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Journal articles on the topic 'United Irishmen'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2024

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1

Woods, C. J. "Historical revision: Was O’Connell a United Irishman?" Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 138 (2006): 173–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004879.

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Daniel O’Connell, asked when appearing before a select committee of the House of Commons on 1 March 1825 whether there had been many Catholics among the United Irishmen, replied that there were scarcely any among the leading United Irishmen. The leading United Irishmen were almost all Presbyterians or Dissenters. In the north the lower classes of United Irishmen were at first almost exclusively Dissenters. It spread then among the Roman Catholics and as it spread into the southern counties and of course, as it took in the population, it increased in its numbers of Roman Catholics. In the count

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2

MacGiollabhuí, Muiris. "Irish Liberty, Black Slavery, and the Green Atlantic." Journal of Global Slavery 9, no. 1-2 (2024): 199–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00901001.

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Abstract This article explores the relationship that the United Irishmen, Irish revolutionaries of the 1790s, had with slavery during the Revolutionary Period. The United Irishmen were exiled by the British Government as a result of a failed rebellion in 1798 and were exile throughout the Atlantic World. For the exiled United Irishmen, the United States became a primary destination for their exile, and here, slavery became an important source of disunity. In Ireland, resistance to slavery was assumed across the entire membership of the United Irishmen, but in exile, this unity diminished. In c

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3

Curtin, Nancy J. "The transformation of the Society of United Irishmen into a mass-based revolutionary organisation, 1794-6." Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 96 (1985): 463–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034477.

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The Society of United Irishmen, formed in the autumn of 1791 as a middle-class club dedicated to achieving parliamentary reform and catholic emancipation, was eventually transformed into a mass-based, secret revolutionary organisation determined to establish a non-sectarian republic in Ireland. Approaching near extinction in 1794, the United Irishmen recovered within the next two years to become a formidable revolutionary threat. With amazing rapidity the United Irishmen managed to harness a politically-discontented middle class, radical artisans and tradesmen, economically and socially vexed

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4

Thomson, Ann. "Thomas Paine and the United Irishmen." Études irlandaises 16, no. 1 (1991): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/irlan.1991.996.

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5

Quinn, James. "The United Irishmen and social reform." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 122 (1998): 188–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013900.

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When questioned by a parliamentary committee after the rebellion of 1798, the United Irish leader Thomas Addis Emmet predicted that ‘if a revolution ever takes place, a very different system of political economy will be established from what has hitherto prevailed here’. Was there any real substance to this claim? Did Emmet’s words indicate that the republican leadership genuinely sought a radical reshaping of society, or was he simply indulging in empty rhetoric that a broken United Irish movement could never make good? It has always been difficult to pin down the United Irishmen’s socio-econ

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6

Dunne, Tom, Nancy J. Curtin, A. T. Q. Stewart, et al. "Review Article: 1798 and the United Irishmen." Irish Review (1986-), no. 22 (1998): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29735889.

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7

Muirí, Réamonn Ó., David Dickson, Dáire Keogh, and Kevin Whelan. "The United Irishmen: Republicanism, Radicalism and Rebellion." Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society 15, no. 2 (1993): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29742611.

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8

Burke, Martin J., and David A. Wilson. "United Irishmen, United States: Immigrant Radicals in the Early Republic." Journal of American History 86, no. 1 (1999): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567449.

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9

Bartlett, Thomas. "Select documents XXXVIII: Defenders and Defenderism in 1795." Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 95 (1985): 373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034271.

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Secret societies in Ireland in the period 1760 to 1845 have recently been the subject of an extraordinary amount (by Irish standards) of scholarly interest. The Whiteboys, Hearts of Oak, Steelboys, Rightboys, United Irishmen, Caravats, Rockites and Ribbonmen have all had their historians and various interpretations have been put forward to explain the rise of these societies and the nature of the violence they perpetrated. However, the Defenders, the secret society that dominated the 1790s and the immediate post-union period, have been relatively neglected. Admittedly some important contributi

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10

Smyth, Jim. "Wolfe Tone’s Library: The United Irishmen and “Enlightenment”." Eighteenth-Century Studies 45, no. 3 (2012): 423–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecs.2012.0023.

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11

BOYDELL, BARRA. "The United Irishmen, music, harps, and national identity." Eighteenth-Century Ireland 13, no. 1 (1998): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/eci.1998.5.

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12

Holmes, R. F. G. "United Irishmen and Unionists: Irish Presbyterians, 1791 and 1886." Studies in Church History 25 (1989): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008664.

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When Gladstone decided, some time in 1885, that the only way to achieve ‘social order’ in Ireland was to concede Home Rule, he was disappointed to find that among his most implacable and vociferous opponents were the Irish Presbyterians. In vain he was to remind them that their ancestors had been United Irishmen in the 1790s, the founding fathers of Irish republicanism. His appeal to them to ‘retain and maintain the tradition of their sires’ fell on deaf ears.It seemed to Gladstone as it has seemed to Irish nationalists and to some historians that the Irish Presbyterians had turned their polit

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13

Hobbs, John. "United Irishmen: Seamus Heaney and the Rebellion of 1798." Canadian Journal of Irish Studies 21, no. 2 (1995): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25513030.

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14

Lowe, W. J., and Nancy J. Curtin. "The United Irishmen: Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin, 1791-1798." American Historical Review 100, no. 5 (1995): 1572. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169941.

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15

Powell, Thomas. "The United Irishmen and the Wexford Rebellion: The Sources Re-Examined." Irish Review (1986-), no. 23 (1998): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29735919.

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16

Harris, Ruth-Ann M., and Nancy J. Curtin. "The United Irishmen: Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin, 1791-1798." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 3 (1997): 518. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205930.

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17

Van Dussen, D. Gregory. "The United Irishmen: Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin, 1791–1798." History: Reviews of New Books 23, no. 3 (1995): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1995.9951106.

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18

Snapp, J. Russell. "An Enlightened Empire: Scottish and Irish Imperial Reformers in the Age of the American Revolution." Albion 33, no. 3 (2001): 388–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053197.

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In January 1773, Lord Dartmouth, the Secretary of State for the colonies, received a letter urging him to appoint no more Scots or Irishmen to offices in America. While the author claimed that, as a “Cosmopolite” he had no vulgar “national Prejudices,” he declared that “the English, particularly the Americans,” had conceived such Prejudices against the Scots and Irish, that it is great Impolicy to nominate them for governors or for any Employ in America….” One cannot know exactly what public relations disasters might have inspired this strong advice. Nevertheless, recent changes in both the Un

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19

Jenkins, Brian, Paul Weber, and Oliver Knox. "On the Road to Rebellion: The United Irishmen and Hamburg, 1796-1803." American Historical Review 104, no. 4 (1999): 1380. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649714.

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20

FAGAN, PATRICK. "Infiltration of Dublin Freemason Lodges by United Irishmen and other Republican Groups." Eighteenth-Century Ireland 13, no. 1 (1998): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/eci.1998.7.

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21

Hamera, Paweł. "“The Heart of this People is in its right place”: The American Press and Private Charity in the United States during the Irish Famine." Text Matters, no. 8 (October 24, 2018): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/texmat-2018-0010.

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The potato blight that struck Ireland in 1845 led to ineffable suffering that sent shockwaves throughout the Anglosphere. The Irish Famine is deemed to be the first national calamity to attract extensive help and support from all around the world. Even though the Irish did not receive adequate support from the British government, their ordeal was mitigated by private charity. Without the donations from a great number of individuals, the death toll among the famished Irishmen and Irishwomen would have been definitely higher. The greatest and most generous amount of assistance came from the Unit

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22

McElligott, Jason. "‘United Britons & Irishmen’: Cato Street, Proclamations, and the Insurrectionary Tradition, 1798–1820*." Parliamentary History 40, no. 3 (2021): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12586.

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23

O'Donnell, Ruan. "Review: On the Road to Rebellion, the United Irishmen and Hamburg 1796–1803." Irish Economic and Social History 26, no. 1 (1999): 146–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248939902600123.

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24

Trotter, Mary. "Riotous Performances: The Struggle for Hegemony in the Irish Theatre, 1712–1784. By Helen M. Burke. Notre Dame: Notre Dame University Press, 2002; pp. 356. $70 cloth, $35 paper." Theatre Survey 45, no. 2 (2004): 296–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557404290263.

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While Irish theatre history and criticism has closely linked performance, nationalism, and identity politics throughout the twentieth century, far less attention has been paid to the Irish theatre's profound role in nation building in previous centuries. Cheryl Herr, John Harrington, and others have reminded us of the nineteenth-century popular theatre's role in subverting British opinions of Irish history and identity. But the eighteenth century, the century of Thomas Sheridan, John O'Keeffe, and Smock Alley, as well as Jonathan Swift, the United Irishmen, and Grattan's Parliament, has receiv

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25

Rice, Adrian. "William Drennan and the Poetry of Presbytery." Christianity & Literature 72, no. 2 (2023): 117–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/chy.2023.a904913.

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Abstract: Belfast Presbyterian radical Dr William Drennan (1754–1820) is widely regarded as the premier poet of the United Irishmen movement. However, while his significance as a key player in the political drama of the 1790s has been well documented, and his political poetry anthologized, few of Drennan's other poems have received critical attention. Permeating such neglected work from this poet of presbytery is an Irish dissenting, non-subscribing Unitarian Presbyterianism, which also crucially colors his famous political poems. It is proposed here that Drennan's muse is predominantly moral,

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26

O'day, Alan. "Review: From the United Irishmen to Twentieth-Century Unionism: A Festschrift for A.T.Q. Stewart." English Historical Review 120, no. 487 (2005): 852–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei308.

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27

Lohman, Laura. "Virtual Citizenship and Revolutionary Transatlantic Republicanism in the Musical Lives of Exiled United Irishmen." American Music 40, no. 2 (2022): 180–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/19452349.40.2.02.

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28

Bric, Maurice J. "The United Irishmen, International Republicanism and the Definition of the Polity in the United States of America, 1791-1800." Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy: Archaeology, Culture, History, Literature 104C, no. 4 (2004): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ria.2004.0006.

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29

Bric, Maurice J. "The United Irishmen, International Republicanism and the Definition of the Polity in the United States of America, 1791–1800." Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C 104C, no. -1 (2004): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/pric.2004.104.1.81.

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30

Bric, Maurice J. "The United Irishmen, International Republicanism and the Definition of the Polity in the United States of America, 1791-1800." Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy: Archaeology, Culture, History, Literature 104C, no. 4 (2004): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ria.2004.a810766.

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31

Senior, Hereward. "United Irishmen, United States: Immigrant Radicals in the Early Republic, by David A. WilsonUnited Irishmen, United States: Immigrant Radicals in the Early Republic, by David A. Wilson. Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 1998. x, 223 pp. $29.95." Canadian Journal of History 34, no. 2 (1999): 306–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.34.2.306.

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32

BURKE, HELEN. "Jacobin Revolutionary Theatre and the Early Circus: Astley's Dublin Amphitheatre in the 1790s." Theatre Research International 31, no. 1 (2006): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883305001847.

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This essay examines the politics of the disturbances and riots that rocked Philip Astley's Dublin Amphitheatre, the site of Ireland's first circus, during the 1790s. Astley received the first legal recognition for his circus from a colonial administration in Ireland because of the loyalism of his entertainments and, throughout the 1790s, his Dublin Amphitheatre worked to mobilize the Irish masses in the interest of the crown and the empire. But, as this essay shows, these loyalist entertainments were also repeatedly disrupted by the counter-theatre of the Jacobin-inspired group, the United Iri

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33

Durey, Michael. "The Dublin Society of United Irishmen and the politics of the Carey–Drennan dispute, 1792–1794." Historical Journal 37, no. 1 (1994): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014710.

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ABSTRACTThis article is concerned with political divisions within the Dublin Society of United Irishmen in a period, 1792–1794, which historians, accepting the contemporary argument of its leaders, have generally agreed demonstrated the society's unity of purpose. It is argued that ideological tensions existed between the middle-class leadership and the middling-class rank and file which reflected the existence of two different conceptions of radicalism, one ‘Jacobin’ and one ‘sans-culotte’. These tensions are brought to light through an examination of the dispute between William Paulet Carey

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34

Wedgeworth, Steven. "“The Two Sons of Oil” and the Limits of American Religious Dissent." Journal of Law and Religion 27, no. 1 (2012): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000540.

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In the opening decades of the nineteenth century, Samuel Brown Wylie, an Irish-Presbyterian minister of a group of Scottish and Scots-Irish Presbyterians known as the Covenanters, and William Findley, a United States Congressman and also a descendant of the Covenanters, debated the Constitution's compatibility with Christianity and the proper bounds of religious uniformity in the newly founded Republic. Their respective views were diametrically opposed, yet each managed to borrow from different aspects of earlier political traditions held in common while also laying the groundwork for contrast

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35

Lune, Howard. "The Test: Ritual as a Framing Device in the Construction of Cultural Nationalism." Irish Journal of Sociology 23, no. 2 (2015): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.23.2.2.

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Organised movements that challenge a government must construct and frame their own visions of the nation that legitimate their challenge. To do so, they may attempt to mobilise a cultural nationalism to supersede dominant political nationalisms. An alternative cultural nationalism can appeal to patriotism while undermining the legitimacy of a standing government. Such work is subtle, particularly when direct challenges to authority are proscribed by law. Organisational rituals of belonging are powerful tools in this process. Ritual repetition of key framing ideas can unite members around the c

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36

smith, Jeremy. "Book Review: From the United Irishmen to Twentieth Century Unionism: Essays in Honour of A.T.Q. Stewart." European History Quarterly 37, no. 2 (2007): 359–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569140703700234.

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37

Gering, August. "To sing of ‘98: The United Irishmen rising and the ballad tradition in Heaney and Muldoon." Lit: Literature Interpretation Theory 10, no. 2 (1999): 149–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10436929908580240.

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38

KEOGH, DAIRE. "‘The most dangerous villain in society’; Fr John Martin’s mission to the United Irishmen of Wicklow in 1798." Eighteenth-Century Ireland 7, no. 1 (1992): 115–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/eci.1992.8.

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39

Boyle, John W. "Marianne Elliot. Partners in Revolution: The United Irishmen and France. New Haven: Yale University Press. 1990. Pp. xx, 411. $16.95." Albion 23, no. 2 (1991): 371–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050660.

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40

Hazlett, W. Ian P. "Religion and Politics in William Steel Dickson DD (1744–1824): Ulster-Scot Irishman and his Modernizing Thought-World." Scottish Church History 48, no. 1 (2019): 34–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sch.2019.0003.

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This essay presents the lineaments and origins of the core thinking of Steel Dickson, a typically controversial representative of the progressive eighteenth-century intelligentsia in the north of Ireland who were Presbyterian ministers and inclined to radicalising reform of politics and religion as well as, more tentatively, to the reformatting of fundamental theology. There will be reference to short studies and general interpretations of Dickson and, more particularly, some analysis of his publications including religio-political addresses and church sermons. Discussed will be the context of

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41

Kleinman, Sylvie. "A “Democrat” from the Start: Theobald Wolfe Tone, Emblematic Founder of Irish Republicanism, Anti-Monarchism, and the “Baneful Influence of England”." Recherches anglaises et nord-américaines 58 (2024): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/11uzg.

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Theobald Wolfe Tone (1763-98), an Irish radical and revolutionary remembered in collective memory as the founding father of Irish republicanism, left behind more writings than all his radical associates combined. A founder of the Society of United Irishmen in 1791, he helped drive their democratic campaign to end religious discriminations in Ireland through a total reform of electoral representation in the Irish parliament. Tone’s adolescence and national identity had been shaped during the American War of Independence, when Irish patriotic culture began to truly question the connection to Bri

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42

Мирошников, А. В. "THE PALETTE OF LATE 18TH CENTURY IRISH NATIONALISM." Британские исследования, no. VIII(VIII) (June 7, 2024): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2024.viii.viii.013.

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В статье анализируются причины зарождения ирландского национализма в конце XVIII века. Выявлены факторы проявления национального самосознания среди протестантского населения Ольстера. Исследованы истоки индифферентного отношения католиков Ирландии к вопросам государственного самоуправления. Показаны важность и ограниченность «Конституционной революции» 1782 года. Особое внимание в статье уделено проблемам мировоззренческой модернизации политической элиты Ирландии, вызванной усилением внутри неё идей Просвещения, адаптацией примеров и опыта Американской и Французской революций XVIII столетия. А

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43

MCBRIDE, IAN. "THE EDGE OF ENLIGHTENMENT: IRELAND AND SCOTLAND IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY." Modern Intellectual History 10, no. 1 (2013): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000376.

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Was there an Enlightenment in Ireland? Was there even a distinctively Irish Enlightenment? Few scholars have bothered even to pose this question. Historians of Ireland during the era of Protestant Ascendancy have tended to be all-rounders rather than specialists; their traditional preoccupations are constitutional clashes between London and Dublin, religious conflict, agrarian unrest and popular politicization. With few exceptions there has been no tradition of intellectual history, and little interest in the methodological debates associated with the rise of the “Cambridge school”. Most advan

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44

Bartlett, Thomas. "The United Irishmen: popular politics in Ulster and Dublin, 1791–1798. By Nancy J. Curtin. Pp 317. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1994. £35." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 116 (1995): 604–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400012359.

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45

Beiner, Guy. "Probing the boundaries of Irish memory: from postmemory to prememory and back." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 154 (2014): 296–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400019106.

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It has long been accepted that memory plays a prominent role in the construction of Irish identities and yet historians of Ireland were relatively late in addressing the vogue for memory studies that emerged in the 1980s. Its arrival as a core theme in Irish historical studies was announced in 2001 with the publication ofHistory and memory in modern Ireland, edited by Ian McBride, whose seminal introduction essay – the essential starting point for all subsequent explorations – issued the promise that ‘a social and cultural history of remembering would unravel the various strands of commemorati

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46

Kramnick, Isaac. "Eighteenth-Century Science and Radical Social Theory: The Case of Joseph Priestley's Scientific Liberalism." Journal of British Studies 25, no. 1 (1986): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385852.

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In 1794 Joseph Priestley fled England and the church-and-king sentiment that had set ablaze his Birmingham house and laboratory in 1791. His flight to America was noted by the United Irishmen with a public letter. This most radical group in the entire camp of English sympathizers with the French Revolution not only lamented English repression but also offered a marvelous hymn to the tripartite linkage of America, useful science, and radical change.The Emigration of Dr. Priestley will form a striking historical fact, by which alone future ages will learn to estimate truly the temper of the pres

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47

Silvestri, Michael. "“The Sinn Féin of India”: Irish Nationalism and the Policing of Revolutionary Terrorism in Bengal." Journal of British Studies 39, no. 4 (2000): 454–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386228.

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A recent article in the Calcutta magazine Desh outlined the exploits of a revolutionary fighting for “national freedom” against the British Empire. The article related how, during wartime, this revolutionary traveled secretly to secure the aid of Britain's enemies in starting a rebellion in his country. His mission failed, but this “selfless patriot” gained immortality as a nationalist hero. For an Indian—and particularly a Bengali—audience, the logical protagonist of this story would be the Bengali nationalist leader Subhas Chandra Bose. Bose, the former president of the Indian National Congr

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48

Landy, Craig T. A. "Society of United Irishmen Revolutionary and New-York Manumission Society Lawyer: Thomas Addis Emmet and the Irish Contributions to the Antislavery Movement in New York." New York History 95, no. 2 (2014): 193–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nyh.2014.0032.

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49

Thale, Mary. "London Debating Societies in the 1790s." Historical Journal 32, no. 1 (1989): 57–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015302.

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Of the popular societies that government repressed in the 1790s, the public debating societies in London are probably the least known although some of them had been meeting without interruption for over fifty years. Since these societies admitted all who paid the weekly entrance fee and allowed anyone to stand up and speak, they were quite different from the private, limited debating clubs where new members had to be approved and where the speeches were often prepared orations. Because of their size, the public debating societies attracted men who wanted to practise speaking before a large aud

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50

Suibhne, Breandan Mac. "Nancy J. Curtin. The United Irishmen: Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin, 1791–1798. New York: The Clarendon Press, Oxford University Press. 1994. Pp. ix, 317. $52.00. ISBN 0-19-820322-5." Albion 27, no. 2 (1995): 370–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051588.

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