Journal articles: 'United Mine Workers of America'

1

Letwin, Daniel. "United Mine Workers of America: Centennial Conference." International Labor and Working-Class History 40 (1991): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900001186.

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Frank, David, and Maier B. Fox. "United We Stand: The United Mine Workers of America, 1890-1990." Labour / Le Travail 28 (1991): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143542.

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Williams, Brian C. "International Trade Unionism: The United Mine Workers in Eastern Canada, 1900-1920." Articles 41, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 519–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050228ar.

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Boyd, Lawrence W. "A Social Contract for the Coal Fields: The Rise and Fall of the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund. By Richard P. Mulcahy. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2000. Pp xiii, 274. $34.00." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (December 2001): 1153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701005873.

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This is a book that deserves a wider readership than its title might suggest. More than a narrow history concerning health and pension benefits received by one union, it touches on nearly every issue that has been raised concerning health care and social-security reform. Richard Mulcahy accomplishes this feat through a clearly written narrative history that seldom strays from its basic story line. The story involves the founding, development and demise of medical coverage provided by the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) Welfare and Retirement Fund. Furthermore Mulcahy provides what might be called a revisionist historical assessment of John L. Lewis, president of the UMWA; specifically that his regime might not have been the “Corrupt Kingdom” described by William Finley (The Corrupt Kingdom. The Rise and Fall of the United Mine Workers. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1972).

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Hevener, John W., and Paul F. Taylor. "Bloody Harlan: The United Mine Workers of America in Harlan County, Kentucky, 1931-1941." Journal of Southern History 57, no. 4 (November 1991): 762. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210639.

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Hill, Herbert. "Myth-making as labor history: Herbert Gutman and the United Mine Workers of America." International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 2, no. 2 (December 1988): 132–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01387979.

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Green, James, and Elizabeth Jameson. "Marking Labor History on the National Landscape: The Restored Ludlow Memorial and its Significance." International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990032.

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In 1915 officers of the United Mine Workers of America purchased forty acres of land north of the Ludlow, Colorado train depot on land where a tent colony had sheltered coal miners and their families during the 1913–1914 southern Colorado coal strike. Three years later, the union dedicated a memorial of Vermont granite on the site in memory of those who died there April 20, 1914, in the Ludlow Massacre.

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RODDY, PAMELA C., JACQUELINE WALLEN, and SAMUEL M. MEYERS. "Cost Sharing and Use of Health Services; The United Mine Workers of America Health Plan." Medical Care 24, no. 9 (September 1986): 873. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00005650-198609000-00009.

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Troland, Erin, and Theodore F. Figinski. "Does Getting Health Insurance Affect Women’s Fertility? Evidence from the United Mine Workers’ Health Insurance." AEA Papers and Proceedings 109 (May 1, 2019): 511–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pandp.20191094.

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Does health insurance affect fertility decisions? Fertility may increase if insurance lowers the costs of having a child. Fertility may decrease if children are more likely to survive into adulthood (quality-quantity tradeoff). We study a largely permanent United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) insurance program. A large group of women of childbearing age gained pregnancy coverage for the first time. The insurance also covered children. We use a trend break specification with county-level variation in insurance. We find new evidence of the quality-quantity tradeoff. Fertility rates declined by about one percent per year in counties with average levels of insurance.

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Reardon, Jack. "The effect of the united mine workers of America on the probability of severe injury in underground coal mines." Journal of Labor Research 17, no. 2 (June 1996): 239–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02685843.

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11

Derickson, Alan. "Part of the Yellow Dog: U.S. Coal Miners' Opposition to the Company Doctor System, 1936–1946." International Journal of Health Services 19, no. 4 (October 1989): 709–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/m7rw-u2r0-kfl2-nely.

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By the mid-1930s, U.S. coal miners could no longer tolerate company doctors. They objected to the misuse of preemployment and periodic medical examinations and to many other facets of employer-controlled health benefit plans. The rank-and-file movement for reform received critical assistance from the Bureau of Cooperative Medicine, which conducted an extensive investigation of health services in 157 Appalachian communities. This study not only substantiated the workers' indictment of prevailing conditions but illuminated new deficiencies in the quality and availability of hospital and medical care as well. The miners' union curtailed the undemocratic, exploitative system of company doctors and proprietary hospitals by establishing the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund in 1946.

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Vallyathan, Val, Douglas P. Landsittel, Edward L. Petsonk, Jeffrey Kahn, John E. Parker, Karen Tofflemire Osiowy, and Francis H. Y. Green. "The Influence of Dust Standards on the Prevalence and Severity of Coal Worker's Pneumoconiosis at Autopsy in the United States of America." Archives of Pathology & Laboratory Medicine 135, no. 12 (December 1, 2011): 1550–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5858/arpa.2010-0393-oa.

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Context.—Coal worker's pneumoconiosis is a major occupational lung disease in the United States. The disease is primarily controlled through reducing dust exposure in coal mines using technological improvements and through the establishment of dust standards by regulatory means. Objective.—To determine if dust standards established in the US Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969 have reduced the prevalence and severity of coal worker's pneumoconiosis. Design.—The study population included materials from 6103 deceased coal miners submitted to the National Coal Workers' Autopsy Study from 1971 through 1996. Type and severity of coal worker's pneumoconiosis were classified using standardized diagnostic criteria. Results.—Among miners who worked exclusively prior to the 1969 dust standard, 82.6% had coal macules, 46.3% coal nodules, 28.2% silicotic nodules, and 10.3% progressive massive fibrosis. Lower prevalences were noted among miners exposed exclusively to post-1970 dust levels: 58.8% had coal macules, 15.0% coal nodules, 8.0% silicotic nodules, and 1.2% progressive massive fibrosis. The differences in prevalence were highly significant (P < .001) for all types of pneumoconiosis, including progressive massive fibrosis, after adjustment for age, years of mining, and smoking status. Conclusions.—The study confirms a beneficial impact of the first 25 years of the dust standard established by the 1969 act on the prevalence and severity of coal worker's pneumoconiosis in US coal miners. However, pneumoconiosis continues to occur among miners who have worked entirely within the contemporary standard, suggesting a need for further reductions in exposure to respirable coal mine dust.

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Han, Shuai, Hong Chen, Maggie-Anne Harvey, Eric Stemn, and David Cliff. "Focusing on Coal Workers’ Lung Diseases: A Comparative Analysis of China, Australia, and the United States." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 15, no. 11 (November 16, 2018): 2565. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph15112565.

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China has high and increasing annual rates of occupational lung diseases such as pneumoconiosis and silicosis. In contrast, Australia and the United States of America (USA) have greatly lowered their annual rates of lung diseases since the 1970s. This paper systematically compared and analysed the multi-elements of coal dust management and health management in these three countries to provide a reference for China. Regarding coal dust management, this paper found that coal workers in China are more susceptible to lung diseases compared to workers in the USA and Australia, considering fundamental aspects such as mine type, coal rank, and geological conditions. In addition, the controllable aspects such as advanced mitigation, monitoring methods, and the personal protective equipment of coal dust were relatively inadequate in China compared to the USA and Australia. Health management in China was found to have multiple deficiencies in health examination, co-governance, and compensations for coal workers suffering from lung diseases and healthcare for retired coal workers. These deficiencies may be attributed to insufficient medical resources, the Chinese government-dominated governance, ineffective procedures for obtaining compensation, and the lack of effective and preventive healthcare programs for the retired coal workers. Based on the USA and Australia experience, some suggestions for improvement were proposed.

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Montrie, Chad. "Expedient Environmentalism: Opposition to Coal Surface Mining in Appalachia and the United Mine Workers of America, 1945-1975." Environmental History 5, no. 1 (January 2000): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3985536.

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15

Shenk, Diana. "The Light at the End of the Tunnel: The United Mine Workers of America Archive at Penn State." Labor History 37, no. 4 (September 1996): 510–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00236619612331386955.

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16

Hill, Herbert. "Rejoinder to Symposium on ?Myth-Making as Labor History: Herbert Gutman and the United Mine Workers of America?" International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 2, no. 4 (June 1989): 587–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01391976.

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17

Beckwith, Karen. "Hinges in Collective Action: Strategic Innovation in The Pittston Coal Strike." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2000): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.5.2.th8tv810m8m06675.

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Employing the case of the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) 1989-1990 strike against the Pittston Coal Group, this article examines the UMWA collective action repertoire and the possibility of its transformation during the strike. The concepts of modularity and collective action repertoire highlight the UMWA's experimentation with different collective actions, its importation of actions new to the union, and its elimination of unsuccessful or high-risk elements that had been part of the union's conventional strike practices. This article introduces the concept of a "hinge in collective action" as a way of understanding changes in the UMWA's change in repertoire, and concludes with reflections on directions for future research.

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Wilson, Gregory. "“Our Chronic and Desperate Situation”: Anthracite Communities and the Emergence of Redevelopment Policy in Pennsylvania and the United States, 1945–1965." International Review of Social History 47, S10 (November 2002): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859002000810.

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On 3 May 1954, Lehigh Coal and Navigation Company announced that it would close its anthracite mining operations in Pennsylvania's Panther Valley. Company officials had hoped to keep some mines open but net losses in 1953 amounted to $1.4 million and the trend continued into early 1954. The company stated they would reopen the mines only if miners would work harder and produce more. All area locals of the United Mine Workers of America (UMW) voted to accept the program except one, Tamaqua Local 1571. Arguing that the new rules violated existing wage agreements, workers from this Local picketed the mines and called on miners across the anthracite region to join them. Tamaqua miners offered an alternative plan that called for workers to share control over management and production decisions. Lehigh managers refused and closed the mines, effective from 30 June. As other mining companies began to collapse in the 1950s and 1960s, local workers, business owners, union leaders, and politicians made efforts to either open mines or attract new industries. However, unemployment remained a difficult problem for the Panther Valley and for the entire anthracite region and the area still exhibits higher than average unemployment.

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19

Derickson, Alan. "From company doctors to union hospitals: The first democratic health-care experiments of the United Mine Workers of America." Labor History 33, no. 3 (July 1992): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00236569200890171.

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William Trotter, Joe. "The Dynamics of Race and Ethnicity in the US Coal Industry." International Review of Social History 60, S1 (September 15, 2015): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085901500036x.

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AbstractBy the turn of the twenty-first century, scholars had transformed our understanding of class, race, and ethnicity in the rise and demise of the US coal industry. Under the twin impact of the modern Black Freedom Movement and the rise of the New Labor History, studies of American labor and race relations fragmented during the late twentieth century. Following the lead of pioneering labor historian Herbert Gutman, one influential body of scholarship resuscitated the early history of the United Mine Workers of America and accented the emergence of remarkable forms of labor solidarity across the color line during the industrial era. Before this scholarship could gain a firm footing in the historiography of labor and working-class history, however, social activist and labor scholar Herbert Hill forcefully argued that emerging emphases on interracial working-class cooperation downplayed the persistence of racial divisions even during the most promising episodes of labor unity. In significant ways, the Hill−Gutman debate fueled the florescence of whiteness studies and the myriad ways that both capital and labor benefitted from a racially stratified workforce. Based upon this rapidly expanding historiography of coalminers in America, this essay explores how the overlapping experiences of black and white miners established the foundation for modes of cooperation as well as conflict, but the persistence of white supremacist ideology and social practices repeatedly undermined sometimes heroic movements to bridge the chasm between black and white workers.

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21

Fish, Peter Graham. "Red Jacket Revisited: The Case that Unraveled John J. Parker's Supreme Court Appointment." Law and History Review 5, no. 1 (1987): 51–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743937.

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Before a gathering of the White House Press corps on March 21, 1930, President Herbert Hoover announced his nomination for Associate Justice of the Supreme Court to fill a vacancy unexpectedly created by the death of Edward T. Sanford. His nominee was forty-four year old native North Carolinian John J. Parker, a member since 1925 of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. Within days of the nomination organized labor and its allies in Congress and the press unleashed withering attacks on a single judicial opinion authored by Parker. In the process, the priority of issues raised in that case was dramatically inverted. The foremost issue, federal jurisdiction, became subordinated to the scope of an injunctive decree, an issue of secondary importance. Thus, the nominee's three year old opinion in International Union, United Mine Workers of America v. Red Jacket Consolidated Coal and Coke Company became the catalyst for transforming him from relative obscurity into a symbol of anti-labor conservatism.

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22

Derickson, A. "The United Mine Workers of American and the recognition of occupational respiratory diseases, 1902-1968." American Journal of Public Health 81, no. 6 (June 1991): 782–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.81.6.782.

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23

Hughes, Joseph (Chip), Dave Legrande, Julie Zimmerman, Michael Wilson, and Sharon Beard. "Green Chemistry and Workers." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 19, no. 2 (July 16, 2009): 239–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/ns.19.2.dd.

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What follows is a summary of remarks presented by panelists participating in a workshop entitled, “What Green Chemistry Means to Workers.” The session examined the connection between green jobs—including those connected to the emerging field of green chemistry—and occupational, public, and environmental health. It was coordinated by Paul Renner, associate director of the Labor Institute, in collaboration with the Tony Mazzocchi Center for Safety, Health and Environmental Education, a project of the United Steelworkers and The Labor Institute. It was moderated by Joseph “Chip” Hughes, Director, Worker Education and Training Program, National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences. Panelists included Julie Zimmerman, PhD, Assistant Professor of Environmental Engineering, Forestry and Environmental Studies, Yale School of Engineering and Applied Science and Assistant Director for Research, Green Chemistry and Green Engineering Center, Yale University; David LeGrande, Occupational Safety and Health Director, Communications Workers of America; Mike Wilson, PhD, MPH, Environmental Health Scientist, Program in Green Chemistry and Chemicals Policy, Center for Occupational and Environmental Health, Berkeley School of Public Health, University of California; and Sharon D. Beard, Industrial Hygienist, NIEHS Worker Education and Training Program.

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McCartin, Joseph A. "Book Review: History: The Miners of Windber: The Struggles of New Immigrants for Unionization, 1890s–1930s, the United Mine Workers of America: A Model of Industrial Solidarity?" ILR Review 52, no. 1 (October 1998): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399805200115.

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Howard, Walter T. "John H. M. Laslett, ed., The United Mine Workers of America: A Model of Industrial Solidarity? University Park: The Pennsylvania State University, 1996. vii + 576 pp. $65.00 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 56 (October 1999): 177–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754799946288x.

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Deustua, José R. "Mercury (not always rising) and the social economy of nineteenth-century Peru." Economia 33, no. 66 (March 20, 2010): 128–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/economia.201002.005.

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This study focuses on the Peruvian mining industry of mercury or azogue in the nineteenth century.Mercury was a crucial component for Andean and Mexican silver mining during colonialtimes and still in the first century of Republican Peru. However, it was not the booming industrythat occurred at the end of the sixteenth century, in the second half of the seventeenth, and at thesecond half of the eighteenth century with production peaks at 13 000, 8000 and 7000 quintalsper year. During the nineteenth century it was rather a relative modest industry («not always rising») but also had moments of peak and decline. The article discusses production figures from the1950 by engineers Fernandez Concha, Yates, and Kent, with new statistics coming from archivalsources, which shows important regional levels of production and articulation with silver miningcenters such as Cerro de Pasco. The article also shows that mercury production was not limitedto the old colonial Huancavelica mine of Santa Bárbara but to other areas in the Huancavelicaregion, such as Angaraes and Lircay, or beyond Hunacavelica, such as Chonta in Cerro de Pascoor even Chachapoyas. It also focuses on the conflictive dynamics that mining production meantfor criollo business people, the government, merchants, and indigenous workers. There wereseveral business efforts to revitalize the mine of Santa Bárbara as well as to invest in Huancavelicamercury mining in combination with government initiatives and actions, but it is also clear theaction of mercury merchants, rescatires, who many times rather dealt with workers and humachis,independent laborers or small entrepreneurs, many times Andean Quechua peasants, who ratherbenefitted during the down cycles in mercury production. Finally, after analyzing this particularindustry, the author reflects on the meaning of economic development and historical studies tocriticize U.S. economic historians such as Stephen Haber (from Stanford University) and JohnCoatsworth (from Columbia University) and their view that Latin American countries have to«catch-up» with the capitalist development in the United States and Western Europe, as well aspost-modern and cultural studies which deny the materiality of human life.

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HALPERN, RICK. "John H. M. Laslett (ed.), The United Mine Workers of America: A Model of Industrial Solidarity? (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996, £58.50). Pp. 576. ISBN 0 271 01537 3." Journal of American Studies 32, no. 3 (December 1998): 513–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187589822603x.

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HALPERN, RICK. "John H. M. Laslett (ed.), The United Mine Workers of America: A Model of Industrial Solidarity? (University Park, Pa.: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996, £58.50). Pp. 576. ISBN 0 271 01537 3." Journal of American Studies 34, no. 2 (August 2000): 311–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875899376416.

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Montoya, M. E. "From Redstone to Ludlow: John Cleveland Osgood's Struggle against the United Mine Workers of America. By F. Darrell Munsell. (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2009. xiv, 392 pp. $37.50, ISBN 978-0-87081-934-6.)." Journal of American History 96, no. 4 (March 1, 2010): 1196–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/96.4.1196.

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30

Garcia, Matt. "A Moveable Feast: The UFW Grape Boycott and Farm Worker Justice." International Labor and Working-Class History 83 (2013): 146–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000021.

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When most people think of the United Farm Workers, two things come to mind: Cesar Chávez and the grape boycott. Regarding the former, Chávez distinguished himself as perhaps the best-known Mexican American labor and civil rights leader in the country through his advocacy for farm worker rights in California during the 1960s and 1970s. In 1970, the union he led forced growers to the bargaining table for the first farm labor contracts in the history of the Golden State. This achievement would not have been possible without Chávez's embrace of the boycott, a strategy that, until proven important to the struggle, had been regarded by labor leaders as supplemental to the main strategies of strikes and marches. In fact, when we evaluate the contributions of the United Farm Workers to the history of labor in the United States, the grape boycott might well be its most enduring legacy, even more so than Chávez's leadership.

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Clark, Paul F., and Charles R. Perry. "Collective Bargaining and the Decline of the United Mine Workers." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 38, no. 4 (July 1985): 658. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2524002.

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Kilinc, F. Selcen, William D. Monaghan, and Jeffrey B. Powell. "A Review of Mine Rescue Ensembles for Underground Coal Mining in the United States." Journal of Engineered Fibers and Fabrics 9, no. 1 (March 2014): 155892501400900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/155892501400900120.

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The mining industry is among the top ten industries nationwide with high occupational injury and fatality rates, and mine rescue response may be considered one of the most hazardous activities in mining operations. In the aftermath of an underground mine fire, explosion or water inundation, specially equipped and trained teams have been sent underground to fight fires, rescue entrapped miners, test atmospheric conditions, investigate the causes of the disaster, or recover the dead. Special personal protective ensembles are used by the team members to improve the protection of rescuers against the hazards of mine rescue and recovery. Personal protective ensembles used by mine rescue teams consist of helmet, cap lamp, hood, gloves, protective clothing, boots, kneepads, facemask, breathing apparatus, belt, and suspenders. While improved technology such as wireless warning and communication systems, lifeline pulleys, and lighted vests have been developed for mine rescuers over the last 100 years, recent research in this area of personal protective ensembles has been minimal due to the trending of reduced exposure of rescue workers. In recent years, the exposure of mine rescue teams to hazardous situations has been changing. However, it is vital that members of the teams have the capability and proper protection to immediately respond to a wide range of hazardous situations. Currently, there are no minimum requirements, best practice documents, or nationally recognized consensus standards for protective clothing used by mine rescue teams in the United States (U.S.). The following review provides a summary of potential issues that can be addressed by rescue teams and industry to improve potential exposures to rescue team members should a disaster situation occur. However, the continued trending in the mining industry toward non-exposure to potential hazards for rescue workers should continue to be the primary goal. To assist in continuing this trend, the mining industry and regulatory agencies have been more restrictive by requiring additional post disaster information regarding atmospheric conditions and other hazards before exposing rescue workers and others in the aftermath of a mine disaster. In light of some of the more recent mine rescuer fatalities such as the Crandall Canyon Mine and Jim Walters Resources in the past years, the direction of reducing exposure is preferred. This review provides a historical perspective on ensembles used during mine rescue operations and summarizes environmental hazards, critical elements of mine rescue ensembles, and key problems with these elements. This study also identifies domains for improved mine rescue ensembles. Furthermore, field observations from several coal mine rescue teams were added to provide the information on the currently used mine rescue ensembles in the U.S.

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Shekarian, Younes, Elham Rahimi, Naser Shekarian, Mohammad Rezaee, and Pedram Roghanchi. "An analysis of contributing mining factors in coal workers’ pneumoconiosis prevalence in the United States coal mines, 1986–2018." International Journal of Coal Science & Technology 8, no. 6 (October 13, 2021): 1227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40789-021-00464-y.

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AbstractIn the United States, an unexpected and severe increase in coal miners’ lung diseases in the late 1990s prompted researchers to investigate the causes of the disease resurgence. This study aims to scrutinize the effects of various mining parameters, including coal rank, mine size, mine operation type, coal seam height, and geographical location on the prevalence of coal worker's pneumoconiosis (CWP) in surface and underground coal mines. A comprehensive dataset was created using the U.S. Mine Safety and Health Administration (MSHA) Employment and Accident/Injury databases. The information was merged based on the mine ID by utilizing SQL data management software. A total number of 123,589 mine-year observations were included in the statistical analysis. Generalized Estimating Equation (GEE) model was used to conduct a statistical analysis on a total of 29,707, and 32,643 mine-year observations for underground and surface coal mines, respectively. The results of the econometrics approach revealed that coal workers in underground coal mines are at a greater risk of CWP comparing to those of surface coal operations. Furthermore, underground coal mines in the Appalachia and Interior regions are at a higher risk of CWP prevalence than the Western region. Surface coal mines in the Appalachian coal region are more likely to CWP development than miners in the Western region. The analysis also indicated that coal workers working in smaller mines are more vulnerable to CWP than those in large mine sizes. Furthermore, coal workers in thin-seam underground mine operations are more likely to develop CWP.

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Clark, Paul F., and Ivana Krajcinovic. "From Company Doctors to Managed Care: The United Mine Workers' Noble Experiment." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 52, no. 1 (October 1998): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2525257.

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Jensen, Richard J., and Ivana Krajcinovic. "From Company Doctors to Managed Care: The United Mine Workers' Noble Experiment." Journal of American History 85, no. 3 (December 1998): 1156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567355.

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Ewen, Lynda Ann, and Ivana Krajcinovic. "From Company Doctors to Managed Care: The United Mine Workers' Noble Experiment." Contemporary Sociology 27, no. 6 (November 1998): 653. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654294.

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Andersen, R. "From Company Doctors to Managed Care: The United Mine Workers' Noble Experiment." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 280, no. 4 (July 22, 1998): 390. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.280.4.390.

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Langer, Erick D. "The Barriers to Proletarianization: Bolivian Mine Labour, 1826–1918." International Review of Social History 41, S4 (December 1996): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114269.

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Labour history in Latin America has, to a great degree, followed the models set by the rich historiography in Europe and North America. Other than a justifiable concern with the peculiarities in production for export of primary goods, much of the Latin American historiography suggests that the process of labour formation was rather similar to that of the North Atlantic economies, only lagging behind, as did industrialization in this region of the world. However, this was not the case. The export orientation of the mining industry and its peripheral location in the world economy introduced certain modifications not found in the North Atlantic economies. The vagaries of the mining industry, exacerbated by the severe swings in raw material prices, created conditions which hindered proletarianization and modified the consciousness of the mine workers.

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De Jong, Gordon F., and Marilou C. Legazpi Blair. "Changing Occupational Characteristics of U.S. Immigrants." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 3, no. 4 (December 1994): 567–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689400300403.

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Although the proportion of legal immigrants to the United States reporting an occupation remained nearly stable from the early 1970s to the mid-1980s, there was a decline in the proportion of immigrant workers admitted with professional and technical occupations — a trend that the 1990 Immigration Act seeks to address in this decade. Using 1972 and 1986 United States Immigration and Naturalization Service public use data, this analysis shows that a major explanation for the decline is the recomposition of immigrant worker streams; notably large increases in admissions from Mexico and Central America, South America and the Caribbean vs. Asian workers; and increases in immediate family numerically exempt and sixth preference new arrivals and older workers — all categories with a low proportion of professional and technical workers. Contrary to expectations, immigrants admitted with family preference visas recorded an increase in professional and technical workers, even though the proportion of highly skilled immigrant workers in this admission category is still quite low.

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Freeman, Joshua B. "The Leading Labor Historian in the United States." International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 30–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000269.

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David Montgomery, the leading labor historian in the United States, died on December 2, 2011, at age eighty-four. His many articles and books, especially Beyond Equality: Labor and the Radical Republicans, 1862–1872; Workers' Control in America: Studies in the History of Work, Technology, and Labor Struggles; and The Fall of the House of Labor: The Workplace, the State, and American Labor Activism, 1865–1925, profoundly reshaped our understanding of the history of American workers.

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Corn, Jacqueline K. "From Company Doctors to Managed Care: The United Mine Workers' Noble Experiment (review)." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 74, no. 2 (2000): 401–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2000.0063.

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Lu, Cynthia, Paramita Dasgupta, Jessica Cameron, Lin Fritschi, and Peter Baade. "A systematic review and meta-analysis on international studies of prevalence, mortality and survival due to coal mine dust lung disease." PLOS ONE 16, no. 8 (August 3, 2021): e0255617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0255617.

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Background Coal mine dust lung disease comprises a group of occupational lung diseases including coal workers pneumoconiosis. In many countries, there is a lack of robust prevalence estimates for these diseases. Our objective was to perform a systematic review and meta-analysis of published contemporary estimates on prevalence, mortality, and survival for coal mine dust lung disease worldwide. Methods Systematic searches of PubMed, EMBASE and Web of Science databases for English language peer-reviewed articles published from 1/1/2000 to 30/03/2021 that presented quantitative estimates of prevalence, mortality, or survival for coal mine dust lung disease. Review was conducted per PRISMA guidelines. Articles were screened independently by two authors. Studies were critically assessed using Joanna Briggs Institute tools. Pooled prevalence estimates were obtained using random effects meta-analysis models. Heterogeneity was measured using the I2 statistics and publication bias using Egger’s tests. Results Overall 40 studies were included, (31 prevalence, 8 mortality, 1 survival). Of the prevalence estimates, fifteen (12 from the United States) were retained for the meta-analysis. The overall pooled prevalence estimate for coal workers pneumoconiosis among underground miners was 3.7% (95% CI 3.0–4.5%) with high heterogeneity between studies. The pooled estimate of coal workers pneumoconiosis prevalence in the United States was higher in the 2000s than in the 1990s, consistent with published reports of increasing prevalence following decades of declining trends. Sub-group analyses also indicated higher prevalence among underground miners, and in Central Appalachia. The mortality studies were suggestive of reduced pneumoconiosis mortality rates over time, relative to the general population. Conclusion The ongoing prevalence of occupational lung diseases among contemporary coal miners highlights the importance of respiratory surveillance and preventive efforts through effective dust control measures. Limited prevalence studies from countries other than the United States limits our understanding of the current disease burden in other coal-producing countries.

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Williams, Charles. "The Racial Politics of Progressive Americanism: New Deal Liberalism and the Subordination of Black Workers in the UAW." Studies in American Political Development 19, no. 1 (April 2005): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x05000040.

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In February 1937, members of the United Automobile Workers (UAW) celebrated their pioneering victory over General Motors by waving American flags as they marched out of Fisher Body and paraded through the streets of Flint, Michigan. Later that year, as the UAW turned to organizing Ford's massive River Rouge plant, the Ford edition of the United Automobile Worker described the complex as a foreign country and called on workers to “win this for America” and “win the war for democracy in River Rouge!” When a successful strike finally led to union recognition and an NLRB election in 1941, the UAW urged Rouge workers to “keep faith with America” and its greatest leaders, Washington, Lincoln, and Franklin D. Roosevelt, by voting for the inclusive unionism of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) over the un-American alternative of the American Federation of Labor (AFL).

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Mills, Paul K., Richard Yang, and Deborah Riordan. "Lymphohematopoietic Cancers in the United Farm Workers of America (UFW), 1988–2001." Cancer Causes & Control 16, no. 7 (September 2005): 823–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10552-005-2703-2.

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Taylor, June, and Brian H. Kleiner. "The Status of Family Leave in America." Equal Opportunities International 16, no. 2 (February 1, 1997): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb010681.

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The “traditional” family, one in which the mother and father both reside in the same home and the mother does not work outside of the home, now accounts for less than seven percent of all families in the United States (13, p.56). More than sixty percent of women of childbearing age in the United States are in the work force and forty percent of these women have children under three years of age (1, p.4). Approximately eighty percent of mothers will be in the work force in the year 2000 (8, p.3). Two‐thirds of new workers entering the work force between now and the year 2000 will be women (13, p.57).

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Fang, Di. "Japans Growing Economic Activities and the Attainment Patterns of Foreign-Born Japanese Workers in the United States, 1979 to 1989." International Migration Review 30, no. 2 (June 1996): 511–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839603000206.

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This study examines the impact of the economic activities of Japan in the United States on the socioeconomic attainments of foreign-born Japanese male workers in 1979 and 1989. It demonstrates that working in wholesale trade, finance and manufacturing industries, three major sectors of Japanese investment in America, provided foreign-born male Japanese workers with the highest likelihood of assuming managerial positions. Moreover, the managerial occupation in turn provided the Japanese workers with the highest earnings returns. This pattern is consistent over time and by length of residence. The results suggest the importance of Japan's economic globalization since the 1970s in explaining the socioeconomic attainment patterns of foreign-born Japanese workers in the United States.

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Rivero, Orlando. "US Unemployment Among Younger Adults And Recommendations To Improve Employment Sustainability." Journal of Business & Economics Research (JBER) 11, no. 1 (May 7, 2014): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jber.v11i1.8606.

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The United States unemployment rate continues to be a focal point of discussion. Although in July 2012, the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics reported an 8.3% unemployment rate in America, this figure only reflects workers between the ages of 16 and older. With this being said, there is a segment of the population unrepresented within the totality of the United States unemployment rate reported. Younger workers between the ages of 16 to 24 years of age have sustained a much higher unemployment rate as compared to older workers. Unfortunately, 93% of these younger workers do not have a high school diploma and the majority of these workers were supporting families. The purpose of this article is to examine several components of the unemployment rate as it relates to younger workers between the ages of 16 to 24 years of age. Recommendations will be offered in an effort to improve employment sustainability among younger workers, which has been an issue that has been ignored for several years until recently.

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Nash, Michael. "Ivana Krajcinovic, From Company Doctors to Managed Care: The United Mine Workers' Noble Experiment. Ithaca: ILR Press, 1997. ix + 212 pp. $37.50 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900422805.

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For much of the first half of the century the United Mine Workers (UMW) was the largest, most important, most powerful, and most progressive union in the United States. Among its many accomplishments was that it was one of the first to bargain for and win employer-financed health benefits. Health care was critically important to miners, many of whom were seriously injured on the job and by middle age were often disabled by black lung disease. In the isolated, rural mine patches, quality health care was rarely available. In the days before the organization of the UMW's Welfare and Retirement Funds, many miners found that the only health care that was available came from the company doctor. This medical practice was usually substandard and was one of the many ways the operators exercised power over the life of the miners, discouraging union and political organizing.

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Clark, Paul F. "Book Review: Labor-Management Relations: Collective Bargaining and the Decline of the United Mine Workers." ILR Review 38, no. 4 (July 1985): 658–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398503800413.

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Clark, Paul F. "Book Review: History: From Company Doctors to Managed Care: The United Mine Workers' Noble Experiment." ILR Review 52, no. 1 (October 1998): 150–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399805200118.

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Journal articles on the topic 'United Mine Workers of America'

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