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Journal articles on the topic 'Unionism in Ireland'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

White, Andrew. "Is Contemporary Ulster Unionism in Crisis? Changes in Unionist Identity during the Northern Ireland Peace Process." Irish Journal of Sociology 16, no. 1 (June 2007): 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350701600107.

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This paper addresses the way in which the Northern Ireland Peace Process has impacted on unionist identity. In particular, it offers a critique of the three constituent philosophies of unionism – cultural unionism, liberal unionism and economic unionism – and suggests that a new form of unionism that reflects the altered polity of Northern Ireland must be constructed.

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2

Reid, Colin W. "DEMOCRACY, SOVEREIGNTY AND UNIONIST POLITICAL THOUGHT DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD IN IRELAND, c. 1912–1922." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 27 (November 1, 2017): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044011700010x.

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ABSTRACTThis paper examines ideas about democratic legitimacy and sovereignty within Ulster unionist political thought during the revolutionary period in Ireland (c. 1912–22). Confronted by Irish nationalists who claimed that Home Rule (and later, independence) enjoyed the support of the majority of people in Ireland, Ulster unionists deployed their own democratic idioms to rebuff such arguments. In asserting unionism's majority status, first, across the United Kingdom and, second, within the province of Ulster, unionists mined the language of democracy to legitimise their militant stand against Home Rule. The paper also probes the unionist conception of sovereignty by examining the establishment of the Provisional Government of Ulster in 1913, which was styled as a ‘trustee’ for the British constitution in Ireland after the coming of Home Rule. The imperial, economic and religious arguments articulated by unionists against Home Rule are well known, but the space given to constitutional rights and democratic legitimacy in the political language of unionism remain obscure. While the antagonisms at the heart of the revolutionary period in Ireland assumed the form of identity politics and sectarianism, the deployment of normative democratic language by unionists reveals that clashing ideals of representative government underpinned the conflict.

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3

Jackson, Alvin. "The failure of unionism in Dublin, 1900." Irish Historical Studies 26, no. 104 (November 1989): 377–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010129.

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The election contests of 1900 in St Stephen’s Green and South County Dublin were covered in detail by newspapers throughout the British Isles and have been treated as a political watershed by more recent and scholarly commentators. This interest has had a partly personal and biographical inspiration since one of the unionist candidates for South Dublin was the agrarian reformer and junior minister, Horace Plunkett; but the significance, symbolic and actual, of these contests has been seen as extending beyond the participation of one prominent Edwardian Irishman. The defeat of two unionist M.P.s, Plunkett and Campbell, in a fairly static Irish electoral arena would in itself have been worthy of comment. But the association of these men with a constructive administrative programme for Ireland, combined with the fact of their defeat by dissident unionists, gave the contests a broader notoriety and a significance for policy formulation which they would not otherwise have had. With the benefit of hindsight it has also been suggested that the repudiation of Plunkett and Campbell was a landmark in the gradual decline of southern unionism in Ireland. For, though South Dublin briefly returned to the unionist party between 1906 and 1910, the defeats of 1900 effectively marked the end of unionism as a significant electoral movement outside Ulster. After 1900, as the historian W.E.H. Lecky observed, ‘Ulster unionism is the only form of Irish unionism which is likely to count as a serious political force’.

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4

Mulholland, Marc. "The ‘best and most forward-looking’ in Ulster unionism: the Unionist Society (est. 1942)." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 129 (May 2002): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015522.

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During the premiership of Captain Terence O’Neill, from 1963 to 1969, an inclusive, liberal unionism for the first time guided the policies of the Northern Ireland state. Liberal roots in the Unionist Party, however, were never deep, and liberal unionism was effectively destroyed by the onset of the ‘Troubles’. It was an ambiguous creed, more pro-British than anxious to conciliate Irish nationalism. Liberal unionism’s aversion to overt and offensive anti-Catholicism struck a chord with perhaps the majority of the Protestant population. However, it did not encourage a proactive stance; rather a passive reciprocation of nationalist ‘goodwill’, defined, in effect, as acquiescence. It was an ideology of comfortable superiority. This can be illustrated by the fate of the Unionist Society. Uniquely for any unionist organisation of the post-war era, this association has left all its records open for inspection. The weaknesses and strengths of liberal unionism over a thirty-year span can thus be elucidated by a case-study examination of the Unionist Society.

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5

Evans, Jocelyn A. J., and Jonathan Tonge. "The Future of the ‘Radical Centre’ in Northern Ireland after the Good Friday Agreement." Political Studies 51, no. 1 (March 2003): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00411.

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The 1998 Good Friday Agreement has provided a new political dispensation in Northern Ireland. Through the management of the competing aims of unionism and nationalism, the Agreement hopes to promote cross-community consensus and forge a new, moderate centre. However, the segmental autonomy evident under the consociationalism of the Agreement poses questions of the existing political centre in Northern Ireland. Traditionally, the centre, as represented by the Alliance Party, has rejected unionism and nationalism, believing either to be ideologies to be overcome, rather than accommodated. Under the post-Agreement political arrangements, Alliance has already been obliged to bolster pro-Agreement unionism, through the temporary tactical redesignation of three of its Assembly members as Unionist and through tacit support for selected unionist election candidates. Using the first ever membership survey of the existing centre party in Northern Ireland, this article examines whether its vision of a radical third tradition is sustainable in a polity in which unionist and nationalist politics are legitimised.

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6

Rose, David, and David Dutton. "Unionism without Ireland." Books Ireland, no. 166 (1993): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20626688.

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7

MacGinty, Roger. "Unionism in modern Ireland." International Affairs 73, no. 1 (January 1997): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623598.

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8

Jackson, Alvin. "Unionist Politics and Protestant Society in Edwardian Ireland." Historical Journal 33, no. 4 (December 1990): 839–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013789.

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Like the ‘Tory in clogs’ of Edwardian Britain, the Unionist working man has generally eluded the historian of modern Ireland. Indeed, to some extent, the image of Irish Unionism, whether popular or scholarly, has been supplied by the apologetic biographers of the ‘great men’ of loyalism, and by the rhetoric of political opponents like Michael Farrell: at any rate the historiography of the movement is peopled with irredentist squires and Anglo-Irish peers, bowler-hatted Orange artisans – Engel's ‘Protestant brag-garts’ – and cynical industrial barons. The existence of a more popular Unionism is acknowledged, though only in a context (the militancy of 1912, the bravura of 12 July marches) when it may not be ignored: even so, as with an older scholarly attitude towards popular British toryism, there has been a tendency among historians to treat mass Unionism as a freak of progress, demanding apologetic explanation rather than sustained illumination. With the institutions of popular Conservatism now, after thirty years of historical research, a firm feature of the British historical landscape, the need to reveal something of the electoral base of Ulster Unionism is all the more apparent. This is particularly true of the rural hinterland of the loyalist movement which, even more than Belfast, has been the victim of neglect.

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9

Martin, Ged. "Review: Ireland and Scottish Unionism." Scottish Affairs 47 (First Serie, no. 1 (May 2004): 156–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2004.0032.

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10

Cochrane, Feargal. "Any Takers? The Isolation of Northern Ireland." Political Studies 42, no. 3 (September 1994): 378–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1994.tb01684.x.

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This article challenges the traditional assumptions prevalent within the two main communal blocs in Northern Ireland. I argue that the orthodox unionist and nationalist views of the external political environment are seriously flawed to the point that both camps have become oblivious to the shifting political universe which surrounds them. Unionist and nationalist analyses of political dynamics within both Britain and the Irish Republic are misconceived. The domination of a romantic historical inheritance over intellectual rationalism has led to assumptions within both unionism and nationalism, central to the general strategy of both ideologies, which do not withstand examination.

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11

Tonge, J., and J. Evans. "Northern Ireland: Unionism Loses More Leaders." Parliamentary Affairs 63, no. 4 (September 14, 2010): 742–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsq020.

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12

Bleakney, Judith, and Paul Darby. "The pride of east Belfast: Glentoran Football Club and the (re)production of Ulster unionist identities in Northern Ireland." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 53, no. 8 (February 1, 2017): 975–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690217690346.

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It has become a truism that football provides a revealing window into how various forms of identity are (re)produced. There is a not insubstantial body of academic work which illustrates that football in Northern Ireland has long served as a vehicle for individuals to come together, develop a sense of belonging, share in common bonds of loyalty and articulate both semantic and syntactical forms of identity. This certainly holds true for the country’s Ulster unionist population. Indeed, in many ways, the game has been inextricably bound up with the development of unionist politics and identities. As such, football and football clubs in Northern Ireland represent a particularly useful, yet currently under-utilised, lens through which to analyse the development and nature of the identities of the majority population and how these have manifested themselves in civil society at various points in time. Better understanding how these identities are generated and articulated is important in the context of a society emerging from almost four decades of internecine, ethno-sectarian conflict and particularly at a time when sections of the unionist community have grown disaffected at what they consider to be deliberate attempts to dilute and diminish their identity and cultural traditions. This article contributes to and expands on what is barely a fledgling scholarship on sport and Ulster unionism by examining the ways in which unionist and loyalist identities have developed through and coalesced around Glentoran Football Club, one of Northern Ireland’s leading domestic teams.

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13

Aalen, Frederick H. A. "Constructive Unionism and the Shaping of Rural Ireland, c. 1880–1921." Rural History 4, no. 2 (October 1993): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300000261.

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Today we can already see a regenerated Ireland, living a new and prosperous life, with a peasantry helped and aided, largely by its own co-operative effort, beyond the peasantry of any other country. Tomorrow we trust to see a self-governing Ireland, still a part of the British Commonwealth. (Barker, Ireland in the Last Fifty Years (1919) 147).

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14

Privilege, John. "The Northern Ireland government and the welfare state, 1942–8: the case of health provision." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 155 (May 2015): 439–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2014.2.

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Abstract Northern Ireland, the United Kingdom’s only self-governing region, recorded year-on- year the worst statistics on health and poverty. However, it was far from certain that the Unionist government in Belfast would enact the kind of sweeping post-war reform that occurred in England and Wales. The raft of legislation governing health and social care introduced in 1948 was, therefore, the product of conditions and circumstances peculiar to Northern Ireland. The government in Belfast needed to overcome the conservative instincts of Ulster Unionism as well as suspicions regarding Clement Attlee’s Labour administration. Although the process was somewhat blighted by sectarianism, the government of Sir Basil Brooke enacted what amounted to a revolution in health and social care provision.

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15

Farrington, Christopher. "Unionism and the Peace Process in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 8, no. 2 (May 2006): 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00233.x.

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16

KELLY, MATTHEW. "THE POLITICS OF PROTESTANT STREET PREACHING IN 1890s IRELAND." Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004236.

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During the 1890s evangelical Protestants took to preaching on the streets in southern Irish towns and cities. They provoked an angry response, with large Catholic crowds gathering to protest at their activities. This created a difficult situation for the authorities. Obliged, on the one hand, to protect the rights and liberties of the preachers, they also looked to nurture behaviour appropriate to the sectarian realities in Ireland. At stake was the extent to which Ireland could be treated as an undifferentiated part of the United Kingdom, with W. E. H. Lecky increasingly recognizing the need for a different legal basis in Ireland. These events formed part of the wider evolution of ‘constructive unionism’. More broadly, respectable Irish Protestant and Catholic disapproval of preachers and the ‘mob’ revealed the way in which class attitudes cut across sectarian identities, suggesting that the political dividends paid the wider unionist movement by this exposure of the apparent realities of ‘Rome rule’ were little valued in the locale. Similarly, interventions by home rule politicians reinforced the sense that conciliating British public opinion was a central concern. Here was an example of how locally orientated sectarianism helped shape national political agendas.

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17

Patrick Maume. "The Dublin Evening Mail and pro-landlord conservatism in the age of Gladstone and Parnell." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 148 (November 2011): 550–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003217.

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The historiography of nineteenth-century Irish newspapers centres on the development of a nationalist press nationally and locally, with expansion of readership and titles connected to the great waves of politicisation under O’Connell and Parnell. Studies of unionist newspapers tend to focus on Ulster or the Irish Times, whose institutional continuity maintains interest in its earlier incarnations, and whose relatively liberal nineteenth-century unionism was directed at the Dublin Protestant middle classes. There was, however, another type of nineteenth-century Southern unionist newspaper addressing a conservative audience of landlords, professionals and Church of Ireland clerics. Such diehard newspapers often clung to older business models involving limited readership, and underpinned their activities by second jobs and patronage from local elites, though the Dublin Tory press developed a somewhat wider audience.

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18

Reid, C. "Protestant Challenges to the 'Protestant State': Ulster Unionism and Independent Unionism in Northern Ireland, 1921-1939." Twentieth Century British History 19, no. 4 (October 17, 2008): 419–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwn022.

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19

Cradden, Terry. "Trade Unionism, Social Justice, and Religious Discrimination in Northern Ireland." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 46, no. 3 (April 1993): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2524548.

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20

Cradden, Terry. "Trade Unionism, Social Justice, and Religious Discrimination in Northern Ireland." ILR Review 46, no. 3 (April 1993): 480–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600303.

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This article examines the actions of trade union leaders in response to religious discrimination in employment in Northern Ireland, and their influence on British Government policy-making on this question. The main finding is that despite the risk of alienating many members, the trade union movement persisted in seeking radical remedies for discrimination during the 1980s, and was influential in the shaping of anti-discrimination legislation enacted in 1989. The author finds points of similarity between this history and the AFL-CIO leadership's civil rights stand in the 1960s, and sees these examples as evidence that egalitarian values have played, and continue to play, an important role in shaping union purpose and action.

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21

Doyle, John. "Workers and outlaws: Unionism and fair employment in Northern Ireland." Irish Political Studies 9, no. 1 (January 1994): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189408406523.

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22

Evershed, Jonathan. "A war that stopped a war? The necropolitics of (Northern) Ireland’s First World War centenary." Global Discourse 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 537–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/263168919x15671868126815.

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The recent ‘recovery’ of First World War memory in Ireland has been much discussed and widely celebrated. What has been represented as Ireland’s centennial reacquaintance with its Great War heritage has been framed by a wider ‘Decade of Centenaries’: a policy construct through which a more reconciliatory approach to commemorating the violent events which gave birth to the two states on the island of Ireland has been promoted. The Decade has seen the ascendance of joint British–Irish First World War commemorations, and attempts have been made to use commemoration to bridge the ‘communal’ divide between unionism and nationalism. In this article, I interrogate this new commemorative dispensation and the assumptions that underwrite it. I argue that the reconciliatory reorientation of commemoration in Ireland during the Decade of Centenaries is based on an ethically contradictory and militaristic reframing of the First World War as ‘a war that stopped a war’. Eliding the ways in which the War has actually long been remembered in nationalist Ireland, this reframing is representative of and acts to reinforce the wider anti-political project in which the British and Irish states have been jointly involved since the advent of the peace process. Arguing that the (necro)politics of Ireland’s First World War centenary have represented the slaughter of Irishmen on Flanders’ fields as a symbolic sacrifice for a particular, neoliberal ‘peace’ in (Northern) Ireland, I will conclude that the limits of this project have been radically revealed by recent political events which have called its future hegemony into doubt.

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23

Racioppi, Linda, and Katherine O'Sullivan See. "Ulstermen and Loyalist Ladies on Parade: Gendering Unionism in Northern Ireland." International Feminist Journal of Politics 2, no. 1 (January 2000): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/146167400406993.

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24

Lundy, P., and M. McGovern. "A Trojan Horse? Unionism, Trust and Truth-telling in Northern Ireland." International Journal of Transitional Justice 2, no. 1 (March 1, 2008): 42–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijm029.

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25

O'Callaghan, Margaret, and Catherine O'Donnell. "The Northern Ireland Government, the ‘Paisleyite Movement’ and Ulster Unionism in 1966." Irish Political Studies 21, no. 2 (June 2006): 203–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180600707607.

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26

Bourke, Joanna. "Women and poultry in Ireland, 1891–1914." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 99 (May 1987): 293–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140002664x.

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Historical comment upon the years between the death of Parnell and the outbreak of the First World War ranges widely. The historian’s vision focusses on conflict and change — nationalism, unionism, home rule, urban disruption, rural disorder, land reform and incessant social debate. This paper looks at one series of arguments partially obscured amidst the turmoil of those years. For rural-dwellers, state and private institutional intervention into the rural economy during this period radically affected power-relations and work-relations within their community. The attempts to reform the poultry industry provides one example of these changes.Rearing poultry for sale rather than for household consumption was one of the most important occupations of the farm woman. Indeed, despite the impassioned debates and controversial decisions concerning the poultry industry from the 1890s, one thing was agreed: for better or (more commonly) for worse, the poultry industry was dominated by women.

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27

Bergene, Ann Cecilie, David Jordhus-Lier, and Anders Underthun. "Organizing Capacities and Union Priorities in the Hotel sector in Oslo, Dublin, and Toronto." Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 4, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v4i3.4183.

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In this article, we draw international comparisons between industrial relations regimes in the hotel sector and compare relevant trade union experiences in the selected metropolitan areas of Oslo, Dublin, and Toronto. We ask how union strategies differ in these different hotel markets, and how strategic choices at a local level relate to industrial relations models, regulatory change, and corporate restructuring in the hotel market. The study is based on interviews with union representatives and key informants in Norway, Ireland, and Canada. The main argument we make is that the reorientation of union priorities and the willingness to engage in innovative strategies that has characterized hotel unionism in Toronto and Dublin is not detectable in the case of Oslo. This might be a result of the relatively strong position Norwegian trade unions have in national industrial relations, but can at the same time leave local hotel unions vulnerable as they are facing low unionization levels and corporate restructuring which they are unable to tackle effectively.

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Hill, Myrtle, and Rachel Ward. "Women, Unionism and Loyalism in Northern Ireland: From Tea-Makers' to Political Actors." Canadian Journal of Irish Studies 32, no. 1 (2006): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25515629.

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29

Curtis, L. Perry, and Andrew Gailey. "Ireland and the Death of Kindness: The Experience of Constructive Unionism, 1890-1905." American Historical Review 96, no. 5 (December 1991): 1546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165349.

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30

Tonge, Jonathan. "Beyond Unionism versus Nationalism: the Rise of the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland." Political Quarterly 91, no. 2 (April 2020): 461–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12857.

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31

Harpur, Alan. "Book Review: ‘Who are the People’? Unionism, Protestantism and Loyalism in Northern Ireland." Irish Journal of Sociology 8, no. 1 (May 1998): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160359800800115.

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32

Kehoe, S. Karly. "Unionism, Nationalism and the Scottish Catholic Periphery, 1850–1930." Britain and the World 4, no. 1 (March 2011): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2011.0005.

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This article investigates the relationship between nationalism, unionism and Catholicism between 1850 and 1930 and proposes that ideas about the Scottish nation and national identity had a strong connection with the re-emergence and development of Catholicism. The presence of a large Irish-born and Irish-descended Catholic population meant that although there was a peripheral sensitivity to Ireland and an intellectual curiosity with Home Rule, indigenous Catholics remained deeply committed to the Scottish nation within the British state. A majority of Catholics in Scotland saw themselves as loyal British subjects, as nation builders and as the ambassadors of an imperial ideal. Understanding how Catholic identity was defined and how far this influenced, or was influenced by, the construction of a national identity is critical for achieving an understanding of the complexities of nationalism in Scotland. The parallels that exist between Catholicism's position on the periphery of Scottish society and Scotland's status within Britain is an overarching theme in this article that focuses on a period of intense national self-reflection and identity construction.

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33

Houston, Matthew. "Presbyterianism, unionism, and the Second World War in Northern Ireland: the career of James Little, 1939–46." Irish Historical Studies 43, no. 164 (November 2019): 252–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.53.

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AbstractThis article examines the career of the Irish Presbyterian minister and member of the Westminster parliament, James Little, as a case study of Presbyterian clerical responses to the Second World War in Northern Ireland. Establishing a more detailed narrative of contemporary interpretations of the conflict improves our understanding of the functions of religious institutions during the period. It demonstrates that Presbyterian church leaders were largely enthusiastic supporters of the war, employing theological language while promoting the agenda of unionist politics. By juxtaposing clerical politico-religious support for the war with their commitment to conservative moral standards, the article assesses the strength with which these views were held, thereby adding to our knowledge of Presbyterianism in the 1940s. The article also situates the Northern Ireland Presbyterian view of the war within the context of the United Kingdom.

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Philip O'Connor, John. "“For a colleen's complexion”: soap and the politicization of a brand personality, 1888-1916." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 6, no. 1 (February 11, 2014): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-06-2013-0034.

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Purpose – The aim of this paper is to examine how the “colleen” archetype was used in the creation of a successful brand personality for a range of soap manufactured in Ireland during the early twentieth century. It reveals the commercial and political agendas behind this move and the colleen's later application to Ulster unionist graphic propaganda against Home Rule between 1914 and 1916. Design/methodology/approach – This case study is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources; the former encompassing both graphic advertising material and ephemera. Findings – This paper demonstrates how contemporary pictorial advertising for colleen soap was suffused with text and imagery propounding Ulster's preservation within the UK. It also suggests that the popularity of this brand personality may have been a factor in the colleen's appropriation for propaganda purposes by certain strands within Ulster unionism. Originality/value – This paper is based on original research that expands the historical corpus of Irish visual representation, while also adding notably to discourses within the History of Marketing and Women's History.

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35

Mulholland, Marc. "Review: Trade Unionism, Socialism and Partition. The Labour Movement in Northern Ireland, 1939–53." Irish Economic and Social History 22, no. 1 (June 1995): 133–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248939502200113.

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O'Hearn, D. "Unionism and Orangeism in Northern Ireland Since 1945: the Decline of the Loyal Family." Community Development Journal 44, no. 2 (March 18, 2009): 270–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdj/bsp011.

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37

Munce, Peter. "Unionism and the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission 1999–2005: Hostility, Hubris and Hesitancy." Irish Political Studies 29, no. 2 (October 8, 2012): 194–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2012.708656.

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38

WALKER, GRAHAM. "Unionism and Orangeism in Northern Ireland since 1945 - By Henry Patterson and Eric Kaufmann." Parliamentary History 27, no. 3 (October 3, 2008): 470–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.2008.00060_14.x.

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Mac Bhloscaidh, Fearghal. "The Caledon Lockout: Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Rural Ulster, 1918–1922." International Labor and Working-Class History 98 (2020): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547919000334.

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AbstractThis paper examines an unsuccessful strike by Irish Catholic and Protestant workers at a woolen mill in 1919. The location, Caledon in County Tyrone, is renowned as a stronghold of Ulster Unionism and Orangeism, yet in the context of the revolutionary period in Ireland from 1916–1926, traditional sectarian divisions briefly abated in the face of working-class solidarity. In this respect, the analysis offers something of a corrective to assumptions regarding the immutability of sectarian divisions in Ulster. The article also places Caledon within the context of a widespread and sustained movement of unskilled workers in the main provincial city, Belfast, and across much of rural Ulster between 1918–1920. Nevertheless, the manner in which the employer defeated the strike and the village's subsequent history of violent sectarianism offers valuable insights into the creation and consolidation of Northern Ireland, or what many local Catholics called “the Orange State,” which celebrates its centenary in 2020.

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40

Dunn, Peter. "Forsaking their ‘own flesh and blood’? Ulster unionism, Scotland and home rule, 1886–1914." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 146 (November 2010): 203–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400002224.

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Writing to a ‘Friend in Scotland’, in 1888, the Rev. Hugh Hanna declared: ‘it is the duty of Christian people in these lands to do the best they can for all parts of the United Kingdom’. Having explained why Irish Protestants were opposed to home rule, he then asked how anysection of Scotch Presbyterians should support that policy, and array itself in antagoism to their kinsmen in Ireland? Is it possible that political partisanship can dominate all the considerations of a common lineage and a common faith, and that any part of Scotland would forsake its own flesh and blood to promote the policy and restore the power of a fallen leader ...?

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41

Racioppi, Linda, and Katherine O'Sullivan See. "‘This we will Maintain’: Gender, Ethno‐Nationalism and the Politics of Unionism in Northern Ireland." Nations and Nationalism 7, no. 1 (January 2001): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1469-8219.00006.

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Kelly, James. "POPULAR POLITICS IN IRELAND AND THE ACT OF UNION." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 10 (December 2000): 259–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044010000013x.

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AbstractTHE most striking features of the popular political response in Ireland to the attempts between mid-1798 and mid-1800 to bring about the legislative union of Britain and Ireland are its comparative uneventfulness and traditional character. On first encounter, this observation may appear provocative since it is still commonly perceived, the work of G.C. Bolton notwithstanding, that the Act of Union was imposed upon a reluctant parliament and an antipathetic people. Moreover, it does not sit easily with what we know of popular anti-unionism in eighteenth-century Ireland, the most celebrated manifestation of which was the anti-union riot of 3 December 1759 when the Dublin mob invaded both houses of parliament and assaulted a number of leading officeholders arising out of a rumour that a legislative union was intended. Arising out of such manifestations of popular attachment to a domestic Irish parliament, and the high level of political, social and criminal violence during the 1790s, it is hardly surprising that leading figures in the Irish administration anticipated that serious public disorder would be a feature of the opposition to a union in 1798–1800. In point of fact, the decisive defeat of the 1798 rebellion and the strenuous efforts of United Irish leaders to minimise the extent of their revolutionary involvement thereafter ensured that there was no overt popular resistance from a quarter which, during the 1790s, treated every reference to a union with disdain.

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Roney, John B. "[Mis-]managing Fisheries on the West Coast of Ireland in the Nineteenth Century." Humanities 8, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8010004.

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This study focuses on the cultural heritage of artisan coastal fishing in the west of Ireland in the 19th century. The town and port of Dingle, County Kerry, offers an important case study on the progress of local development and changing British policies. While there was clearly an abundance of fish, the poverty and the lack of capital for improvements in ports, vessels, gear, education, and transportation, left the fishing industry underdeveloped until well after the 1890s. In addition, a growing rift developed between the traditional farmer-fishermen and the new middle-class capitalist companies. After several royal commissions examined the fishing industry, the leading ichthyologists of the day concluded that an abundance of fish could be taken without fear of overfishing. The utilitarian economic principle became dominant, changing the previous non-interventionist policies. In the end, there was little concern for sustainability. The mismanagement of commercial fishing in the west of Ireland stemmed from a series of factors, including the increasing need for protein in Britain, technological developments that allowed greater fish catch, and the Conservative government’s political policy of ‘constructive unionism’ that attempted to develop the Irish economy to preserve the kingdom.

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Pašeta, Senia. "FEMINIST POLITICAL THOUGHT AND ACTIVISM IN REVOLUTIONARY IRELAND, c. 1880–1918." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 27 (November 1, 2017): 193–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440117000093.

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ABSTRACTFeminist thought and activism was a feature of Irish political life in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Because the women's suffrage campaign coincided with and was at times influenced by wider debates on the national question, it has often been understood almost entirely in relation to Irish nationalism and unionism, and usually in the specific context of acute political crisis such as the third Home Rule. The Irish suffrage movement should instead be understood both in terms of wider political developments and in particular Irish contexts. This paper surveys aspects of feminist political culture with a particular emphasis on the way that nationalist Irish women articulated and negotiated their involvement in the women's suffrage movement. It argues that the relationship between the two was both more nuanced and dynamic than has been allowed, and that opposition to women's activism should be understood in structural and cultural terms as well as in broadly political ones. The relationship should also be understood in longer historical terms than is usual as it also evolved in the context of broader political and social shifts and campaigns, some of which predated the third Home Rule crisis.

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Fleming, N. C. "The First Government of Northern Ireland, Education Reform and the Failure of Anti-populist Unionism, 1921-1925." Twentieth Century British History 18, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 146–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwm006.

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Hart, Peter. "Reviews of Books:Northern Ireland at the Crossroads: Ulster Unionism in the O'Neill Years 1960-9 Marc Mulholland." American Historical Review 107, no. 3 (June 2002): 943–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/532607.

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Topping, Simon. "‘A hundred thousand welcomes’? Unionism, nationalism, partition and the arrival of American forces in Northern Ireland in January 1942." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794012.2018.1423605.

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Geary, John, and Sophie Gamwell. "An American Solution to an Irish Problem: A Consideration of the Material Conditions that Shape the Architecture of Union Organizing." Work, Employment and Society 33, no. 2 (February 8, 2017): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017016686024.

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New models of union organizing have become an important instrument of union growth and renewal. We examine the transfer of US-developed organizing practices to Ireland. We enquire whether the practical experiences of SIPTU can be considered successful. In particular, we focus on the question: in what way is the architecture of union organizing shaped by the material conditions that affect workers’ power? We look at three campaigns across three low-wage sectors (hotels, red meat processing and contract cleaning). The campaigns share a number of common properties, but differ in respect of the power resources available to employees and the shape of their outcomes. Using a most similar systems comparative research design, we identify a variety of causes which help explain the success and shape of the different organizing campaigns. Finally, we make a number of arguments in respect of how our findings link to debates about the future of trade unionism.

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Ward, Paul. "Christopher Farrington. Ulster Unionism and the Peace Process in Northern Ireland. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006. Pp. 214. $69.95 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 46, no. 1 (January 2007): 240–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/510983.

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McKearney, Tommy. "Northern Ireland: From Imperial Asset to International Encumbrance." Journal of World-Systems Research 22, no. 1 (March 22, 2016): 108–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2016.636.

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The Northern Ireland story is more complex than the trite tale of orange versus green or two warring tribes. Current inhabitants are not settling ancient scores. Northern Ireland is the product of colonialism, the plantation of Ulster, machinations of a British state determined to retain a strategic outpost, 50 years of one party discriminatory government and the recent conflict. The Good Friday Agreement facilitated an end to armed conflict but is inherently flawed. Compounding the Stormont Assembly’s very limited ability to steer the economy is reluctance by the political parties to accept the rationale of the Agreement. Republicans are unhappy that Northern Ireland will remain British while unionists dislike the fact that republicans are partners in administration. Northern Ireland’s two leading parties, The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Féin (SF,) do not have the power (even if they wanted to use it) to address the social and economic issues affecting constituents’ lives. Northern Ireland is changing demographically while also facing economic challenges at a time when both England and Scotland are reassessing the nature of the Union.

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