in relation to a high standard of living in European countries and the need to promote moral education comprehensively, with regard to having a balanced impact on the development of moral knowing and moral feeling. Further, the paper offers an analysis of dimensions that determine moral actions and character accents, considered to be essential to convey in order to encourage the moral development of pupils. Finally, the paper ends with a presentation of the conditions that should help the ethical development of active goodness in the young generation.
33
Šubrt, Jiří, and Irina Šulc. "The Eurasianism concept: Russian vs Western perspectives." Journal of the Belarusian State University. Sociology, no. 3 (September 29, 2020): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2521-6821-2020-3-42-48.
Full textAbstract:
This article is dedicated to the concept of Eurasianism in the context of two approaches: Russian and Western. It will focus on how the idea of Eurasia has evolved over time first among Russian emigrants in Czechoslovakia, France and the USA in the period between the two world wars (P. Savitskii, N. Trubetskoy, G. Vernadsky), later – from the late 20th century in the USSR and in Russia itself (L. Gumilev, A. Dugin), and finally today, in the framework of Western social sciences (K. Hann). The aim of this paper is to give an indication of how this concept has served at different times and how its content has changed depending on the personality of the researcher and his worldview. The novelty of the approach is in contrasting the Russian and Western concepts of Eurasianism. The Russian perspectives speak of Eurasia within the framework of the Russian Empire or within the framework of the Soviet Union. The Western perspective is much wider than the Russian one and covers Europe and Asia. It was formed in the context of socio-anthropological research as an attempt to explain the processes taking place in post-communist countries, but it was also criticised. The fundamental question concerns its professional status – is it merely an ideological construction or does it have scientific substance?
34
Żukowski, Arkadiusz, and Marcin Chelminiak. "European Union Enlargement and the new Peripheral Regions: Political, Economic and Social Aspects and Related Issues – A Case of Warmia and Mazury Region." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 8, no. 4 (October 6, 2010): 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/8.4.353-367(2010).
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyses the problems of the new peripheral regions after the European Union enlargement. The last EU enlargements in 2004 and 2007 were the logical consequences of political, social and economic changes associated with the break-up of the Soviet Union and the disintegration of the Communist Bloc. These two enlargements led to substantial geopolitical consequences. The European Union’s demographic and territorial potential increased by around one-third. At the same time, the European Union structures moved east and southwards. In 2004, one of the Polish regions, the Warmia and Mazury region, faced some new challenges associated with the Polish accession to the EU. The years of Poland’s membership in the European Union have been a period of gaining experience in submitting EU projects for the region, and in allocating financial resources properly. The total effect of this period is rather positive. However, we must not forget that many negative economic and social phenomena still occur (e.g., a high unemployment rate, emigration of young educated people, etc.). Politically, a new challenge for the Warmia and Mazury region is going to be a continuation and development of the cross-border cooperation with the Kaliningrad region. Poland’s accession to the EU has had no positive impact on improving the Polish-Russian relations at the central decision-making level.
KEYWORDS: • European Union • regional development • new peripheral regions • Warmia and Mazury region
35
Ėmužis, Marius. "Nesutarimai ir kovos dėl lyderystės tarp Lietuvos komunistų 1935–1937 m." Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2019/1 (September 1, 2019): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/2019/1/4.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyses the internal fight between the leadership of the Communist Party of Lithuania (LCP) in the 1930s. In the 1920s and early 1930s the LCP had two strong leaders: Zigmas Angarietis and Vincas Kapsukas who disagreed on some revolutionary tactics related issues. Z. Angarietis, being the leader of the Lithuanian section in the Comintern, was in control of many of the everyday affairs of the Communist underground movement in Lithuania and the Soviet Union. Being able to send young revolutionaries to Communist schools and courses in Moscow, he attracted some ollowers. V. Kapsukas, however, being an old revolutionary Bolshevik and one of the ideologues of Lithuanian Communism, was a moral authority, who also attracted followers. Following the death of V. Kapsukas in 1935, Z. Angarietis wished to advance with the new Comintern tactics of popular fronts and thus wanted to consolidate his power in Lithuania, though some of the former V. Kapsukas’ followers, mainly Aizikas Lifšicas and Karolis Grosmanas, disagreed with Z. Angarietis and the new tactics. Z. Angarietis managed to replace them but they started objecting their ousting by sending letters to other LCP Central Committee members and the Comintern Executive Committee. This had the opposite effect as Z. Angarietis and his followers started to suspect both A. Lifšicas and K. Grosmanas of treason and of being Trotskyists. Finally, A. Lifšicas was expelled from the party and K. Grosmanas, acknowledging his guilt, was spared. Z. Angarietis and his followers, advancing the new Comintern tactics (adopted at the seventh congress) managed to expand the circle of Communist sympathizers which proved very useful in the new administration after the occupation of 1940.
36
Bartali, Roberto. "Red Brigades (1969–1974): An Italian Phenomenon and a Product of the Cold War." Modern Italy 12, no. 3 (November 2007): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633817.
Full textAbstract:
With the removal of Khrushchev in 1964 the Soviet Union adopted—at the level of the secret service—a more aggressive policy towards western countries, with a more intensive recourse to so-called ‘covert operations’. These operations regarded even western communist parties, such as the Italian Communist Party (PCI), which were close to being viewed as ‘orthodox’ by the Soviet leadership. The so-called ‘active measures’ which resulted were realised through the infiltration of agents, the training of (usually young) extremists, and (through them) the sending of warnings to the PCI leadership about its divergence from the Soviet line. This context helps us to understand better than before three key events of the years 1968–1973: the emergence of the first terrorist groups in Italy (the Partisans Action Groups and the Red Brigades); the bombing of the electric mains line where Giangiacomo Feltrinelli lost his life; and the car crash in which Enrico Berlinguer was involved in 1973 during an official visit to Bulgaria. An analysis of the Cold War context in which Italian terrorism (and specifically the Red Brigades) developed reveals origins and patterns that are different to those usually identified in the literature.
37
Tyszka, Juliusz. "Student Theatre in Poland: Vehicles of Revolt, 1954–57 and 1968–71." New Theatre Quarterly 26, no. 2 (May 2010): 161–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x10000291.
Full textAbstract:
Polish student theatre was a unique artistic movement in the Soviet post-war empire, with a liberty of expression unparalleled elsewhere in the Soviet bloc. As in every political system, in any country, its creators and its public were students and young intellectuals. These theatre-makers used the umbrella of the Polish Students' Union – a surprisingly democratic institution in a totalitarian political order – and all attempts at their repression were usually appeased by the activists of the student organization, often the friends and supporters of the theatre-makers. After the creation of the Socialist Union of Polish Students these activists became more dependent on the Communist Party, but the Party establishment decided, in the period of the ‘thaw’ (1954–57), that the student artistic movement would be maintained as a kind of artistic kindergarten for avant-gardists and supporters of artistic and political revolt, to let them manifest their beliefs within the well-guarded, limited territory of student cultural centres. However, the young rebels overcame these restrictions and created a focus of artistic opposition which had a wide social and artistic influence, especially during subsequent periods of political crisis. Juliusz Tyszka was himself an activist in the student theatre movement in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Now an NTQ advisory editor, he is head of the Unit of Performance Studies, Institute of Cultural Studies, Adam Mickiewicz University at Poznań, Poland.
38
SZEMAN, IOANA. "Finding a Home on Stage: A Place for Romania in Europe?" Theatre Research International 28, no. 2 (June 26, 2003): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883303001068.
Full textAbstract:
Home, a pioneering theatrical production in post-communist Romania, cast homeless/orphaned youth in the Youth Theatre in Bucharest. The ‘orphan problem’ has been one of the most covered topics on Romania in western media, and one of the signs of Romania's ‘backwardness’, while neglect and indifference have characterized local press coverage. The significance of the production in changing the Romanian public's perception of these young people, many of whom are from the Roma ethnic group, is analysed, as are much wider political implications. Emma Nicholson, the European Parliament rapporteur for Romania, saw Home and afterwards expressed her support for Romania's acceptance into the European Union. The production and its reception permit a tracing of the historical relationship between the performance of Romanian marginality and national identity in relation to Europe.
39
Vladimirov, Katya. "Social Origins of the Soviet Party Elites, 1917–1990." Russian History 41, no. 2 (May 18, 2014): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04102013.
Full textAbstract:
The Soviet system replicated the imperial reign it destroyed by establishing the rule of a new elite: the Soviet party bureaucracy. True beneficiary of a revolutionary transformation, this elite came from peasant sons, promoted and rewarded by the Soviet system. This provincial surplus was a major force behind the Soviet empire: many of these young, uprooted individuals were extraordinarily successful. From slums and humble origins, they reached the inner circle of party power and remained there for almost forty years. This article profiles one of the most powerful groups within the upper echelon of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the members of the Central Committee, using statistical database analysis to examine the dramatic social transformation of this demographic group and its evolution to successful power domination.
40
Cathcart, Adam, and Patricia Nash. "“To Serve Revenge for the Dead”: Chinese Communist Responses to Japanese War Crimes in the PRC Foreign Ministry Archive, 1949–1956." China Quarterly 200 (December 2009): 1053–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741009990622.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractUsing newly available documents from the PRC Foreign Ministry Archive, this article traces the evolving legacies of the War of Resistance in the first seven years of the People's Republic. Analysis is offered of PRC campaigns against Japanese bacteriological war crimes, criticisms of American dealings with Japanese war criminals, and the 1956 trial of Japanese at Shenyang. Throughout, behind-the-scenes tensions with the Soviet Union and internal bureaucratic struggles over the Japanese legacy regarding these matters are revealed. The article thereby aims to shed light on how the War of Resistance affected post-war China's foreign relations, demonstrating how the young Republic advantageously used wartime legacies as diplomatic tools in relations with the superpowers and within the orchestrated clangour of domestic propaganda campaigns.
41
Norkus, Zenonas. "Political Development of Lithuania: A Comparative Analysis of Second Post-communist Decade." World Political Science 8, no. 1 (September 27, 2012): 217–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0012.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe goal of this paper is to put into focus and explain distinctive features of the political developments in Lithuania during second post-communist decade, comparing them with other Baltic States (Latvia and Estonia) and those Central European countries with political systems which resembled most closely Lithuania (Poland and Hungary) by the end of the first post-communist decade. In all these countries, second post-communist decade witnessed the rise of the new successful populist parties. The author argues that this populist rise is the proper context for understanding of Rolandas Paksas’ impeachment in Lithuania in 2003–2004. His Order and Justice Party has to be classified together with the Kaczynski twins Law and Justice Party and its even more radical allies in Poland, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz and Gábor Vona’s Jobbik in Hungary, Juhan Part’s Res Publica in Estonia and Einars Repše’s New Era in Latvia. They all were right-wing populist parties, proclaiming in their anti-establishment rhetoric the war on corruption of the (ex-communist) elite and the coming of new politics. While the rise of right-wing populism did not change the political system in Estonia and Latvia, its outcome in Hungary and Poland was the breakup of the ex-communist and anti-communist elites pact which was the foundation of the political stability during first post-communist decade. The Kaczynski twins founded Rzecz Pospolita IV (4th Republic of Poland), grounded in the thorough and comprehensive lustration of the ex-communist cadres. Fidesz leader Orban used the two-thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elites pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated thanks to the collaboration of all, by this time, established and left-of-center populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the European Union and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. Preventing the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the impeachment as stress test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favor of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the left-of-centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.
42
Zur, Dafna. "Whose War Were We Fighting? Constructing Memory and Managing Trauma in South Korean Children's Fiction." International Research in Children's Literature 2, no. 2 (December 2009): 192–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1755619809000696.
Full textAbstract:
The Korean War (1950–3) was one of the most traumatic events in the history of the Korean peninsula. Known commonly as the ‘Forgotten War’, it is explained as a civil war that was exacerbated by the Soviet Union and the United States into an arena for the Cold War. Since then, North and South Korea have had to construct their national identities in accordance with the political ideologies that defined them. Consequently, each has told their national birth story – the story of division and war – in historical narratives for children. While a strict anti-communist ideology muted personal experiences of the war that might diverge from the anti-communist rhetoric of the immediate post-war period, contemporary children's literature reveals that the authority that the myth of innocence maintains in children's fiction firmly places the child protagonists in a position to pose tough questions about the nature of the conflict. Hegemonic Korean War narratives are challenged in contemporary fiction through ‘truth-telling’ uses of realism and folktales; at the same time, this paper questions the extent to which contemporary fiction presents its young audience with freedom of interpretation, and asks what implications it has for the relief of trauma.
43
Okonov, Baatr A. "Репрессии против комсомола Калмыкии во 2-й половине 1930-х гг." Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 12, no. 3 (November 5, 2020): 384–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2020-3-384-397.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The paper deals with repressions against Kalmykia’s Komsomol in the late 1930. It examines archival materials of the Kalmyk ASSR, and explores a definitely troubled period in the development of the regional organization of All-Union Leninist Young Communist League. From the earliest days Komsomol communities had been regularly cleansed. In official discourse, such measures were interpreted as essentials aimed to exclude unreliable individuals, improve community cohesion, and facilitate further Socialist construction activities. According to documents issued by the 4th Plenary Assembly of Komsomol Central Committee and 14th Kalmyk Oblast Komsomol Conference, those were Komsomol executives and activists who were actually repressed. Goals. The article aims to analyze the repressive procedures initiated. Materials and Methods. Considered are unpublished documents held by National Archive of Kalmykia (Collection П-22 — archives of Kalmyk Oblast Komsomol Committee), and some other published materials. The work employs the chronological and problem-chronological research methods that proved instrumental in identifying features specific for repressive measures against local Komsomol members. Results and Conclusions. The 1930s political repressions against Komsomol in Kalmykia were directly related to ones against party-state and economic executives of the region. Admitting to ‘have participated in a bourgeois-nationalist organization’, Communist and Komsomol executives gave rise to further mass and dramatic cleanses.
44
Herman, Lise Esther. "Re-evaluating the post-communist success story: party elite loyalty, citizen mobilization and the erosion of Hungarian democracy." European Political Science Review 8, no. 2 (February 23, 2015): 251–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000472.
Full textAbstract:
In light of the instability of several Central Eastern European democracies following their accession to the European Union, most dramatically embodied by the ‘constitutional revolution’ taking place in Hungary since April 2010, this paper offers a critical reading of the dominant, rational-institutionalist model of democratic consolidation. Drawing on the Hungarian case, it argues that the conditions set out by this model are insufficient for ensuring a democratic regime against erosion. On this basis, the paper considers additional elements to understand Fidesz’s reforms: the importance of deeper commitments to democracy among the leadership of mainstream parties, and the pivotal role of party strategies of citizen mobilization in the consolidation of young democracies. Drawing on these insights, the paper argues for approaching democratic consolidation as an agent-led process of cultural change, emphasizing the socializing role of mainstream parties’ strategies of mobilization in the emergence of a democratic political culture. The last section concludes with methodological and empirical considerations, outlining a three-fold agenda for future research.
45
Stankovic, Biljana. "Czech family policy." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 167 (2018): 457–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1867457s.
Full textAbstract:
The paper presents the development and transformation of the Czech population policy since the 1950s. It changed from the pronatalist, carried out at a time when the Czech Republic was part of the communist Czechoslovakia, to mostly social in the time of the transition from the 1990s, and the actualization and introduction of new measures in the last decade. The measures that were defined and implemented over a certain period of time represented the state?s response to the family and reproductive behavior of the population, most often reflected in low fertility, largely determined by the current social, economic and cultural conditions. In this sense, the period of the greatest challenges came after 1989, with the transformation of the social and political system and the great economic and social changes that followed, as well as the decline in fertility to an extremely low level. At that time, family policy excluded the pronatalist incentives and benefits and only kept social measures aimed at reducing poverty and alleviating inequalities. Since the early 2000s, new measures have been defined and implemented, motivated by the need to stop and change the declining fertility trend that reached the lowest level (TFR 1.13 in 1999), by looking at the possible negative socio-economic consequences, as well as the recommendations and directives of the European Union, member of which became Czech Republic in 2004. Since 2000, the decline in fertility stopped, TFR reached 1.43 in 2011 and according to data for 2016, it was 1.63 children per woman.
46
Skarżyński, Mirosław. "Geneza i początki Studium Słowiańskiego UJ." LingVaria 14, no. 27 (May 31, 2019): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/lv.14.2019.27.01.
Full textAbstract:
The Origin and Early Years of the Slavic Institute of the Jagiellonian UniversityIn 1925, the Slavic Institute was opened at the Jagiellonian University with a view to educate experts in Slavic studies. The intention was for the studies to be interdisciplinary, it was planned to create departments not only in literary studies and linguistics, but covering a possibly wide range of disciplines. The idea of the Study was born not in the academic milieu, but among politicians. The intention was to create an institution which, on the one hand, would educate Poles about Slavdom, and on the other, would win Poland sympathizers in other countries by inviting young people from Slavic countries and making it possible for them to study in Cracow. It was also planned that Polish graduates of the Institute would be given scholarships to various Slavic countries. Another goal of the Institute was to prevent Czechoslovakia from dominating Slavdom. Due to the economic situation of Poland in late 1920s and early 1930s, the project was implemented only partially. The contribution of the Institute to the development of Slavic studies in Poland, however, is unqestionable, especially in the field of personnel education. The Institute was closed in 1951, as part of the reform of higher education that was undertaken by the communist government and destroyed the academic milieu in Poland.
47
Silvestrini, Flavio. "Democrazia operaia. La dottrina delle istituzioni rivoluzionarie nel Gramsci ordinovista." HISTORIA MAGISTRA, no. 10 (March 2013): 60–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/hm2012-010006.
Full textAbstract:
The author traces, through articles written by Gramsci during the first year and a half of release of «L'Ordine Nuovo», the development of Factory Council's doctrine. Inspired by the voluntary initiatives in Turin factories, the young Sardinian processes, since the summer of 1919, a revolutionary theory gathered on the role of working-class institutions. The extensive task of the Factory, in a materially and spiritually devastated postwar industrial society, forces the political thinker to reshape the traditional functions of the two representative proletarian institutions: Labor Union and Political Party. Only rethinking about how they work, anchored in patterns typical of the bourgeois society, it's possible to lead to success the revolutionary movement of the most aware Italian workers: from Turin industries can arise the future construction of Italian Soviet republic that, after the victory of the Revolution in all countries, will be melted in international communist society.
48
Kravcak, Peter. "Tv market and televiewers in Slovakia." Media, culture and public relations 10, no. 2 (September 30, 2019): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32914/mcpr.10.2.4.
Full textAbstract:
In the early of nineties the dual broadcasting system in the young country in the middle of Europe enabled to develop television broadcasting to the scale of what viewers previously even had not dreamed of. Commercial television broadcasting prevailed in five and a half million country. Private broadcasting gained control of the more than forty-year-old state-owned service of TV broadcasting and sent it to the role of a statistical margin. Confidence of the first one - and later followed by other private televisions - has grown faster than the numbers of audience. Directors with the influence of legislators, unbeatable managers determined the transmission time programs from a week to week. This is termed as finding the optimal time based on audience preferences. The result is today's big television chaos for the viewers, who, as a consequence of unpredictable changes in the broadcasting of televisions cease to be interested. For many years the most viewed channel has dropped to the level of underrated rivals and the panic, which it suddenly started, make them produce more fatal changes. All in the name of the audience and excellent numbers of boxes called people meters. The same problem also faces other post-communist country, the second part of the former Czechoslovakia, the Czech Republic. The paper focuses on analysis and evaluation of Slovak television sphere (partly in comparison with the Czech), which seems, after twenty years of dual broadcasting, to gather a real media competition. But not everybody likes it.
49
Estraikh, Gennady. "At the edge of Soviet state control." AJS Review 30, no. 1 (April 2006): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009406000080.
Full textAbstract:
In August 1956, Nikita Khrushchev took part in a meeting with a delegation of Canadian communists. Discussing the wave of repression against Jewish intellectuals during the late 1940s and early 1950s, the Soviet leader mentioned that he had supported Stalin's decision not to give the Crimea to Jews because it would have created a springboard for attacks on the Soviet Union. Apart from being paranoid about the Soviet Jews' loyalty to the young state of Israel and its imperialist backers, Khrushchev had, as his remark revealed, another paranoia that was characteristic of the Kremlin decision-makers: distrust of the peripheries. Khrushchev and his advisors knew that their totalitarian regime was not such a monolith as it might appear in the eyes of foreign observers, especially because visitors were seldom allowed to travel to the outskirts of the Soviet empire and did not know that some areas had features of fiefdoms. The post-Soviet disintegration of the communist empire confirmed the Kremlin denizens' misgivings.
50
Favero, Adrian. "The influence of gender on attitudes towards the EU among the Polish ‘winners of European integration’." European Political Science Review 12, no. 1 (December 16, 2019): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773919000304.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper investigates the role of gender in shaping attitudes towards the European Union (EU) among young people living in Polish cities – the so-called ‘winners of European integration’. Previously, little attention has been given to gender as an influence on views on the EU. Most studies apply the gender-based perspective on Western Europe, while Central and Eastern European countries remain understudied. Based on theories on public opinion, I employ a mixed-methods approach, conducting a survey among 815 MA students living in Polish cities, followed by 27 semi-structured interviews. This analysis of gender-related attitudes towards the EU offers nuanced insights into transitions within post-communist societies. My findings posit that the sampled well-educated women are more likely to support EU integration than men. Education, gender-based individual cost-benefit analyses, and the perceptions of national politics are possible explanations for the positive attitudes towards the EU among the sampled women.