Academic literature on the topic 'United National Independence Party (Zambia)'
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Journal articles on the topic "United National Independence Party (Zambia)"
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Musambachime, M. C. "The Archives of Zambia's United National Independence Party." History in Africa 18 (1991): 291–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172067.
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In an introduction to a University of Zambia publication entitled A Catalogue of Unpublished Materials in Zambia, published in 1978, J. K. Rennie observed that in Zambia there were “many depositories or collections of private and official papers, the extent of whose holdings are imperfectly known and the state of whose preservation was uncertain.” The Catalogue, which was supposed to be the first in a series and was intended to be a “guide to unpublished primary materials … and an aid to research in history and social sciences,” identified thirty government and non-government depositories located in various parts of Zambia. The wealth and diversity of materials held in these depositories were of immense value and benefit to researchers— academics and students interested in historical studies requiring archival research. Rennie, and others who assisted him in locating and documenting these depositories, made what they called a “humble minor beginning in a much larger enterprise. This paper is intended as a further contribution to this enterprise.In Zambia, one depository that is little known by social science researchers is the archives held by the ruling United National Independence Party (UNIP), located in Freedom House, the party headquarters at the southern end of Cairo Road, which forms part of the Research Bureau of the party. This archives holds important files formerly held by the African National Congress (ANC) formed in 1948 and disbanded in 1973 after the Chôma declaration which ushered in the one-party state and of UNIP, formed in 1960, which today is the only political party in Zambia.
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Munene, Hyden. "Mining the Past: A Report of Four Archival Repositories in Zambia." History in Africa 47 (July 18, 2019): 359–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2019.24.
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Abstract:Researchers and scholars have written on the history of mining in Zambia using a variety of sources and archives. But much of the history written from local archives has relied heavily on the National Archives of Zambia. Yet, important archival holdings for researchers of the history of Zambia’s mining industry also exist in the Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines Archive, the United National Independence Party Archive, and in the Mineworkers’ Union of Zambia Headquarters. These repositories house rich collections of data invaluable for understanding Zambia’s mining industry. Covering the period from the 1890s to the present, these archives make possible new questions and interpretations of Zambia’s mining industry.
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Scarritt, James R. "Measuring Political Change: The Quantity and Effectiveness of Electoral and Party Participation in the Zambian One-Party State, 1973–91." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 2 (April 1996): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000478.
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The introduction of a ‘one-party participatory democracy’ in Zambia in 1973 under the United National Independence Party (UNIP) of President Kenneth Kaunda made significant changes in the nature and extent of political participation, regime structure and public policy in that country. Among a number of constitutional changes, the proscription of the opposition parties – African National Congress (ANC) and United Progressive Party (UPP) – was probably the most important. There is a relatively extensive literature describing these changes and evaluating their significance. A number of further changes which affected these political variables in varying degrees occurred during the life of the one-party system, which lasted until 1991, but much less has been written about these changes, at least in part because they have been assumed to be insignificant. This Note describes the collection of a systematic events dataset on changes in electoral and political party participation (including changes in policies towards participation and changes in party structures affecting participation), regime structure (including party–government relations, central government structure and central–local government relations), and policies affecting the economy, class structure and culture in Zambia from 1973 through 1985. It then describes the use of expert judges to scale events in the dataset and evaluate their cumulative significance for dimensions of change delineated by the investigator or themselves. Finally, it presents one substantive application of this methodology: specification of the overall directions and extent of change in electoral and party participation under the one-party system. Two contradictory directions of change not so far identified in the literature on the Zambian one-party state are uncovered. It is suggested that changes in the one-party state helped to undermine its support, even among some of those Zambians who initially believed in it.
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Simabwachi, M. "Creation and Preservation of Business History: The Selection Trust and Anglo-American Corporation Archives in Zambia's Copperbelt." Historia 67, no. 2 (November 2022): 90–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2022/v67n2a4.
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Based on original archival research and oral interviews, this article examines archives creation and the preservation of the history of the multinational mining companies of Selection Trust (ST) and Anglo-American Corporation (AAC) in Zambia's Copperbelt region between 1922 and 2000. The investment of foreign capital by multinational companies in the Copperbelt mines from the 1920s, marked the genesis and formal preservation of business archives in the Copperbelt. This article argues that although the ST and ACC archives were privately owned and strictly preserved for corporate interests and administrative efficiency, these documents eventually became publicly available because of Zambia's political independence and the nationalisation of the mining industry in the 1960s. In the early 1970s, the United National Independence Party (UNIP) government nationalised the Zambian mines and merged the two multinational companies to form the Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines (ZCCM). Consequently, in 1982, the ST and ACC archives were merged. However, following the complete privatisation of the mining industry in 2000 the identity of mining archives reverted to private entities. This article provides new and significant insights into the power and role of regional and local political-economic shifts in determining the nature and identity of business archives in Zambia.
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Scarritt, James R. "President Kenneth Kaunda's Annual Address to the Zambian National Assembly: a Contextual Content Analysis of Changing Rhetoric, 1965–83." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1987): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007655.
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Most writers on Zambia are agreed that President Kenneth Kaunda has grown more powerful over the last two decades by having learned to deal with changing circumstances, and that he has developed a unique position as an able and trusted mediator among political factions. There is also a consensus among those authors, however, that Kaunda's powers are rather severely constrained by the bourgeoisie-in-formation, by the weakening of the governing United National Independence Party (U.N.I.P.), by a declining economy, and by a difficult international environment, and that these limitations are growing stronger as time passes despite his ideological initiative in formulating what is known as ‘Zambian Humanism’.1
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Geisler, Gisela. "Sisters under the Skin: Women and the Women's League in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1987): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000759x.
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In March 1985 the Second National Women's Rights Conference was held on the Copperbelt. Although Betty Kaunda, wife of the President, addressed the 135 participants in her opening speech as if they were representing the Women's League of the United National Independence Party (U.N.I.P.), surprisingly only two of them, apart from the invited guests of honour, claimed to be associated with this organisation. Hardly any of the issues raised by the League entered the discussions during the three-day conference, and the recommendations were far form being a reflection of its stated aims.1
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Ndambwa, Biggie Joe, and Aaron Wiza Siwale. "Reinterpreting Domestic Sources of Zambia’s Foreign Policy: The Party and the President." Journal of Contemporary Governance and Public Policy 3, no. 1 (April 17, 2022): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.46507/jcgpp.v3i1.64.
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This article examines the domestic factors that have determined and influenced Zambia’s foreign policy. While this attempt has not been as successful as one would wish, some useful insights are obtainable through analysis of the role of the governing parties from the liberation hero and founding President Kenneth Kaunda and the United National Independence Party (UNIP) and subsequent heads of state and their respective parties, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), the Patriotic Front (PF) and the United Party for National Development (UPND), that have led the country throughout this period. The article contributes to both the rational-actor model and spatial leadership model which measures differential changes in foreign policy decision-making across regimes. The model is a major contribution to the development of viable analysis in changing foreign policy in emerging nations and is an enduring contribution to the modern foreign analysis. This article is an interesting and exciting addition to this model. It also contributes to the discourse on domestic issues that determine political behavior in international affairs. In particular, it discusses the subtleties of presidential power and demonstrates that in the case of Zambia, changes in foreign policy decisions across regimes are mediated by the intervention and personal interests of the president and the influence of the governing parties.
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MACOLA, GIACOMO. "‘IT MEANS AS IF WE ARE EXCLUDED FROM THE GOOD FREEDOM’: THWARTED EXPECTATIONS OF INDEPENDENCE IN THE LUAPULA PROVINCE OF ZAMBIA, 1964–6." Journal of African History 47, no. 1 (March 2006): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853705000848.
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Based on a close reading of new archival material, this article makes a case for the adoption of an empirical, ‘sub-systemic’ approach to the study of nationalist and postcolonial politics in Zambia. By exploring the notion of popular ‘expectations of independence’ to a much greater degree than did previous studies, the paper contends that the extent of the United National Independence Party's political hegemony in the immediate post-independence era has been grossly overrated – even in a traditional rural stronghold of the party and during a favourable economic cycle. In the second part of the paper, the diplomatic and ethnic manoeuvres of the ruler of the eastern Lunda kingdom of Kazembe are set against a background of increasing popular disillusionment with the performance of the independent government.
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Bwalya, John, and Owen B. Sichone. "Refractory Frontier: Intra-party Democracy in the Zambian Polity." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 6, no. 2 (December 10, 2018): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v6i2.216.
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Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained.
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Larmer, Miles. "“If We are Still Here Next Year”: Zambian Historical Research in the Context of Decline, 2002–2003." History in Africa 31 (2004): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003466.
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This paper addresses the challenges facing researchers seeking to explore the post-colonial history of Zambia, a country whose social infrastructure in general, and academic and research facilities in particular, are in a state of apparently perpetual decline. It describes some of the major archival resources available and their (significant) limitations. It surveys recent and ongoing attempts to document the history of nationalist movements and leaders. Finally, it explores the potential for developing a history of post-colonial Zambia which escapes the assumptions of a still dominant nationalist historiography, and which thereby contributes to a deeper understanding of the lives actually lived by Zambians since Independence.The tendency for colonial and post-colonial governments and their advisors to seek to depoliticize issues of power, inequality and control, by turning them into “technical” or developmental issues, has been noted by historians and anthropologists. The historiography of post-colonial Zambia is a prime example of the conflation of history with development, creating a discourse that assesses historical change by the achievement of supposedly neutral development goals, and conflates the ideologies and policies of nationalist politicians with those of the nation as a whole. The relatively benign judgments passed by prominent historians of the colonial era in their postscript surveys of the government of Kenneth Kaunda's United National Independence Party (UNIP) in Zambia's First Republic (1964-72) have retained an unwarranted influence. This is partly because of the dearth of post-colonial historical studies of equal importance conducted during the last 20 years. UNIP's leading historian, Henry Meebelo, while providing valuable insights into the African perspective on decolonization, played a leading role in establishing nationalism as the unquestioned norm of progressive understanding, axiomatically placing all social forces which came into conflict with it as reactionary and illegitimate.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United National Independence Party (Zambia)"
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Mukapa, Tembo. "The decentralisation of powers and functions to local government under the 2016 Constitution of Zambia." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6384.
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Department of Public Law and JurisprudenceAt independence in 1964, the United National Independence Party (UNIP)-led government in Zambia was, among other things, confronted with the challenge of transforming an inherited dual, undemocratic, racist and exploitative system of local government. Local government was a creature of national legislation, and thus did not have direct constitutional authority. Between 1964 and 1995, the government adopted several reforms aimed at democratising and improving the efficiency, effectiveness and responsiveness of the system of local government. However, local government remained a creature of national legislation. In 1996, local government was for the first time recognised in the Constitution as a tier of government. Article 109 of the 1996 Constitution of Zambia required the establishment of a system of local government whose details were to be prescribed by an Act of Parliament. The provision further provided that such a system shall be based on democratically-elected councils. Thus, the 1996 Constitution transformed local government from being a mere creature of central government into a tier of government. While the institutional integrity of local government in Zambia was enhanced, service delivery by local authorities remained poor.
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Ringeisen-Biardeaud, Juliette. "D'une union à l'autre - intégration européenne et désintégration des États? Le cas de l'Écosse (1973-2017)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA070.
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L’Écosse est une vieille nation européenne. Autrefois indépendante, elle s’est unie à l’Angleterre et au Pays de Galles en 1707 au moyen d’un traité d’Union. Aux termes de ce traité, elle a conservé une Église propre (l’Église d’Écosse), ainsi que des systèmes éducatif et juridique distincts de ceux de l’Angleterre. En 1998, de larges transferts de pouvoirs lui ont permis de ré-ouvrir son Parlement, dissous au moment de l’Union, et de voter ses propres lois dans les domaines qui lui sont dévolus, comme la santé, l’éducation, l’environnement, les questions rurales. Cette dévolution de pouvoirs lui a également permis de maintenir et de renforcer sa présence au sein de l’Union européenne. En effet, l’Écosse, forte d’un ancien rayonnement européen au moyen-âge, et bénéficiant de fonds structurels de la Commission européenne afin de rattraper ses retards de développements, a, dès le milieu des années 1980, compris le bénéfice qu’elle pouvait tirer de la Communauté économique européenne puis de l’Union européenne. Parallèlement au processus de dévolution des pouvoirs du Parlement britannique vers le Parlement écossais, le parti national écossais, le Scottish National Party, a ancré son projet d’indépendance de l’Écosse dans le cadre rassurant d’un maintien au sein de l’Union européenne. Lors du référendum sur l’indépendance de 2014, la question de la place de l’Écosse en Europe s’est invitée dans la campagne de manière insistante. Dans le cadre des négociations sur le Brexit, la possibilité d’un accord distinct pour l’Écosse (qui a refusé la sortie de l’Union européenne) se pose, alors qu’un second référendum sur l’indépendance se profile. Pour l’Union européenne, la question des nationalismes minoritaires provoque des difficultés, puisqu'il lui faut satisfaire les aspirations à la représentation démocratique soulevées par ces mouvements, tout en évitant à la fois la fragmentation des États membres et l’afflux de petits États membres, qui risqueraient de bloquer la mécanique institutionnelle communautaireScotland is an old European nation which remained independent until the 1707 Treaty of Union under which it was united to England and Wales. Under the terms of this treaty, it has preserved a Church of its own (the Church of Scotland), as well as distinct educational and legal systems. In 1998, large transfers of powers enabled it to re-open its Parliament, which had been dissolved at the time of the Union, and to vote its own laws in certain devolved areas, such as health, education, the environment and rural matters. This devolution of powers has also enabled Scotland to maintain and strengthen its presence in the European Union. As early as the mid-1980s, Scotland, whose influence in Europe dated back to the Middle Ages and which benefited from structural funds from the European Commission that were intended to make up for some of its under developed regions, realised the benefit it could reap from the European Economic Community and later on from the European Union. As powers were being devolved from the British Parliament to the Scottish Parliament, the Scottish National Party anchored its Scottish independence project within the comforting framework of a maintained membership of the European Union. During the run-up to the referendum on the independence of 2014, the question of the place of Scotland in Europe was often raised. In the context of the negotiations on Brexit, the possibility of a separate agreement for Scotland (which refused to leave the European Union) is being considered, while a second referendum on independence is looming. For the European Union, the issue of minority nationalisms is a source of difficulties, since it must satisfy the aspirations to democratic representation that are fostered by these movements while avoiding the breaking-up of the Member States and the influx of small Member States which may block the Community's institutional machinery
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Marxová, Barbora. "Vývoj a volební úspěšnost vybraných populistických stran a hnutí v České republice a ve Spojeném království v letech 2010-2019." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-436224.
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This diploma theses presented deals with the development and electoral success of chosen populist parties and movements in the Czech Republic and the United Kingdom, and a comparison of the electoral success in those countries. The thesis is focused on the period between 2010 and 2019, given that the year 2010 represents a turning point considering election results in both countries. The first part of the thesis presents theoretical background of the study of populism and different understandings of the concept. The minimal definition of populism is presented there, together with three fundamental actors of populism which are then used to identify individual populist parties. The second and the third part of this thesis deal with the situation in the Czech Republic and the United Kingdom, respectively. We identify populist political parties and movements which are active on nationwide level and which managed to gain substantial results in parliamentary elections in the country or in elections to the European Parliament. Each party is described in terms of its development and its activity in politics, and then its electoral success in important elections is assessed. Subsequently, relevant party materials are analyzed, such as manifestos, websites, and leaders' statements which show particular...
Books on the topic "United National Independence Party (Zambia)"
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Musambachime, M. C. The Archives of Zambia's United National Independence Party and its importance to researchers. [Lusaka: History Dept., 1990.
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Rakner, Lise. Trade unions in processes of democratisation: A study of party labour relations in Zambia. Bergen: Chr. Michelsen Institute, Dept. of Social Science and Development, 1992.
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Invisible agents: Spirits in a Central African history. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2012.
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United Party for National Development (Zambia). Realise the dream of a better Zambia through real change: Vision for Zambia. Zambia]: United Party for National Development, 2006.
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The constitution of the United National Independence Party: "one Zambia, one nation.". S.l: s.n., 1988.
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Rethinking African politics: A history of opposition in Zambia. Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate, 2011.
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Larmer, Miles. Rethinking African Politics: A History of Opposition in Zambia. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.
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Larmer, Miles. Rethinking African Politics: A History of Opposition in Zambia. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "United National Independence Party (Zambia)"
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Marten, Lutz, and Nancy C. Kula. "Zambia: ‘One Zambia, One Nation, Many Languages’." In Language and National Identity in Africa, 291–313. Oxford University PressOxford, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199286744.003.0016.
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Abstract This chapter aims to give the reader an idea of the linguistic situation in Zambia, and how language relates to national identity in the Zambian context. Zambia lies in the heart of central Africa and shares borders with the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to the north, with Tanzania, Malawi, and Mozambique in the east, with Zimbabwe, Botswana, and Namibia in the south, and with Angola in the west. Zambia has no direct access to the sea, but the Zambezi, one of Africa’s largest rivers, runs through Zambia for about 1,000 kilometres. Zambia also lies in the centre of the Bantu-speaking area. Historically, Bantu languages became widely spoken in sub-Saharan Africa from around 300 BC, and present-day Zambia’s Bantu languages are the result of several linguistic developments which introduced the languages spoken today through gradual processes of migration, language contact, and language shift over the last two millennia. From the late nineteenth century onwards, different European languages were introduced into what is now Zambia through missionary activities, in particular in education, and through colonial governance as a British colony. As a legacy of this period, English plays an important role in the current language situation, a role which was affirmed after independence in 1964, when English became the official language. After the change from a one-party system to multiparty democracy in 1991, emphasis has shifted towards the promotion of Zambia’s seven national languages, Bemba, Nyanja, Tonga, Lozi, Lunda, Luvale, and Kaonde, and contemporary Zambia is an explicit example of a multilingual country.
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Bergeson-Lockwood, Millington W. "A Recognized and Respected Part of the Body Politic." In Race Over Party, 86–108. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640419.003.0006.
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This chapter documents the aftermath of Butler’s defeat for reelection in 1883. Butler’s supporters and a growing group of black independents backed Grover Cleveland for president of the United States. They hoped that Cleveland’s election would inaugurate a national black commitment to political independence and push the national Democratic Party towards a pro-civil rights agenda. Black Bostonians worked with like-minded activists in other states to leverage black political power towards recognition from the Cleveland administration. Despite some success, the limited gains in black rights during the Cleveland administration illuminated the limits of siding with the Democratic Party.
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Tierney, Stephen. "After the Scottish Independence Referendum." In Territory and Power in Constitutional Transitions, 275–91. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198836544.003.0015.
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This chapter examines the independence referendum in Scotland, held on September 18, 2014, and its implications for the federal direction of the United Kingdom. The referendum saw 55 percent of Scots say “No” to the question: “Should Scotland be an Independent Country?”. Despite this result, the referendum has sparked a further process of decentralization. The chapter first describes the context that led to the Scottish independence referendum, focusing in particular on the success of the Scottish National Party (SNP) in the parliamentary elections of May 2011 and why the referendum emerged from—and was organized within—the normal contours of constitutional democracy. It then considers the period of constitutional engagement and the outcome of the referendum before concluding with an analysis of some of the lessons that can be drawn from it with regard to constitutional change and the issue of secession.
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John, Richard R. "Reframing the Monopoly Question." In Antimonopoly and American Democracy, 35–82. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197744666.003.0002.
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Abstract Richard John’s “Reframing the Monopoly Question: Commerce, Land, Industry” uncovers the main pillars of antimonopoly thought in the United States from the 1773 Boston Tea Party to the establishment of the Federal Trade Commission in 1914. John’s history challenges a conventional historiography of American antimonopolism centered on a movement from nineteenth-century producerism to twentieth-century consumerism. Instead, John unearths a more continuous tradition in the policy pronouncements of four antimonopoly visionaries—John Adams, who contested British commercial monopoly as an obstacle to national independence; William Leggett, who attacked legislatively mandated special privilege; Henry George, who opposed the private ownership of natural resources as a violation of natural rights; and Walter Lippmann, who deplored the wastefulness of the industrial corporation. Through the analysis of these four figures, John captures both the breadth and radicalism of historical antimonopolism, to which the ideals of national independence, natural rights, and public utility acted as a fulcrum.
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Denver, David, and Mark Garnett. "Conservative Revival and the Rise of ‘Others’." In British General Elections Since 1964, 147–88. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844952.003.0006.
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This chapter examines the closely fought elections of 2010 and 2015, the first of which produced the first British coalition government since 1945 in a period which saw the continued fragmentation of the party system and the rise of United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the Scottish National Party (SNP).Gordon Brown succeeded Tony Blair as Prime Minister in 2007, and initially impressions were favourable. However, almost as soon as Brown had decided against a ‘snap’ election to exploit his popularity, events turned against him and his party. The worldwide global financial crisis, which began in 2007, hit Britain particularly hard, and like Major’s Conservatives in the previous decade New Labour lost its reputation for economic competence. The Conservatives, under David Cameron who proclaimed himself ‘the heir to Blair’, won the largest number of seats in the 2010 election, which was particularly noteworthy for the introduction of televised leader debates. However, the 2010 contest resulted in a ‘hung parliament’ and a coalition between the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats. The key events of the ensuing five years are examined, including the introduction of a Fixed-Term Parliaments Act which purportedly deprived Prime Ministers of the right to call elections at times of their own choosing. There were also referendums of Electoral Reform (2011) and Scottish independence (2014), in which the status quo was upheld without seeming to put an end to either question. In particular, the SNP continued to prosper despite the 2014 result, and in the 2015 general election it won almost all of the Scottish parliamentary seats. In England, UKIP had become a very serious threat both to Labour and the Conservatives, who had imposed unpopular cuts in public expenditure (‘austerity’) in response to the financial crisis. Meanwhile, the Liberal Democrats had lost much of their electoral appeal during their ill-fated alliance with Cameron’s Conservatives. The overall result of the 2015 election was an overall victory for the Conservatives, but by a margin which left Cameron vulnerable to Eurosceptics within his party.
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Coiner, Constance. "“Scratch a Communist ... “: Women and the American Communist Party During the Depression." In Better Red, 39–71. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195056952.003.0003.
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Abstract The androcentrism of Communist literary circles reflected that of the Party as a whole, but the CP’s role in the struggle for sexual equality must be measured against the backdrop of the dominant culture. I begin this chapter, then, by (briefly) discussing the position of women in the United States during the ‘30s, indicating a few of the historiographical sources that provide a necessary complement to this study. I move quickly to this chapter’s central task, examining the CP and “the woman question,” and focus largely on Party publications during the period. However, the chapter’s last section relies on four documentaries (With Babies and Banners, Union Maids, The Life and Times of Rosie the Riveter, and Seeing Red) that, with my own interview material, augment information derived from the Party press. The role of women in Party-related activities reminds us of Myra Jehlen’s useful premise for analyzing women’s history and writing: Women must be viewed not in “actual independence but [in) action despite dependence” (581). Feminism was thwarted during the ‘30s by the national preoccupation with economic collapse and recovery. The previous decade’s debate over the “new woman” was subsumed by anxiety over the unemployed man, and competition for a limited number of jobs reinforced cultural assumptions about the proper sexual division of labor. The public arena absorbed most attention, while issues seemingly unrelated to economic reclamation were ignored. Americans were reluctant to examine or tamper with traditional roles within the family at a time when it was viewed as perhaps the only remnant of stability.
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Dubois, Laurent, and Richard Lee Turits. "Transformation in Jamaica, Grenada, and Haiti." In Freedom Roots, 281–318. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653600.003.0008.
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In the last decades of the twentieth century, the Caribbean saw multiple and dramatic political efforts to transform state and society. New governments sought to embrace popular classes as equal members of society as almost never before and to create unprecedented forms of equality, both economically and culturally. This chapter explores three such attempts at transformation: Jamaica under Michael Manley, Maurice Bishop and the Grenada Revolution, and Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s first government in Haiti. Unlike the Cuban Revolution, these leaders excited expectations for change within still mostly capitalist economies. Manley and Aristide led democratic governments, while Grenada sustained one-party rule. The outcomes of reform efforts in these three nations varied from enduring progress to poignant tragedy. The chapter explores the powerful challenges these new Caribbean governments faced, domestic and foreign, economic and political. It shows how after the English-speaking Caribbean gained independence in the 1960s and 1970s, their trajectories began to overlap with that of the older independent Caribbean, as national sovereignty made them suddenly more vulnerable to the region’s predominant twentieth-century empire, the United States.
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Calabresi, Steven Gow. "The Union of India: Umpiring and Rights from Wrongs." In The History and Growth of Judicial Review, Volume 1, 263–310. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075774.003.0008.
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This chapter addresses the legal system as well as the origins and growth of judicial review in India. Judicial review originated and grew in India for five reasons. First, the history of Privy Council vertical federalism judicial review umpiring in the British Imperial period habituated Indians to the idea of judicial review of the legality of legislation in the sense of an imperial court reining in errant federal subunits. Second, the Framers of the Indian Constitution of 1950 deliberately decided to borrow the strong kind of judicial review described by Professor Gordon Wood from the U.S. Constitution, as well as borrowing from the United States, the idea of a judicially enforceable Bill of Rights. Third, former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s state of emergency, in the 1970s, led all the key players in Indian politics to want judicial review for rights from wrongs reasons. Fourth, judicial review in India has functioned as an umpire between the Union government and the states and among the states and various other entities of the Union of India government. Fifth, the Indian National Congress Party was part of an Ackermanian mass mobilization of people who successfully sought independence and which constitutionalized its charisma by peaceful means.