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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Unionism in Ireland'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Munce, Peter. "Unionism and human rights in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Ulster University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.535156.

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According to Richard English, “one of the most conspicuous features of the scholarly literature in recent years has been the lack of scrutiny which certain subjects have received – subject(s) which the explosion of the Northern Irish conflict might have been expected to stimulate” (English, 1996, p.221). One subject, which has received little academic consideration, despite recent developments, has been the area of unionism and human rights in Northern Ireland. The overall aim of this thesis is to investigate and consider the attitudes of influential strands of unionist opinion towards the concept of human rights as that narrative as been applied and interpreted in Northern Ireland. In order to consider fully the position of influential strands of unionist opinion on human rights, the thesis does this firstly, through theoretical engagement with what is meant by the concept of human rights and an examination of unionist political thought. Secondly, through examining the practical application of human rights in Northern Ireland, which means investigating the position of influential strands of unionist opinion on a Northern Ireland Bill of Rights (pre and post Belfast Agreement) and the relationship of key unionist elites with the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission (NIHRC). The thesis poses four interconnected and overlapping questions. Firstly, are influential strands of unionist opinion sceptical and suspicious of human rights as that concept as been interpreted and applied in Northern Ireland? Secondly, if unionists have expressed anxiety, what aspects of human rights discourse in Northern Ireland are key unionist elites sceptical of? Thirdly, is this anxiety universal or do significant cleavages within unionism exist? Fourthly, why are unionists anxious about human rights discourse in Northern Ireland? This thesis aims to address the absence of any research or academic study of this area of Northern Ireland politics and in doing so increase our knowledge and understanding of unionism’s relationship with this particular aspect of the peace process in Northern Ireland and of recent debates about the protection of human rights in Northern Ireland. It also aims to move beyond the anecdotal and rhetorical manner in which this area has been presented in the academic literature and in popular political discourse and develop a deeper understanding than currently exists about the nature of the relationship between key unionist elites and human rights in Northern Ireland.

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2

Aughey, Arthur. "Tracing arguments in Conservatism and Unionism." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260969.

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3

Flewelling, Lindsey Jean. "Ulster Unionism and America, 1880-1920." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8251.

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This thesis examines the relationship between Ulster unionists and the United States during the Home Rule era from 1880 to 1920. As they fought to uphold the Union, Ulster unionists reacted to Irish-American involvement in the Irish nationalist movement with anxiety and fear of the impact on a potential Dublin parliament. At the same time, unionists cultivated an image of a violent and extremist Irish-America in order to counter Irish nationalism and support their own movement. Unionists condemned the American funding of Irish nationalism and United States government interference on the Irish question. However, they were also anxious to show that unionism had international appeal, seeking American support against Home Rule and promoting a self-image of close ties to the United States. This thesis argues that Ulster unionists took a multifaceted and paradoxical approach to America, repudiating American involvement in the Irish nationalist movement while attempting to find opportunities to advance the cause of unionism in the United States. Throughout the Home Rule period, the Ulster unionist record of appeals and responses to the United States was marked by unevenness and contradictions which limited their effectiveness. However, unionists increasingly used an idealized, imagined America to support their own movement. They cited American historical and constitutional examples and fostered an Ulster identity based in part on Scotch-Irish heritage and Protestant connections. Ulster unionists were less insular and more internationally focused than they are generally portrayed. Chapter I introduces the historical context and historiographic framework in which the thesis operates. Chapters II and III provide an overview of the relationship between Ulster unionists and the United States from 1880 to 1920. During this period, unionists attempted to garner American support for their movement while contemporaneously responding to Irish-American nationalism and the involvement of the United States government on the Irish question. Subsequent chapters are arranged thematically, examining the elements of the Ulster unionists’ American strategy. Chapter IV investigates Scotch-Irish ethnic revival and associational culture in the United States, analyzing continued links to Ireland and attitudes toward Irish Home Rule. Chapter V provides case-studies of unionist visits to the United States as they endeavored to counter nationalist influence and build up a unionist following. Chapter VI explores the interconnection of religion and politics in Ulster’s relationship with America. Chapter VII examines the impact of American history and politics on the Ulster unionist movement. Chapter VIII concludes that the inability of Ulster unionists to effectively deal with the United States in the present day has roots in the relationship between unionists and America during the Home Rule era.

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4

Cradden, Terence Gerard. "Trade unionism and socialism in Northern Ireland : 1939 - 1953." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.292573.

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5

Knox, Martin T. "Terence O'Neill and the crisis of Ulster unionism : 1963-1969." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342387.

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6

King, Steven Alistair. "'Charles J. Haughey and the Northern Ireland question, 1957-92'." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369985.

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7

Black, James Boyd Houston. "Regional industrial relations : the case of Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328113.

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8

Kelly, Aaron James. "'Utterly resigned terror' : the thriller and Northern Ireland since 1969." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343029.

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9

Bryan, Dominic Paul. "Ritual, #tradition' and control : the politics of Orange parades in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390115.

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10

White, Andrew Paul. "The role of the community sector in the British Government's inner-city policy in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342986.

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11

Finlay, Andrew Robert. "Trade unionism and sectarianism among Derry shirt workers 1920-1968 : with special reference to the National Union of Tailors and Garment Workers." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1989. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317879/.

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The problem at the heart of this study is: to what extent and in what ways was the development of trade unionism in the Derry shirt industry influenced by sectarianism? This problem and my approach to it were elaborated in contradistinction to existing theories of trade unionism in Northern Ireland. According to the main theory, developed most cogently within traditional Irish Marxism, trade unionism was thwarted by sectarianism. I suggest that this theory has more to do with the reductionist and evolutionist assumptions of its authors than with social reality and argue that the relationship between trade unionism and sectarianism is better understood with an approach in which it is recognised that both of these institutions are constituted through the actions of concrete individuals who are themselves constituted by society, and in which priority is given to the meanings which individuals ascribe to their actions and predicaments. My study is based on interviews with a sample of retired union officials and activists. My respondents were keenly aware of the Catholic-Protestant dichotomy, but, contrary to what traditional Irish Marxists would lead one to expect, they did not regard sectarianism as a significant problem until the 1950s. My analysis of union growth and structure 1920-1952 largely confirmed this view: union densities compared favourably with clothing workers in Britain, and the main factors underlying fluctuations in membership were more or less the same as elsewhere in Britain. Conflict between Protestant and Catholic shirtmakers only became a problem as a result of inter-union rivalry which followed the formation of a breakaway union in 1952. Sectarian conflict was activated by a specifically trade union power struggle, not vice versa, Thus, this study does not merely contradict the prevailing view of the relationship between trade unionism and sectarianism - it inverts it.

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12

Bew, John. "Politics, identity and the shaping of unionism in the North of Ireland, from the French Revolution to the Home Rule crisis." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272138.

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13

Stone, Aaron H. ""Never forget" and "Never unite" : commemorating the Battle of the Somme in Northern Ireland, 1985-1997." Virtual Press, 2005. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1318905.

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This thesis examines Protestant unionist commemorations of the Battle of the Somme in Northern Ireland during a phase in which they exhibited marked popularity and politicization. Filling a gap in the scholarship and building upon it, this thesis pays closer attention to the historical context and development of these commemorations and takes into account a broader swath of forms and locations of commemoration. It argues that, in the face of the perceived threat of Irish unification posed by the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985, unionists employed the memory of the Somme as a political tool on two different but overlapping fronts. On one front, they used it against their collective opponents, who supported or supposedly supported Irish unification. On a second front, conflicting groups within the unionist community, namely unionist politicians, Orangemen, Protestant youths, and loyalist paramilitaries, interpreted the Somme differently to satisfy their partisan agendas. Analyzing Somme commemoration at the Belfast cenotaph, in parades, and in murals, this thesis provides explanations for why the Somme was remembered differently in various mediums and locales of commemoration, with particular attention to the differing degrees and manners in which Protestant commemorators recognized the Catholic contribution in the Somme campaign.
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14

Lecerf, Sophie. "La quête identitaire dans le théâtre de Stewart Parker." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030010.

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Né à Belfast en 1941, Stewart Parker débuta sa carrière dans les années 70. A sa mort en 1988, il laissa une œuvre très dense, comprenant des pièces pour la scène, ainsi que des pièces pour la radio et la télévision. Bien qu’il soit aujourd’hui reconnu comme un des dramaturges les plus importants de sa génération, son œuvre n’est que rarement abordée dans les cercles académiques et aucune étude exhaustive sur son théâtre n’a pour le moment été publiée. Cette étude porte sur le thème de la quête identitaire dans ses pièces pour la scène. Tout d’abord, elle explore sa quête d’identité en tant qu’écrivain. Bien qu’il fut né et élevé au sein de la communauté protestante nord-irlandaise, il ne cessa de clamer son appartenance à une large tradition théâtrale anglo-irlandaise. Cette thèse vise à montrer comment Parker, confronté à la crise nord-irlandaise, chercha à réinventer complètement le théâtre, en faisant émerger de nouveaux modèles de représentation. Elle explore comment tout en affirmant ne pas écrire du théâtre politique, il croyait en le pouvoir du théâtre à faire naître une prise de conscience collective. Enfin, cette étude étudie la quête identitaire à l’échelle individuelle et collective dans ses pièces. Conscient de l’enjeu de la question identitaire en Irlande du Nord, il fut un des premiers dramaturges à ouvertement interroger et subvertir la notion unioniste d’une identité protestante nord-irlandaise unique et distincte. Cette thèse montre comment, en rejetant l’opposition traditionnelle entre catholiques et protestants, il chercha à construire un modèle d’unité sur la scène, qui amènerait finalement les Nord-Irlandais à reconnaître leur identité commune
Born in 1941 in East Belfast, Stewart Parker came to prominence as a playwright in the 1970s. When he died in 1988, he left behind him an impressive body of work which included stage plays, radio plays and screenplays. Although he came to be recognized as one of the leading theatrical stylists of his generation, his work has received little attention in academic circles and no comprehensive study has been published yet. This study looks into the quest for identity in his stage plays. First, it explores his quest for identity as a writer who was born and raised in the Northern-Irish Protestant community, but always claimed to belong to a wider Anglo-Irish theatrical tradition. This thesis seeks to show how Parker, faced with the Northern Irish crisis, committed himself to reinventing theatre all over again with new ways of showing. It also explores his quest for identity as a playwright, who claimed to be non-political, but nevertheless believed firmly in the power of drama to change perceptions, and wrote extensively about the responsibility of the artist to his own people in a time of crisis. Finally, this thesis explores the quest for individual and collective identity in his plays. Aware of the stake of the question of identity in Northern Ireland, he was the first playwright to overtly question and subvert the Unionist notion of a singular Ulster Protestant identity. This thesis shows how, rejecting the traditional binary opposition between Catholics and Protestants, British and Irish, republican and loyalist, he was devoted to create a model of wholeness on stage that would finally lead the people of Northern Ireland to acknowledge their common identity

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15

Southern, Neil. "The Democratic Unionist Party and the politics of religious fundamentalism." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342982.

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16

Diskin, M. "Official or democratic : The battle for unionist votes in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372087.

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17

Murphy, David. "The Unionist quest for political legitimacy within the dynamics of Irish politics." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363194.

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18

Ward, Rachel Joanne. "Unionist and loyalist women in Northern Ireland : national identity and political action." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.274383.

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19

McLaughlin, Rory William Gerard. "Credit unions in Northern Ireland : a historical and social analysis." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288546.

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20

Scott, Alan Michael. "Winds of change, scent of betrayal : press, political development and public opinion in Northern Ireland, 1963-7." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.325992.

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21

Doyle, John. "Parity of esteem? : Ulster unionists and equality of citizenship in Northern Ireland, 1972-1998." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301702.

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22

Highman, Ludovic [Verfasser]. "The European Union’s Modernisation Agenda for Higher Education and the Case of Ireland / Ludovic Highman." Brussels : P.I.E-Peter Lang S.A., Éditions Scientifiques Internationales, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1150641681/34.

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23

Switzer, Catherine Louise. "Unionists and Great War commemoration in the north of Ireland, 1914-1939 : people, places and politics." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.421899.

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24

Devine-Wright, Patrick. "Tracing the hand of history : the role of social memories in the Northern Ireland Conflict." Thesis, University of Surrey, 1999. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/699/.

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25

Hardiman, N. "Centralised collective bargaining : Trade unions, employers and government in the Republic of Ireland, 1970-1980." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371655.

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26

London, William H. "Politics and Paint: Murals, Memory, and Archives in Northern Ireland, 1968-1998." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1469988055.

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27

Colfer, Barry. "Trade union influence under austerity in Europe (2018-2016) : a study of Greece, Ireland and Belgium." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/287577.

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My PhD thesis concerns trade union responses to austerity in Belgium, Greece and Ireland (2008-2016). It explores the power resources trade unions in Europe have drawn on during these crisis years, and seeks to establish if unions are cultivating new sources of power and influence, as traditional sources wane. My research points to unions being under sustained pressure, but it also presents evidence of effective union revitalisation, including through the formation of new coalitions with civil society actors, through the use of innovative legal approaches to problem-solving, and with unions reaching out to new, often atypically-employed, groups of workers. Notably however, the national level remains the primary concern for unions, and the European Union (EU) level of action remains adjunct to what unions do.

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28

Gibbons, Tish (Ann Patricia). "The Industrial Relations (Amendment) Act of 2001 : its effects and the implications for workers and trade unions in Ireland." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2014. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/716/.

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This thesis concerns the Industrial Relations (Amendment) Act of 2001, its effects on workers and implications for trade unions in Ireland. The legislation provides a means of resolving the substantive issues in dispute between workers and employers when employers refuse to recognise the trade union articulating those issues. It may also deal with procedural issues but may not provide for collective bargaining. In abeyance since 2007 due to legal challenges, and amid Government commitments to return the Act to its original intent, this thesis seeks to provide an evidence based response to the various calls for the Act’s amendment or replacement. A mixed methods approach contributed to an extensive examination of the cases taken under the Act: - Documentary analysis of all Labour Court Recommendations issued - A tracing of each workplace back to the union which referred the case - A survey of union officials currently or potentially responsible for the members at workplaces where cases had previously been taken - Interviews with union members, activists and staff in ten selected cases The Labour Court Recommendations, in complying with the terms of the Act, must and do accept non-union fora for the resolution of collective issues and effectively corral trade unions into individual representation, managing misbehaviour and exit. Focussing also on the aftermath of the Labour Court Recommendations afforded a unique understanding of the effects on workers and their trade unions; the effects of the process in addition to the effects of the written outcome. The research found that the majority of workplaces no longer have union members. Those still in membership display low levels of density and of activism and a distinct link is demonstrated between the union organising approach and such outcomes in each case. Those campaigns conducted with a greater emphasis on mobilisation or organising model techniques, where the referral under the 2001 Act was just one element in a broad campaign were more successful in achieving collective bargaining and better membership density and activism levels. The study recommends caution regarding sole reliance on the procedures provided by the Act.

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Mulcahy, Brian J. "A study of the relationship between Ireland and England as portrayed in Irish post-primary school history text books, published since 1922, and dealing with the period 1800 to the present." Thesis, University of Hull, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264563.

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The thesis is a study of the relationship between Ireland and England as portrayed in Irish post-primary history school textbooks, dealing with the period 1800 to the present day, and published or in use since 1922. The thesis identifies two distinct categories of texts and these are referred to as purist texts and moderate texts. The purist texts are characterised by their strong pro-Irish, and anti-English biases in their presentation of Irish history. The moderate texts, by contrast, are generally without such biases and present more neutral accounts of Irish history. The central thesis of the work is that the relationship between Ireland and England as portrayed in the purist texts is fundamentally different from the relationship portrayed in the moderate texts. Close examination of the texts revealed that the presentation of Irish history fell into three large divisions, military and revolutionary history, political history and social history. For this reason the thesis, apart from introductory and concluding chapters, is comprised of three large central chapters, dealing in turn with each of these three aspects of Irish history. Thus, Chapter II looks at the treatment of the military and revolutionary history in the texts. Chapter III deals with the political history of Ireland and Chapter IV treats of the social history of Ireland. Each of these three chapters elaborates on how the topics dealt with contribute to the overall portrayal of the relationship between Ireland and England, as presented in the texts. The thesis concludes that the relationship between Ireland and England portrayed by the purist texts is a negative and hostile one, while the relationship portrayed by the moderate texts is a positive one. Hence, a fundamental difference in the portrayal of the relationship between the purist and moderate texts is established.

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Nicolle-Blaya, Anne. "Évolution du discours identitaire de la communauté ethnique protestante d'Ulster : l'Ordre d'Orange et ses rituels politiques." Paris 3, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA030028.

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Lors de son cycle commémoratif annuel communément appelé la 'saison des marches', la communauté ethnique protestante d'Ulster, qui trouve son expression institutionnelle dans l'Ordre d'Orange, participe à l'exercice sans cesse renouvelé de réitération symbolique de l'acte primordial accompli par Guillaume d'Orange en 1690. Dans un processus de réunification symbolique des espaces loyaux de la province, elle s'emploie à développer une intense activité de représentation de son identité britannique ulstérienne. Au milieu des années 1990, dans un environnement politique particulièrement riche en initiatives destinées à aboutir à un réglement de paix, on observe une poussée inflationniste de ces mobilisations symboliques. Loin de marquer le pas dans le nouvel environnement de paix né de l'instauration des cessez-le-feu de 1994, la tradition commémorative connaît un regain d'activité et génère de violents troubles sectaires dans les zones d'interface. Postulant l'idée que le trauma engendré par cette nouvelle dynamique de paix n'est qu'un avatar d'une longue série de crises générées par les mouvements de l'histoire, cette étude met en lumière la permanence des grandes figures structurantes d'un discours destiné à préserver les formes exclusives d'un imaginaire où l'identité ne peut se forger qu'en opposition à l'"autre"
During its yearly commemorative cycle commonly called the 'marching season', the Ulster Protestant ethnic community - which, institutionally speaking, expresses itself in the Orange Order - takes part in the ever renewed exercise of symbolically reiterating the primordial act once accomplished by William of Orange back in 1690. In the process of the symbolic reunification of the loyal areas in the province, it goes to great lengths intensely developing an activity of representation of its Ulster British identity. In the mid 1990s, and in a political environment that was particularly rich in initiative meant to come up with a peace settlement, an inflationist surge of such symbolic mobilisations could be observed. Far from receding in the new peace environment implemented by the introduction of the 1994 ceasefires, the commemorative tradition has experienced a revival and generated violent sectarian troubles in the interface areas. Starting from the premise that the trauma caused by this new peace dynamics is nothing but an avatar of a long series of crises generated by the movements of history, this study highlights the permanence of great structuring figures in a discourse meant to preserve the exclusive forms of an imaginary in which identity can only be built up in the opposition to the 'other'

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Wolwacz, Andrea Ferrás. "History as fiction in Reading in the Dark, by Seamus Deane." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/17656.

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Esta dissertação de mestrado propõe-se a apresentar um estudo sobre a obra ficcional de Seamus Deane Reading in the Dark à luz das recentes idéias sobre a redefinição do conceito de identidade norte-irlandesa. No pano de fundo deste romance autobiográfico, identificamos a presença de episódios históricos envolvendo o choque entre unionistas pró-britânicos e Nacionalistas irlandeses, que levou ao conflito conhecido como "The Troubles". Esses episódios, e suas conseqüências, são apresentados através da perspectiva de um protagonista autodiegético, que relata três décadas, de 1940 a 1960. Enquanto o personagem cresce, sua percepção obviamente vai-se alterando. O efeito final da minha leitura do romance - que foi escrito na década de 1990 - é a abertura de uma nova perspectiva, relacionada com a necessidade de redefinir questões da nacionalidade irlandesa. Reading in the Dark é um romance sobre contradições entre duas culturas que não conseguem - mas necessitam - co-existir, vistas através da perspectiva de um adolescente inteligente e bem intencionado. Este texto literário oferece uma formulação sobre os novos avanços a em relação às questões de identidade e tolerância, as quais podem ser abordadas de três formas: o conflito pode ser analisado internamente, através da oposição entre as comunidades Católicas e Protestantes, ou externamente, considerando os interesses da ilha da Irlanda, em oposição aos oitocentos anos de dominação inglesa. A terceira solução propõe uma redefinição de todos os conceitos implicados. Como conseqüência dessa crise, o romance denuncia e redefine os sistemas políticos usados como instrumentos de dominação e de manutenção e validação do choque entre as duas ideologias existentes que levaram ao sectarismo no território da Irlanda do Norte. A discussão levada a cabo nesta dissertação está baseada nos presentes debates sobre estudos culturais, especialmente como propostos por Terry Eagleton e por outros membros do "Field Day Theatre Company", que analisam as questões relativas à identidade. Esses intelectuais escolheram reavaliar as narrativas dominantes sobre a Irlanda, incluindo a formação dos mitos que motivou o acirramento dessa hostilidade contra a parte oposta. Esta dissertação está estruturada em três capítulos principais. Dois deles contextualizam o plano de fundo da narrativa e da agenda política crítica do "Field Day Theatre Company". O capítulo de análise é centrado em treze cenas fortes selecionadas do romance, as quais são comentadas a partir de considerações tecidas nos limites dos capítulos anteriores. No final do trabalho, eu espero validar a importância do romance autobiográfico de Seamus Deane Reading in the Dark no processo de reexame dos discursos que levaram à falta de comunicação entre duas comunidades que vivem em um mesmo território.
This thesis consists of a study of Seamus Deane's Reading in the Dark in the light of recent ideas regarding the redefinition of the concept of Northern Irish identity. In the background of this auto-biographical novel we identify the presence of historical episodes involving the clash between British Unionists and Irish Nationalists, which led to the conflicts known as "The Troubles." These episodes, and their consequences, are presented through the filter of an autodiegetic protagonist/narrator, through a time-span of three decades, from the 1940s to the 1960s. As the character grows, perception is obviously altered. The final effect of my reading of this novel - which was written in the 1990's - is the opening a new perspective, related to the need of redefining issues of national identity. Reading in the Dark is a novel about the contradictions between two cultures which cannot - but must - co-exist, as seen through the eyes of one growing perceptive, well-meaning intelligent young man. This literary text offers a statement about a new advance towards the issues of identity and toleration, which can be approached in three ways: the conflict can be analyzed internally, through the opposition between the Catholic and the Protestant parts of the community; or externally, considering the interests of the island of Ireland, as opposed to eight-hundred years of English domination. The third solution proposes a redefinition of all concepts implied. As a consequence of this crisis, the novel simultaneously denounces and redefines the political systems used as instruments of domination, and the maintenance and validation of the clash between the two existing ideologies that led to sectarianism within the northern territory. The discussion held in this thesis is based on the present state of the debate regarding Cultural Studies, especially as proposed by Terry Eagleton and by other members of the Field Day Theatre Company, who analyze the questions concerning identity. These intellectuals choose to revaluate the dominant narratives about Ireland, including the formation and the use made of myths that have heightened the sense of hostility against the opposite part. This thesis is structured in three main chapters. Two of them contextualize the background of the narrative and present the critical-political agenda of the Field Day Theatre Company. The chapter of analysis centers on thirteen strong scenes selected from the novel, which are woven within the framing previous chapters. At the end of the work, I hope to validate my belief in the social function of literature, by stressing the importance of Seamus Deane's Reading in the Dark in this process of re-examination of old discourses that led to the failure of communication between the two communities living in the same territory.

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Blake, Jonathan Samuel. "Ritual Contention in Divided Societies: Participation in Loyalist Parades in Northern Ireland." Thesis, 2015. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8125RKN.

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Each year, Protestant organizations in Northern Ireland perform over 2,500 ritual parades to celebrate and commemorate their culture. Many Catholics, however, see parades as triumphalist and hateful. As a result, parades undermine the political peace process and grassroots peace-building by raising interethnic tension and precipitating riots, including significant violence in recent years. This dissertation asks: Why do people participate in these parades? To answer this question, I consider loyalist parading as an example of contentious ritual--symbolic action that makes contested political claims. To understand these parades as ritual actions, I build on two central insights from religious studies, sociology, and anthropology. First, as meaningful and shared practices, rituals provide participants with benefits that are intrinsic to participating in the act itself and do not depend on the achievement of some external outcome. Second, rituals are multi-vocal, meaning that interpretations of the action can vary across actors. Participants need not share the interpretation of their actions held by organizers, rivals, or outside observers. Participants, therefore, may not see the ritual as provocative, aggressive, or even contentious. These arguments stand in contrast to traditional explanations for collective action and ethnic conflict that theorize participation in ethnically polarizing events in terms of the achievement of concrete outcomes, such as selective material benefits, provoking the out-group into overreacting, or intimidating them into quiescence. To test my argument, I conducted fieldwork in Belfast, Northern Ireland. I developed and implemented a household survey to measure mass-level opinion, designed and ran an online survey of all Protestant clergy and elected officials in Northern Ireland to measure elite-level opinion, conducted over 80 semi-structured interviews with parade participants and nonparticipants, and observed dozens of hours of parades and related events. I demonstrate that, as expected by my argument, people approach participation in ritual parades as an end in and of itself. The evidence demonstrates that participants do not view parades instrumentally. This means that people make decisions to participate in contentious behavior without consideration of their actions' profoundly political consequences. The ritual nature of parades severs the expected connection between means (participation) and ends (political consequences), thus creating the environment for sustained conflict. Furthermore, the predictions of influential theories of ethnic conflict--extreme in-group identification or out-group antipathy--and collective action--selective material benefits or sanctions--are not supported by the data.

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Finley-Bowman, Rachel Elizabeth. ""United we stand, divided we fall" : the Ulster women's unionist council and the role of female loyalist clubs in Anglo-Irish politics, 1911-1922 /." Diss., 1999. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:9935161.

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Johnston, Alexander. "Covenanted peoples : the Ulster Unionist and Afrikaner Nationalist coalitions in growth, maturity and decay." Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/7757.

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O'Sullivan, Michelle, and Tony Royle. "Everything and Nothing Changes: Fast-Food Employers and the Threat to Minimum Wage Regulation in Ireland." 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6597.

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Yes
Ireland’s selective system of collective agreed minimum wages has come under significant pressure in recent years. A new fast-food employer body took a constitutional challenge against the system of Joint Labour Committees (JLCs) and this was strengthened by the discourse on the negative effects of minimum wages as Ireland’s economic crisis worsened. Taking a historical institutional approach, the article examines the critical juncture for the JLC system and the factors which led to the subsequent government decision to retain but reform the system. The article argues that the improved enforcement of minimum wages was a key factor in the employers’ push for abolition of the system but that the legacy of a collapsed social partnership system prevented the system’s abolition.

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