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Relevant bibliographies by topics / United Empire loyalists in literature

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Academic literature on the topic 'United Empire loyalists in literature'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "United Empire loyalists in literature"

1

BURKE, HELEN. "Jacobin Revolutionary Theatre and the Early Circus: Astley's Dublin Amphitheatre in the 1790s." Theatre Research International 31, no. 1 (February 10, 2006): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883305001847.

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This essay examines the politics of the disturbances and riots that rocked Philip Astley's Dublin Amphitheatre, the site of Ireland's first circus, during the 1790s. Astley received the first legal recognition for his circus from a colonial administration in Ireland because of the loyalism of his entertainments and, throughout the 1790s, his Dublin Amphitheatre worked to mobilize the Irish masses in the interest of the crown and the empire. But, as this essay shows, these loyalist entertainments were also repeatedly disrupted by the counter-theatre of the Jacobin-inspired group, the United Irishmen, who used this site to rally support not only for the Irish nationalist revolution but also for the broader democratic revolution then being staged all around the Atlantic rim.

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Leuprecht, Christian. "The Tory Fragment in Canada: Endangered Species?" Canadian Journal of Political Science 36, no. 2 (June 2003): 401–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390377869x.

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Decades after Gad Horowitz's seminal article first appeared in 1966 in the Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, fragment theory's capacity to make sense of phenomena for which it might otherwise be difficult to account, still appears relevant. Support for the Reform party/Canadian Alliance is most robust in provinces marked by immigration from the western United States. By contrast, provinces where United Empire Loyalists settled have proven most resistant to incursions by Reform. Using fragment theory to formulate a possible hypothesis to explain this puzzle has two incidental benefits. It probes the failure of new federal parties to emerge from Maritime Canada, and it allows speculation about the simultaneous demise of the Conservative and New Democratic parties.

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Zapototskyi, Mykhailo. "British “imperial federalism” in the vision of Canadian “loyalists” at the end of XIX century." European Historical Studies, no. 14 (2019): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.73-82.

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The article is devoted to the vision of the Canadian political elites of British “imperial federalism” concept, which resonated with the British Empire in the second half of the nineteenth century. This concept appeared in the circles of British politicians and public figures and, in the long run, should become a federal alliance between the colonies and the United Kingdom. Canada, which at that time was a full-fledged state entity, offered its own vision on this issue. The Canadian political elites, most of whom were supporters of a close relationship with the United Kingdom (the so-called “loyalists”), expressed broad support for the British Crown and a close alliance with Britain. In this article the author draws attention to the concept of “imperial federalism” and its origins, highlights the views of Canada’s major political figures who have expressed their thoughts about the imperial federation, and focuses on discussions about the vision of the future alliance of Canadian politicians. Separately analyzed are the colonial conferences of the late nineteenth century, which became the platform for solving colonial problems. They gave the opportunity to the Canadian “loyalists” to express their own position on the activity mechanism of the Imperial Federation in the future. The emergence of the idea of federalization of the British colonial system in the second half of the nineteenth century became a reaction to the outdated colonial system of the United Kingdom, which required updating and optimization of its work. This idea was geopolitical in its nature, because it was the result of the loss of a dominant position in the world colonial system by the United Kingdom and a desire to reclaim its former positions. The Canadian Loyalists’ vision of the concept of British “imperial federalism” is a clear example of Canadian politicians’ attitudes toward Britain at the end of the 19th century. It was to endorse the British idea by making its own adjustments to the future imperial federal system of the British Empire. The very concept of “imperial federalism” did not find its realization throughout the political debate, and its alternative was the imperial conferences that were held throughout the XX century. It was imperial conferences that served as a platform for solving common colonial problems and facilitated closer ties between the Metropolia and the colonies.

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Holdsworth, Peter W. "Social Networks and the 1912 Commemoration of the “Brock Centenary”." Ontario History 109, no. 1 (March 23, 2017): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1039201ar.

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In 1912, the General Brock Chapter of the Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire (IODE) unveiled a monument to General Sir Isaac Brock in Brockville, Ontario. This monument represented just part of the efforts of a network of mostly Anglo-Saxon women from the IODE, United Empire Loyalists of Ontario, and Ontario Historical Society to celebrate the centenary of the War of 1812 as the “Brock Centenary.” The context of the rise of the “Brock Centenary” is investigated by applying social network theory to historical memory studies, re-interpreting historical evidence from 1898 to 1912. An analysis of membership lists both reaffirms some previous arguments around imperial and feminist ideals and also points to other promising avenues of inquiry regarding the importance and influence of the groups and women involved.

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Lacroix, Patrick. "Promises to Keep: French Canadians as Revolutionaries and Refugees, 1775–1800." Journal of Early American History 9, no. 1 (April 3, 2019): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00901004.

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The Treaty of Paris of 1783 brought the American War of Independence to a formal end. But all was not resolved with the return of peace to North America. Loyalists had to build new lives in Canada and elsewhere across the British empire. Similarly, Canadians who had supported and fought for the revolutionary cause were no longer welcome in their ancestral homeland. After years of hardship in the ranks of the Continental Army, they remained south of the border. Both in and out of military service, Canadian soldiers and their families held the political and the military authorities of the United States to the lofty pledges they had made in 1775–1776. In response, despite acute financial constraints, American leaders sought to honor their word. Through varied forms of compensation, policymakers aimed to uphold the moral character of the young nation and to ensure that all those who sacrificed for liberty might reap the blessings of independence.

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TOMJA, Alida, and Daniel BORAKAJ. "U.S. Empire: Divergent Views." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2015): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v3i1.p132-137.

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The restructuring of the international order at the end of the Cold War created a unipolar system with the United States at the top, but at the same time, restored the language of empire and their categorization as an imperial power. Moreover, the foreign policy pursued by George W. Bush administration after September 11, 2001, prompted many researchers to describe the US role in the world as inseparable from this term. The debate is widely increased in recent years and the dilemma is whether to refer them as imperial or hegemonic power of this system. If it’s hegemonic nature would be purely obvious, then how can be explained that many researchers do not hesitate to define America as empire, especially after September 11, 2001? Based on the literature that deals with the US imperial character, this paper aims to answer the above questions, and to highlight that United States, do not possess anything as an imperial power beyond their Republican core.

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Egan, K. "Imperial Strains: Poetry and Empire in the Nineteenth-Century United States." Interdisciplinary Studies in Literature and Environment 17, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 498–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isle/isq072.

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Walker, K. "Border Fictions: Globalization, Empire, and Writing at the Boundaries of the United States." Interdisciplinary Studies in Literature and Environment 17, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 224–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isle/isp131.

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Furlanetto, Elena. "How to Hide an Empire: A Short History of the Greater United States by Daniel Immerwahr (A Book Review)." Review of International American Studies 13, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 215–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.10281.

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Jill Doerfler. "Border Fictions: Globalization, Empire, and Writing at the Boundaries of the United States (review)." Studies in American Indian Literatures 21, no. 2 (2009): 75–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ail.0.0084.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United Empire loyalists in literature"

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Maskill, Craig. "Where one Scot comes, others soon follow, the 42nd Royal Highland Regiment (Black Watch) and the settlement of the Nashwaak River Valley, 1783-1823." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0029/MQ62136.pdf.

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Mediratta, Sangeeta. "Bazaars, cannibals, and sepoys : sensationalism and empire in nineteenth century Britain and the United States /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3175284.

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Minty, Christopher. "Mobilization and voluntarism : the political origins of Loyalism in New York, c. 1768-1778." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/21423.

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This dissertation examines the political origins of Loyalism in New York City between 1768 and 1778. Anchored by an analysis of political mobilization, this dissertation is structured into two parts. Part I has two chapters. Using a variety of private and public sources, the first chapter analyses how 9,338 mostly white male Loyalists in New York City and the counties of Kings, Queens, Suffolk and Westchester were mobilized. Chapter 1 argues that elites and British forces played a fundamental role in the broad-based mobilization of Loyalists in the province of New York. It also recognises that colonists signed Loyalist documents for many different reasons. The second chapter of Part I is a large-scale prosopographical analysis of the 9,338 identified Loyalists. This analysis was based on a diverse range of sources. This analysis shows that a majority of the province’s Loyalist population were artisans aged between 22 and 56 years of age. Part II of this dissertation examines political mobilization in New York City between 1768 and 1775. In three chapters, Part II illustrates how elite and non-elite white male New Yorkers coalesced into two distinct groups. Chapter 3 concentrates on the emergence of the DeLanceys as a political force in New York, Chapter 4 on their mobilization and coalescence into ‘the Friends to Liberty and Trade’, or ‘the Club’, and Chapter 5 examines the political origins of what became Loyalism by studying the social networks of three members of ‘the Club’. By incorporating an interdisciplinary methodology, Part II illustrates that members of ‘the Club’ developed ties with one another that transcended their political origins. It argues that the partisanship of New York City led members of ‘the Club’ to adopt inward-looking characteristics that affected who they interacted with on an everyday basis. A large proportion of ‘the Club’’s members became Loyalists in the American Revolution. This dissertation argues that it was the partisanship that they developed during the late 1760s and early 1770s that defined their allegiance.

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4

"Between nation and empire: Representations of the Haitian Revolution in antebellum literary culture." Tulane University, 2007.

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This dissertation considers the role that Haiti and the Haitian Revolution played in the construction of the expanding U.S. in the early years of Manifest Destiny. It does so by examining various representations of Haiti published predominantly between 1820 and 1860, right at the beginning of the development of a specific Manifest Destiny ideology, its early applications and its subsequent critiques. During this era, U.S. 'expansion' was not limited to the Western frontier alone, but instead moved in all directions, both internally across the continent and externally across the seas. And as the U.S. continued to develop into the early to mid-nineteenth century, Haiti was increasingly used by various politicians, writers and social critics to talk about specific crises and conflicts within the U.S. itself. I consider the narratives of Edgar Allan Poe, Washington Irving, Leonora Sansay, Harriet Martineau and Herman Melville in light of contested issues of American exceptionalism, national expansion, New World imperialism, and slavery, and my analysis reveals that by writing Haiti's own history, these writers are additionally constructing and coming to terms with the bounded nation as it grows into an expanding empire If each of the writers considered are trying to manage broader issues of national expansion, they are also variously dealing with the U.S.'s own crisis over slavery and subsequent ways American 'identity' changes as a result of internal debate and external growth. The narratives studied in this dissertation use Haiti to point to the problems that plagued older forms of empire expansion while at the same time imagining how the U.S. can grow differently, and thus more successfully. I conclude that these narratives unconsciously expose the artifice inherent in the very notions of American exceptionalism that they are struggling to construct. This study, then, ultimately explores the various origins and spread of U.S. liberalism and finds that such an ideology is not as monolithic and unitary as many may believe. In fact, U.S. liberalism is necessarily heterogeneous, as ambivalence, uncertainty, anxiety and hysteria were built into its very fabric
acase@tulane.edu

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Books on the topic "United Empire loyalists in literature"

1

The United Empire Loyalists. Calgary, Alberta: Weigl, 2014.

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2

Revolution, war, and the Loyalists. Calgary: Weigl, 2003.

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3

Jonathan Odell, loyalist poet of the American Revolution. Durham: Duke University Press, 1987.

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Livesey, Robert. The loyal refugees. Toronto: Stoddart Kids, 1999.

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5

Bumsted, J. M. Understanding the Loyalists. Sackville, N.B: Centre for Canadian Studies, Mount Allison University, 1986.

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6

Stouck, David. The Wardells and Vosburghs: Records of a Loyalist family. Jordan, Ont., Canada: Available through Jordan Historical Museum of the Twenty, 1986.

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7

Crozier, Ida Florence Wright. A Green genealogy. [Hamilton, Ont.]: I.F.W. Crozier, 1986.

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Williams, Donald. Fayerweather friends: The Fairweather genealogy. A-102, 66 Essex Place, Moncton, N.B: D. Williams, 1992.

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9

Wiche, Glen Norman. Their loyalty they kept: The loyalists of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. Saint John, NB: United Empire Loyalists' Association of Canada - New Brunswick Branch, 2015.

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McCurdy, Ross W. Descendants of Daniel Hazen, United Empire Loyalist. 2nd ed. So. Yarmouth, Mass: R.W. McCurdy, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "United Empire loyalists in literature"

1

"7. 'A further and more enduring mark of honour': The Middle Class and the United Empire Loyalist Association of Ontario, 1896-1914." In Inventing the Loyalists. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442676299-009.

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Marks, Peter. "United Kingdom?" In Literature of the 1990s, 21–45. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474411592.003.0002.

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Post-war Britain has long been seen as a nation in decline: the loss of imperial territory and international clout from 1945 onwards undeniable and inexorable facts that exposed the fantasy that Britain remained a Great Power. That fantasy was still viable during conferences at Yalta and Potsdam in 1945 that set the boundaries for a new, Cold War, geography. The Suez Crisis of 1956 is an oft-recited marker of decline, exposing the myth of British imperial reach, and prompting US Secretary of State’s Dean Acheson’s crushing evaluation that Great Britain had lost an Empire but had not yet found a role. The 1980s might be read as slowing the pace of decline, the Thatcher government under its forthright, pro-American leader attempting to re-establish Britain’s credentials on the world stage.

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3

Hetherington, Naomi, and Richa Dwor. "Simeon Singer (Trans.), The Authorized Daily Prayer Book of the United Congregations of the British Empire." In Nineteenth-Century Religion, Literature and Society, 51. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351272162-10.

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McGaughey, Jane G. V. "Wanted? Coming to the Canadas, 1798–1830." In Violent Loyalties, 47–72. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789621860.003.0003.

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This chapter explores themes of war, migration, gender, and sectarian conflict between 1798 and 1830. It questions how the 1798 Irish Rising factored into some emigrants’ motivations for coming to Canada in the decades that followed. The Rising also affected how these new arrivals were associated with presumptions of Irish aggression and disloyalty. Many United Empire Loyalists in Upper Canada expressed particular concerns about the violent tendencies of new Irish immigrants and the importation of Irish sectarian conflict to British North America. The chapter then examines the influence of James and Alexander Buchanan, brothers from the north of Ireland in the colonial establishment who decided which Irish immigrants would be most welcome in the Canadas. The chapter closes with the case studies of the Richards and Tackaberry families on their journeys from Co. Wexford to Upper Canada after the War of 1812.

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Bell, Duncan. "Machine Dreams." In Dreamworlds of Race, 203–50. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691194011.003.0005.

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This chapter focuses on the proleptic literature of war and racial order. Writings dedicated to imagining future conflict contain some of the most elaborate attempts to envision an Anglotopian future. The chapter identifies a distinct shift in content between the 1880s and the end of the century, from a common figuration of the United States and the British Empire as antagonists to one in which they are often united in the attempt to govern the globe. It starts by teasing out some of the similarities and differences between American and British narratives, before turning to Stanley Waterloo's Armageddon, a popular American tale of a racial union in which the former colony supplants the “mother country” as the dominant partner in a mission to stabilize a chaotic world. Ultimately, the chapter concludes with a reading of William Cole's The Struggle for Empire 2236, one of the first “space operas,” which the author read as an ambivalent attempt to critique the will to power underpinning the quest for racial domination.

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Bell, Duncan. "Conclusion." In Dreamworlds of Race, 357–94. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691194011.003.0008.

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This concluding chapter steers a different course, reflecting on some of the ways that time and history have underpinned visions of Anglo-America. It outlines a discourse of racial union which was usually predicated on a specific account of both space and historical temporality. The chosen people — whether designated Aryan, Teutonic, Anglo-Saxon, or English-speaking — was imagined as superior to all others, their greatness ordained by their unique historical trajectory and extant racial characteristics. They had been, and remained, the pioneers of human progress. This historical story produced stratified global geography: the vanguard of modern humanity was concentrated in specific places, chiefly Britain and its past and present settler colonies in North America and the South Pacific. Ultimately, the chapter discusses W. E. B. Du Bois and T. E. Scholes' ideas about race and empire. While the steampunk literature renarrates the history of Anglo-modernity by erasing the primacy of the United States, Afro-modernists sought to destabilize the historical validation of racial domination, clearing the ground for imagining alternative futures.

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Worster, Donald. "The Ecology of Order and Chaos." In Wealth of Nature. Oxford University Press, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195092646.003.0016.

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The science of ecology has had a popular impact unlike that of any other academic field of research. Consider the extraordinary ubiquity of the word itself: it has appeared in the most everyday places and the most astonishing, on day-glo T-shirts, in corporate advertising, and on bridge abutments. It has changed the language of politics and philosophy— springing up in a number of countries are political groups that are self-identified as “Ecology Parties.” Yet who ever proposed forming a political party named after comparative linguistics or advanced paleontology? On several continents we have a philosophical movement termed “Deep Ecology,” but nowhere has anyone announced a movement for “Deep Entomology” or “Deep Polish Literature.” Why has this funny little word, ecology, coined by an obscure nineteenth-century German scientist, acquired so powerful a cultural resonance, so widespread a following? Behind the persistent enthusiasm for ecology, I believe, lies the hope that this science can offer a great deal more than a pile of data. It is supposed to offer a pathway to a kind of moral enlightenment that we can call, for the purposes of simplicity, “conservation.” The expectation did not originate with the public but first appeared among eminent scientists within the field. For instance, in his 1935 book Deserts on the March, the noted University of Oklahoma, and later Yale, botanist Paul Sears urged Americans to take ecology seriously, promoting it in their universities and making it part of their governing process. “In Great Britain,” he pointed out, . . . the ecologists are being consulted at every step in planning the proper utilization of those parts of the Empire not yet settled, thus . . . ending the era of haphazard exploitation. There are hopeful, but all too few signs that our own national government realizes the part which ecology must play in a permanent program. Sears recommended that the United States hire a few thousand ecologists at the county level to advise citizens on questions of land use and thereby bring an end to environmental degradation; such a brigade, he thought, would put the whole nation on a biologically and economically sustainable basis.

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