Academic literature on the topic 'United Democratic Party (Belize)'
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Journal articles on the topic "United Democratic Party (Belize)"
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Plotke, David. "Party Reform as Failed Democratic Renewal in the United States, 1968–1972." Studies in American Political Development 10, no. 2 (1996): 223–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001498.
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Between 1968 and 1972, with political conflict in America unusually high, major changes were made in rules for consituting Democratic national conventions and selecting Democratic candidates. Basic issues about the practical meaning of democratic commitments were sharply contested, and debates about party organization proved vigorous and substantial. The reforms enacted aimed partly to enhance participation and restore public respect for political life. They did not escape criticism. In fact, critics of reform became the dominant voice in subsequent discussion of what happened to the Democratic party and to party politics in the United States more generally.
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Payne, Anthony J. "The Belize Triangle: Relations with Britain, Guatemala and the United States." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 1 (1990): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166131.
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Within the international politics of the Caribbean Basin attention is only rarely paid to the position of Belize. This neglect is the more remarkable since Belize epitomizes — more precisely than any other territory of the region — the characteristic geopolitical problem of the Caribbean caught, as it were, uneasily between the United States, Latin America and Europe. Yet, despite being threatened by the Guatemalan claim to sovereignty over its territory, which delayed its independence until 1981, Belize has skillfully taken advantage of its British colonial past to carve out for itself a distinctive geopolitical space in Central America and the Caribbean. This has allowed it not only to remain relatively undisturbed by the conflicts which have riven the other states of the Central American isthmus, but also to display a commitment to democratic change strong enough to sustain the electoral defeat — in December 1984 — of a regime which had held power in the country for more than thirty years, as well as the defeat of its successor — in September 1989 — after just one term in office.
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Fofanova, Anna R. "United States Democratic Party and the 2020 Presidential Election: The Main Candidates, Topics and Features of the Election Rhetoric." REGIONOLOGY 27, no. 3 (2019): 398–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2413-1407.107.027.201903.398-412.
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Introduction. The article is of relevance due to the beginning of the active phase of the race for the right to become the Democratic Party’s nominee for the 2020 United States presidential election. The range of issues, topics and features of the election rhetoric of the Democrats will largely determine the outcome of the 2020 election and therefore will influence the subsequent development of the United States. The objective of the study is to analyze the political rhetoric of the major Democratic Party presidential candidates and the political trends among the ranks of the Democrats, taking place against the backdrop of the election campaign. Materials and Methods. The study was based on the methods of empirical analysis, such as description, synthesis, analogy, classification, and comparison, which made it possible to consider the main characteristics and topics of the political rhetoric of members of the United States Democratic Party. Publications in the media, recordings of public speeches of the Democratic Party members, statistics, sociological polls, and research by Russian and foreign scientists were used as the materials for the study. Results. The author has identified the main topics and features of the election rhetoric of the Democratic Party presidential candidates. Issues of public health, education, and ecology have become central topics for the potential Democratic presidential candidates, which is largely due to a significant shift to the left and the role of the left-wing Democrats in the electoral process. The study has revealed a significant degree of political disintegration in the Democratic Party. The major challenge the Democrats are faced with today is to nominate a candidate who will be able to fight back the energetic rhetoric of Donald Trump, retain the traditional electorate of the Democratic Party, and attract new supporters. Discussion and Conclusion. The research results provide an insight into the processes taking place in the Democratic Party at the stage of nominating the Democratic presidential candidate. The data presented in the article will be useful to researchers interested in the history and politics of the United States. The study conducted makes it possible to better understand the current trends in American domestic policies, which largely determine the state of affairs in international relations.
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Bwalya, John, and Owen B. Sichone. "Refractory Frontier: Intra-party Democracy in the Zambian Polity." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 6, no. 2 (2018): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v6i2.216.
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Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained.
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Huangfu, Wencheng. "The Impact of Bipartisan Bifurcation on Corona Vaccination in the United States." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 24 (December 29, 2023): 155–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/q4d5cf23.
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Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has bring disastrous impact to people globally. The United States has been among the most affected. COVID-19 and vaccine decision have evolved to a hotly debated topic among American public, as well as Democratic and Republican politicians. While ample research has been conducted on how politicians shape public opinion and behavior, only a few have dive deeper into the specific influence of Democratic and Republican politicians on public views regarding COVID-19 and vaccine decisions. This paper aims to evaluate the impact from these politicians by analyzing the previous research on partisanship, political theory, public opinion and behavior. The paper finds out that contrasting party ideology between Democratic and Republican politicians contribute to differing vaccine decisions. The paper also pinpoints party affiliation as a factor influencing people’s opinion on COVID-19 and vaccine decision. In response, the paper proposes public awareness campaign by NGOs to address the influence of party ideology; promotes bipartisan dialogue and collaboration on COVID-19 to mitigate the effect of party affiliation. Both Democratic and Republican politicians must work together to minimize the political perception of COVID, ensuring it remains a health decision.
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Park, Kyungmee, and Jin Young Jeon. "Party Leaders and Intra-party Democracy : Saenuri Party and Democratic United Party in the 19th National Assembly." Journal of Parliamentary Research 14, no. 1 (2019): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18808/jopr.2019.1.3.
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Torche, Florencia, and Tamkinat Rauf. "The Political Context and Infant Health in the United States." American Sociological Review 86, no. 3 (2021): 377–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00031224211000710.
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Most social determinants of health are shaped by political decisions. However, beyond specific policies, there is limited empirical investigation into the consequences of the changing political context on population health in the United States. We examine a salient political factor—the party of the president and governor—as a determinant of infant health between 1971 and 2018 using a battery of fixed-effects models. We focus on infant health because it has far-reaching implications for future population health and inequality. Our analysis yields three findings: (1) Democratic presidents have a beneficial effect on infant health outcomes, with stronger effects for Black infants compared to White infants. (2) The president’s party effect materializes after two years of a Democratic transition, and remains elevated until the end of the party’s tenure in office. (3) Specific measurable social policies appear to play a minor role in explaining the beneficial effect of Democratic administrations. Our findings suggest the party in power is an important determinant of infant health, particularly among vulnerable populations, and they invite a deeper examination of mechanisms.
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Goldman, Ralph M. "The Nominating Process: Factionalism as a Force for Democratization." American Review of Politics 12 (November 1, 1991): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1991.12.0.42-64.
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In what ways may a one-party system advance democratic development? Democratic development requires an understanding of the process of institutionalization and the ways in which institutionalization may be promotive of nonviolent elite competition, even within one-party systems. This directs our attention to the hierarchy of institutionalized organizations and conflict systems that constitute a party system, namely, government, parties, and factions. Although neglected in research on party politics, factions are capable of creating conditions favorable to democratic development, including nonviolent competition among elites, party pluralism, and popular participation in electoral and other institutions of national politics. The centerpiece of factionalism is the party’s nominating process, another relatively neglected subject of inquiry. Several principles of institutionalization are suggested by the experience with factionalism in the United States and other nations.
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Abramson, Paul R. "Measuring the Southern Contribution to the Democratic Coalition." American Political Science Review 81, no. 2 (1987): 567–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961969.
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Measuring the southern contribution to the Democratic coalition is an important task. To measure this contribution one must choose appropriate data and the appropriate unit of analysis for studying party coalitions in the United States. Two recent studies of party coalitions use the National Election Studies to estimate the southern contribution to the Democratic party, and these studies illustrate the problems one may encounter. This note demonstrates two points. First, survey research results may lead to erroneous estimates and it is preferable, where possible, to rely upon official election statistics. Second, the contribution of demographic groups to party coalitions should be assessed within the context of the political rules that make such coalitions meaningful.
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Anderson, Leslie E. "The Problem of Single-Party Predominance in an Unconsolidated Democracy: The Example of Argentina." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 4 (2009): 767–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709991794.
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Parties can be a crucial to democratic function but not all parties or party systems are democratic. Some parties are fully competitive within a pluralist system while others, notably hegemonic parties, are antithetical to democracy. Between competitive, pluralist party systems and hegemonic party systems lie predominant party systems. These are compatible with democracy where democracy is fully consolidated but inhibit democratic consolidation in settings with an authoritarian history or where the rule of law is incomplete. The effect of predominant parties in unconsolidated democracies has not been fully studied in comparative context. I scrutinize this problem in Argentina, which has followed an electoral calendar for two decades, but lacks a fully pluralist system of power-sharing among two nationally-competitive parties. The authoritarian background of Peronism, of Argentina itself and the limited competitive potential of the Radical Party have curtailed democratic development. The article underscores the seriousness of Argentina's dilemma by contrasting its situation with Democratic Party predominance in the United States Deep South in the 1940s. The comparison of democratic development in an older democracy with that of a newer democracy illustrates that some of the processes of consolidation are similar and that the experience of older democracies may indicate possible solutions for newer democracies.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United Democratic Party (Belize)"
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Campbell, Colin S. "Dead Center: Polarization and the Democratic Party, 1932-2000." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3117.
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Polarization forced massive changes in the institutions of Washington throughout the 20th century, and the Democratic Party played a key role throughout. Under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the Democratic Party formed the powerful New Deal coalition. The coalition faltered in the turbulent 1960s under the pressures of the Vietnam War and racial unrest. The chaotic 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago dealt the coalition a mortal wound. Young voters and activists gained an outsized voice in the party. Several crushing defeats in presidential elections followed as the party chose unelectable candidates who appealed to the passions of left-wing activists and interests. In 1992, Bill Clinton won the nomination and forced the party back to the center. Clinton’s success, however, drove the Republican Party further right as its efforts to destroy Clinton grew increasingly obsessive. The cumulative effect has been an increase in polarization and the weakening of institutions in Washington.
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Harris, Richard Scott. "Lawrence F. O'Brien, the Democratic Party and the nation /." Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Manning, Seth. "Factionalism in the Democratic Party 1936-1964." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/477.
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The period of 1936-1964 in the Democratic Party was one of intense factional conflict between the rising Northern liberals, buoyed by FDR’s presidency, and the Southern conservatives who had dominated the party for a half-century. Intertwined prominently with the struggle for civil rights, this period illustrates the complex battles that held the fate of other issues such as labor, foreign policy, and economic ideology in the balance. This thesis aims to explain how and why the Northern liberal faction came to defeat the Southern conservatives in the Democratic Party through a multi-faceted approach examining organizations, strategy, arenas of competition, and political opportunities of each faction. I conclude that an alliance between the labor movement and African-Americans formed the basis on which the liberal faction was able to organize and build its strength, eventually surpassing the Southern Democratic faction by passing the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This passage forced the realignment of Southern states as Southern Democrats sided with Republicans at the national level. However, the party position changes that precipitated liberal Democratic support for the bill began much earlier, starting in the 1930s, another key conclusion of this thesis.
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Andelic, Patrick Kieron. "Donkey work : redefining the Democratic Party in an 'age of conservatism', 1972-1984." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74e6045e-6262-45dd-873f-d35223133a42.
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This thesis argues that much of the political historiography is mistaken in portraying the post-1960s United States as a nation moving inexorably to the right. It also argues that historians should not understand the Democratic Party as being in terminal decline between 1972 and 1984, marginalised by a coalescing conservative Republican majority. Indeed, taking as its focus the U.S. Congress, this thesis asks why the remarkable resilience of the congressional Democratic Party has been overlooked by historians. It further asks why that resilience did so little to help the party in subsequent years. The Democratic revival in the elections of 1974 and 1976, so often dismissed as a post-Watergate aberration, was in fact an authentic political opportunity that the party failed to exploit. Exploring various Democratic factions within Congress that competed to shape their party's public philosophy, this thesis seeks to show how grander liberal ambitions were often subordinated to the logic of legislative politics and policymaking. The underlying theme is the unsuitability of Congress as an arena for the discussion and refinement of post-Great Society liberalism. Again and again, the legislature displayed a remarkable facility for undermining iconoclasm and stalling policy experimentation. Institutional reforms in the early 1970s, supposed to reinvigorate the Congress and the congressional Democratic Party, actually succeeded only in intensifying the fragmentation of both. Congressional politics became more entrepreneurial and less party-oriented, leaving legislators with few incentives to look beyond their own political fortunes to the party's future prospects. Enduring Democratic strength in Congress meant that Capitol Hill remained at the centre of the party's efforts to reclaim its preeminent position in American politics. The fact that the Democrats never experienced a protracted period of minority status, as the Republicans did during much of the mid-twentieth century, left them ill-equipped and without a powerful incentive to think in broader terms about their party's mission.
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Sheward, William. "Populism in the white Southern Democratic Party with reference to Alabama and Mississippi." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368056.
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Matlin, John S. "Political party machines of the 1920s and 1930s : Tom Pendergast and The Kansas City democratic machine." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2009. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/449/.
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This thesis is a study of American local government in the 1920s and 1930s and the role played by political party machines. It reviews the growth of overtly corrupt machines after the end of the Civil War, the struggle by the Progressives to reform city halls throughout America at the turn of the twentieth century and the rise of second phase machines at the end of the First World War. It analyses the core elements of machines, especially centralization of power, manipulation of incentives, leadership and “bossism”, and use of patronage. Throughout it emphasises that first and foremost, machines were small monopoly businesses whose vast profits, derived from improper and corrupt use of government levers, were allocated among a small group of senior players. Using the Kansas City Democratic machine of the infamous Tom Pendergast as a case study, it examines challenges to machines and the failure of the local press to expose Pendergast’s wrongdoing. It analyses elements of machine corruption, first in the conduct of elections where numerous fraudulent tactics kept machines in power and, second, in the way machines corruptly manipulated local government, often involving organized crime. Finally, the thesis examines the breach of ethics of machine politics, measuring the breaches against the pragmatism of bosses. Numerous larger-than-life characters appear in the thesis from bosses such as Tweed of Tammany Hall infamy, Alonzo “Nuckie” Johnson, Frank Hague and Tom Pendergast, the gangster John Lazia, as well as men who did business with or fought Pendergast, such as future president Harry S. Truman, Missouri U.S. Attorney Maurice Milligan and even Franklin D. Roosevelt.
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Beer, J. M. "Presidential selection in the United States : a case study of the 1979/80 Democratic Party campaign." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.355695.
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Barbe, Patricia Kaylene. "Metaphorically speaking : the metaphor as a frame of political action during the 1988 Democratic and Republican National Party Conventions /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1990.
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Kundu, Apurba. "How will the return of the Congress Party affect Indian Foreign and Security Policy?" Thesis, EIAS Policy Brief, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2985.
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No<br>The 2004 Indian general elections stunned observers when, contrary to expectations, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Atul Behari Vajpayee was defeated by an electoral coalition led by the Indian National Congress (INC) headed by Sonia Gandhi.
A further surprise came when Gandhi declined to become India's first foreign-born prime minister, opting instead to back party stalwart Dr Manmohan Singh for this office. Dr Singh, India's first Sikh prime minister, now heads a United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government headed by a cabinet containing 19 INC members and 10 members of smaller parties.
Will the return to power of the INC after eight years in opposition (during three years of Left Front then five years of BJP/NDA rule) result in a shift of India's foreign and national security policies?
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King, Marvin. "A Black/Non-Black Theory of African-American Partisanship: Hostility, Racial Consciousness and the Republican Party." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5264/.
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Why is black partisan identification so one-sidedly Democratic forty years past the Civil Rights movement? A black/non-black political dichotomy manifests itself through one-sided African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness and Republican hostility is the basis of the black/non-black political dichotomy, which manifests through African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness forced blacks to take a unique and somewhat jaundiced approach to politics and Republican hostility to black inclusion in the political process in the 1960s followed by antagonism toward public policy contribute to overwhelming black Democratic partisanship. Results shown in this dissertation demonstrate that variables representing economic issues, socioeconomic status and religiosity fail to explain partisan identification to the extent that Hostility-Consciousness explains party identification.
Books on the topic "United Democratic Party (Belize)"
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Okeke, Stephen O. Analysing CITCO elections 2006: How the UDP won & why the PUP lost : facts, opinions, and controversies. Crossing Sign Publisher, 2006.
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Okeke, Stephen O. Analysing CITCO elections 2006: How the UDP won & why the PUP lost : facts, opinions, and controversies. Crossing Sign Publisher, 2006.
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(Belize), People's United Party. Belizeans first: People's United Party manifesto, 1989-1994. s.n., 1989.
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Hurowitz, Glenn. Fear and courage in the Democratic Party. Maisonneuve Press, 2007.
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Hurowitz, Glenn. Fear and courage in the Democratic Party. Maisonneuve Press, 2007.
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Hurowitz, Glenn. Fear and courage in the Democratic Party. Maisonneuve Press, 2007.
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(Belize), People's United Party, ed. Building on success: PUP manifesto, 1993-1998. PUP, 1993.
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Hurowitz, Glenn. Fear and courage in the Democratic Party. Maisonneuve Press, 2007.
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United States. Congress. Senate. Democratic Policy Committee. Democratic alternatives: A look at the record. U.S. G.P.O., 1985.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "United Democratic Party (Belize)"
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Tucker, William H. "Conclusion: Addressing Inequality." In Palgrave Studies in the Theory and History of Psychology. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41614-9_4.
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AbstractAlthough it was Herrnstein’s writing in the early 1970s that began widespread discussion of the concept, and The Bell Curve, which he co-authored with Murray that continued it, the truth is that the notion of a “meritocracy” has become an abiding conviction across much of the political spectrum in the United States. The belief that society’s “winners” deserve their hugely disproportionate share of resources because they are better—i.e., smarter—than others is not unique to conservatives and libertarians like Murray; it is also an article of faith for much of the so-called “New Democratic” establishment that has controlled the party from the Clintonthrough the Obama administrations. For both conservatives and many liberals, the meritocratic faith is not so much a way to explain inequality as to rationalize it; high-ranking officials involved in economic policy in both Republicanand Democratic administrations have considered inequality not only inevitable but the appropriate reflection of people’s economic value.
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Bukovac, Janice L. "The Michigan Democratic Press and the Fifteenth Amendment: A Divided Party United." In The Civil War and the Press. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003417774-34.
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Hernandez, Ariel Macaspac. "The United States of America—Disruptive Governments, Social Movements and Technocrats in Transformation Processes Towards Sustainability." In Taming the Big Green Elephant. Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31821-5_11.
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AbstractThe election of the populist Donald Trump to the United States is argued to be a consequence of the fluke of the electoral college, the lackluster Democratic turnout, and the anti-establishment and populist sentiments in the population. Through effective gerrymandering after the 2000 general elections, the Republican party and its presidential candidate Trump won the elections, even though he lost the popular vote by close to 3 million ballots. Another example of the flaw of the electoral system is shown by the 2018 midterm elections.
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Fewsmith, Joseph, and Nancy Hearst. "Chinese Communist Party Spokesperson Sternly Exposes Collusion between Chiang Kaishek and the United States in Murdering and Persecuting Democratic Personages." In Mao's Road to Power. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315719436-48.
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Ganguly, Sumit, and William R. Thompson. "Democratic Institutions." In Ascending India and Its State Capacity. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300215922.003.0009.
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This chapter looks at Indian democratic institutions. Contrary to popular belief, the British did little or nothing to promote the growth of democratic institutions in India. Instead, Indian nationalists from the late nineteenth century onward successfully appropriated liberal-democratic principles from the United Kingdom and infused them into the Indian political context. Under the influence of Mohandas K. Gandhi in the 1930s, these beliefs and principles were disseminated to a broad swath of India's population via the Indian National Congress, the leading nationalist political party. As this was occurring, the British colonial regime was losing few opportunities to thwart or at least contain the growth of democratic sentiment and practice in India. The Indian nationalists can justifiably claim that each step toward self-rule and democratic governance was the result of sustained and unrelenting political agitation against authoritarian colonial rule.
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Lawson, Stephanie. "Towards Independence: Institutional Change and the Emergence of the Party System." In The Failure of Democratic Politics in Fiji. Oxford University PressOxford, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198273226.003.0006.
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Abstract At the beginning of the 1960s, at a time when the political institutions of the colony, as well as the attitudes of the politically dominant groups, had scarcely changed for a considerable period of time, it would have been impossible to foresee that, just ten years later, Fiji would become an independent nation. Like the idea of common roll, the thought of independence was anathema to the Fijians, many of whom continued to hold strongly to the belief that the British Crown Colony system constituted the only viable defence against the perceived threat of political domination by the Fiji Indians. Influences external to Fiji, however, had been mounting for some time. Colonial powers were coming under increasing pressure, particularly from the United Nations and its special committee on decolonization, to hasten the process of de colonization and Britain, under a Labour government, ‘was making the first moves towards liquidating a no longer viable empire’.1
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Charnock, Emily J. "When Business Is Not “Businesslike”." In The Rise of Political Action Committees. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075514.003.0008.
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This chapter explores the initial resistance to the PAC concept within the business community and among conservatives more generally in the 1940s and 1950s. Though major business groups like the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) and United States Chamber of Commerce had not entirely ignored elections to this point, they concentrated their energies following World War II on lobbying and publicity campaigns promoting “free enterprise,” while criticizing labor and liberal PACs as coercive, collectivist, and antidemocratic. They also placed faith in the “conservative coalition” of Republicans and Southern Democrats to protect their interests, reflecting their strong belief that both parties should and could promote business aims. As fears grew that labor had successfully “infiltrated” the Democratic Party, however, conservative activists urged business groups to be “businesslike” and respond to labor electioneering in kind. Business leaders thus began to contemplate a partisan electoral counterstrategy centered on the Republican Party.
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Horn, Gero-Rainer. "An International United Front?" In European Socialists Respond to Fascism. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195093742.003.0003.
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Abstract Hitler’s smooth accession to power triggered a profound sense of disorientation within the Social Democratic and the Communist Internationals, thus creating a favorable opening facilitating moves toward unity. Most historians date the beginning of this attempt to reach an international understanding to 19 February 1933, when the LSI bureau published an appeal-”TotheWorkers of the World”-calling for a cessation of hostilities between the two Internationals and a common effort to counter the growing threat of fascism and war. Yet there is reason to believe that the very first recorded international initiative was a Communist move. According to Jonathan Haslam, “On 13 February, two weeks after Hitler became chancellor, French, German and Polish communist leaders issued a joint communique to the social demo crats offering a united front of action against fascism.” Undoubtedly, the explicit appeal of the LSI raised the stakes considerably higher. It took the Comintern two weeks to respond. When it finally issued its proclamation on 5 March 1933, it rejected any attempt to engage in top-level negotiations and instead called on each national Communist Party to enter separate united front negotiations for each individual count ry.3 In turn, the next LSI executive meeting on 18-19 March decided to recommend to its “affiliated Parties to refrain from any separate negotiations ... until results have been achieved by agreement between the two lnternationals,” thereby effectively ending the official moves toward an alliance in times of great need. The Comintern quickly switched back to its tactics of united fronts “from below,” and Aldo Agosti is undoubtedly on the mark when he infers: “The position adopted by the leadership of the LSI could not but have the effect of reinforcing the position of the most tenacious advocates of the theory of ‘social fascism’ within the leading circles of the Comintern.”6 But an interesting and little-known aftermath of this exchange suggests that the brief rapprochement of the LSI and the Comintern carried more promise than most participant observers suspected at the time. The postscript to the document exchange saw the French writer and political activist Henri Barbusse emerging from the sidelines to enter center stage, if behind closed curtains.
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Jamieson, Kathleen Hall. "Introduction." In Cyberwar. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190058838.003.0001.
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Imagine a strategy memo forecasting cyberattacks by Russian hackers, trolls, and bots designed to roil social discontent and damage the electoral prospects of a major party US presidential nominee, or, if she winds up winning, to sabotage her ability to govern by seeding allegations of Democratic voter fraud. Guaranteed payoff. No fingerprints. No keystroke record. No contrails in the cloud. To ensure that Americans will believe that disparaging messages about her were made in the United States, use Bitcoin to buy space and set up virtual private networks (VPNs) on American servers. Distribute hacked content stolen from the accounts of her staff and associates through an intermediary, WikiLeaks. Use identity theft, stolen Social Security numbers, and appropriated IDs to circumvent Facebook and PayPal’s demand for actual names, birth dates, and addresses. On platforms such as Instagram and Twitter, register under assumed names. Diffuse and amplify your attack and advocacy through posts on Facebook, tweets and retweets on Twitter, videos on YouTube, reporting and commentary on RT, blogging on Tumblr, news sharing on Reddit, and viral ...
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Barker, Peter. "The Party of Democratic Socialism as Political Voice of East Germany." In United and Divided. Berghahn Books, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv287sj0w.9.
Full textConference papers on the topic "United Democratic Party (Belize)"
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Choi, HanKwon, Thomas D. Crom, and John B. Mulligan. "KEDO’s LWR Project: Unique Challenges in a Nuclear Power Project by Any Standard." In 10th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone10-22787.
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In 1994 the United States of America and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) signed the Agreed Framework in which the DPRK committed to shut down their graphite-moderated reactors and related facilities and to remain a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. In return the U.S. agreed, among other things, to deliver two light water reactor (LWR) units to the DPRK which should meet international safety standards. For the implementation of this Agreed Framework, the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO) was founded. KEDO decided to build two units of the Korea Standard Nuclear Power Plant (KSNP) model, which is a proven design of U.S. origin. This paper describes the status of this project (the LWR project) and the unique challenges that KEDO must overcome to implement the construction and commissioning of this project and have the DPRK ready for plant takeover.
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Daas, Israa. "The American Perception of the Palestine-Israel Conflict." In 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.013.
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Abstract The Palestine-Israel conflict is probably one of the most pressing problems in the Middle East. Moreover, the United States has been involved in this conflict since the 1970s. Therefore, the present research aims to learn more about the American perception of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was conducted using a survey that addressed Americans from different backgrounds, focusing on four variables: the American government’s position, solutions, the Israeli settlements, and Jerusalem. The research suggests a correlation between political party and the American perception of the conflict. It appears that Republicans seem to be against the withdrawal of the Israeli settlements, and they believe that the US government is not biased toward Israel. Nevertheless, Democrats tend to believe that the US government is biased in favor of Israel, and they support withdrawing the Israeli settlements. Moreover, there might be another correlation between the American perception and the source of information they use to learn about the conflict. Most of the surveyed Americans, whatever their resource of information that they use to learn about the conflict is, tend to believe that the US is biased in favor of Israel. It is crucial to know about the American perception when approaching to a solution to the conflict as the US is a mediator in this conflict, and a powerful country in the world. Especially because it has a permanent membership in the UN council. KEYWORDS: American Perception, Palestine-Israel Conflict, Jerusalem, Israeli settlements
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
Full textAbstract:
Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.