Journal articles on the topic 'United Nations Conference on the Human Environment (1972 : Stockholm)'

AbstractBy resolution 44/228 of 22 December 1989, the United Nations General Assembly decided to convene a United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) to be held in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) in June 1992 at the highest possible level of participation.1 The Rio Conference will mark the twentieth anniversary of the 1972 Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment, which had indeed envisaged the holding of a follow-up conference,2 a recommendation echoed by the 1987 report of the World Commission on Environment and Development (Brundtland Report).3

Immediately after the adoption of its Arctic Pollution Prevention Act in 1970, Canada embarked on intense diplomatic efforts in a number of international for a to obtain recognition of international law principles which would serve as a basis for its legislation. These efforts were pursued mainly in three international conferences : the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment of 1972, the London Conference of the International Maritime Consultative Organization on the prevention of pollution by ships in 1973 and the United Nations Third Law of the Sea Conference which began in 1974 at Caracas. At the 1975 session of that Conference, held in Geneva, a form of Artic clause was inserted in the first Negotiating Text and it provided that coastal States could adopt special protective measures in special areas within their exclusive economic zone, where exceptional hazards to navigation prevailed and marine pollution could cause irreversible disturbance of the ecological balance. In 1976, the provision was enlarged to enable coastal States themselves to enforce such protectives measures, instead of leaving the enforcement to the flag State, and the provision has been kept without change in all the subsequent negotiating texts of 1977, 1979 and 1980. Considering the wide consensus which this provision has received, particularly on the part of other Arctic States, it may now be regarded as part of customary international law and completely validates Canada's arctic legislation.

In 1975, the United Nations, under the auspices of its Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and Environment Program (UNEP), established the International Environmental Education Program (IEEP). For two decades, IEEP aimed to accomplish goals ascribed to it by UNESCO member states and fostered communication across the international community through Connect, the UNESCO-UNEP environmental education newsletter. After reviewing UNESCO’s early involvement with the environment, this study examines IEEP’s development, beginning with its conceptual grounding in the 1968 UNESCO Biosphere Conference. It examines the 1972 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment held in Stockholm, moves on to the UNESCO-UNEP 1975 Belgrade Workshop, and continues with the world’s first intergovernmental conference dedicated to environmental education held in Tbilisi in 1977. The paper then uses Connect to trace changes in the form and content of environmental education. Across two decades, environmental education shifted from providing instruction about nature protection and natural resource conservation to fostering an environmental ethic through a problems-based, interdisciplinary study of the ecology of the total environment to adopting the concept of sustainable development. IEEP ultimately met with mixed success. Yet it was the primary United Nations program assigned the task of creating and implementing environmental education globally and thus offers a particularly useful lens through which to analyze changes in the international community’s understanding of the concept of the environment over time.

AbstractMany of the international technical agencies formed after 1945 addressed environmental topics within their specific fields of work. By the late 1960s, a growing awareness of pollution and an emerging environmental movement in Western countries led to a perceived need for more coordinated and institutionalized international cooperation on the environment. Before the landmark United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, held in Stockholm in 1972, and the subsequent creation of the UN Environment Programme, several organizations competed for recognition as principal reference organizations for environmental matters. This article analyses the combination of cooperation and rivalry, involving in particular the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (ECE). Among other initiatives, the OECD became the first international organization to establish a permanent committee specifically dedicated to environmental issues and the ECE organized a Conference on Environmental Problems, held in Prague in 1971. Both called for a critical review of the dominant growth-centred economic model. Their analysis adds a neglected dimension to the origins of today’s international structure of environmental cooperation as well as to the long-term evolution of economic environmental thinking.

This article examines evaluates the strength of the Labor-Environmentalist alliance of the late twentieth century. It traces the evolution of trade unionists' thinking about nature and the human relationship to the environment by examining intellectual and political sources of labor involvement in United Nations' environmental policy making from the 1950s through the 1980s. The article explores the reasons trade union organizations, notably the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, the International Trade Secretariats (Global Union Federations) and the European Trade Union Confederation, participated in a variety of international conferences and institutions such as the 1972 Stockholm Conference on the Environment, the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development. It finds that environmentally conscious trade unionists developed their own version of environmentalism and sustainable development based on a reworking of basic trade union principles, a reworking that emphasized solidarity with nature and made central the protection of the health and safety of workers, communities, and environments.

The world’s focus on the environment started in 1972 with the Conference of the United Nations on the Human Environment in Stockholm. This led to the formation of the United Nations’ Environmental Programme (UNEP). The new interest in the role of the humans in the environment only picked up momentum after the publication of the report, Our Common Future by the World Commission on Development and the Environment, led by Harlem Gro Brundtland and the follow-up Conference in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 (The Earth Summit). The main products from this conference were the Earth Charter and the Agenda 21 principles and action plans. Not long after this event South Africa had a change in government in 1994. The new Constitution that was accepted in 1996 is one of the few constitutions that contain pertinent clauses pertaining to the protection of the environment. Environmental legislation such as the new National Environmental Management Act, a National Water Act, a Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act, an Air Quality Management Bill has been adapted since 1994. A huge number of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) attended the Rio Conference. Some, like Greenpeace (and locally Earthlife Africa), developed pressure groups that pressurised governments to give more attention to the protection of the environment and to improve environmental management. During this period results of scientific research that had a large impact on humankind’s perception of the environment, were published. The discovery of the hole in the ozone layer and of the increase in global warming led to great public interest. This led to conventions and protocols that have been ratified by most countries in the world, for example 189 out of a possible 191 countries ratified the Montreal Protocol for the Protection of the Ozone Layer by June 2004. The private sector responded and today it is the norm to report about the “Triple Bottom-line” (economic, social and environmental aspects). The question that arises is: who had the most influence on the wealth of new legislation and the change of emphasis to environmental management in the private and public sectors – the new government, pressure from green organisations or reaction to scientific research? This paper discusses the influence of all three.

The most relevant factors that affect climate are astronomic cycles ant their effects on planet Earth and Earth’s orbit around the Sun. They have impact on the occurrence of glacial and interglacial periods at generally 100.000-year frequencies, which were affected by orbital shape variations and effects of greenhouse gases.The youngest geological epoch of the geological history of Earth is Holocene (started with warming) that began approximately 11.000 years BP. In that epoch, the shape of Earth’s orbit around the Sun was nearly circular, close to a perfect circle, and the seasonal contrast was less severe, due to decreased tilt of Earth’s axis from the plane of its orbit around the Sun. However, most scientists are arguing that the causes of rapid climate change are rooted in human activity, and not in its internal orbital variations. The main causes of global warming are increased level of carbon dioxide, but also of methane and chlorofluorocarbons in the atmosphere. These gases are responsible for the greenhouse effect, ozone layer depletion in stratosphere and rapid global warming. In order to set up the legal framework of environmental protection, the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment has adopted Stockholm Declaration in June 16, 1972. About twenty industrial states have ratified in 1987 the Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer, which has undergone many revisions by London Convention (1990), Copenhagen Accord (1992), Vienna Convention (1995), Kyoto Protocol (1997) and the Paris Agreement ‒ an international universal agreement on climate adopted at the 2015 Paris Climate Conference (COP21). Environmental protection in the European Union is provided for by its primary and secondary law, and the most EU environmental regulations were implemented in the Serbian legislation.

AbstractSince the 1972 Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment, ecological pressures on our planet have grown more acute. Yet, modern environmental law has also continued to evolve and spread within international as well as among national legal systems. With the paths of international and national environmental law becoming increasingly intertwined over the years, international environmental legal norms and principles are now penetrating deeper into national legal systems, and environmental treaties are increasingly incorporating or referencing national legal norms and practices. The shifting legal landscape is also changing contemporary environmental law practice, creating greater needs for domestic environmental lawyers to be informed by international law and vice versa. This essay describes how domestic environmental law practice is increasingly informed by international legal norms, while the effective practice of international environmental law more and more requires enhanced awareness, and even understanding, of national environmental regulatory and governance systems. It illustrates these trends with the historical role and work of the United States Environmental Protection Agency’s Office of General Counsel.

The Congolese hydrocarbons sector is one of the key areas of the national economy and constitutes one of the main resources for financing the state budget. However, the uncontrolled exploitation of hydrocarbons can have consequences on the environment as a whole, which is a natural resource essential to human life and to terrestrial and marine biodiversity. To this end, the first principle of the Stockholm Declaration adopted by the 1972 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment states that “Man has a fundamental right to freedom, equality and adequate conditions of life, in an environment of a quality that permits a life of dignity and well-being. He has a solemn duty to protect and improve the environment for present and future generations”. From the above, the protection of the environment is part of the international commitments of States to promote, in particular, sustainable development. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), on the other hand, the lack of an adequate policy on hydrocarbon exploitation and environmental protection has enormous repercussions and unfortunate consequences on the entire Congolese population despite the absolute poverty that the latter is already experiencing. This paper awaits the implementation of adequate proposals to enable policy makers to know where to start in order to ensure sound hydrocarbon governance and sustainable environmental protection in the DRC. It is also a question of demonstrating that sound governance of hydrocarbons and environmental protection requires, in particular, the participation and efforts of everyone: first of all a political will, then a strong involvement of the public authorities, of the companies which invest in the hydrocarbons sector, and a change in the mentalities of the citizens for the integral and sustainable development of the DRC in line with its hydrocarbon potential.

From the beginning of the world to the present age, man has set a long journey of development. But in this journey, he has come forward alone leaving behind the eternal truth of life, as a result of which the catastrophic problems of the environment have taken birth and the world community has been trying to move forward by grappling with them for the past several decades. In view of its seriousness in 1972, a United Nations Conference was held in Stockholm, in which Mrs. Indira Gandhi, in her statement given for the protection of environment and welfare of mankind, said, "Man cannot be a civilized and true human being unless That he should not view the entire human civilization and the whole world in a friendly manner. In his statement, he highlighted the superiority of Vedic tradition and Indian way of life for environmental protection. सृष्टि के प्रारम्भ से वर्तमान युग तक मनुष्य ने विकास की लम्बी यात्रा तय की है। किन्तु इस यात्रा में वह जीवन के शाश्वत सत्य को पीछे छोड़कर अकेला आगे निकल आया है जिसके परिणाम में पर्यावरण की प्रलयंकारी समस्याओं ने जन्म ले लिया है और विश्व समुदाय विगत कई दशकों से इनसे जूझता हुआ आगे बढ़ने का प्रयास कर रहा है। 1972 में इसकी गम्भीरता को देखते हुए स्टाॅकहोम में संयुक्त राष्ट्र सम्मेलन आयोजित किया गया जिसमें श्रीमती इन्दिरा गांधी ने पर्यावरण संरक्षण एवं मानव जाति के कल्याण हेतु दिये गये अपने वक्तव्य में कहा कि, ’’मनुष्य तब तक सभ्य एवं सच्चा मानव नहीं हो सकता जब तक कि वह सम्पूर्ण मानव सभ्यता एवम् सम्पूर्ण सृष्टि को मित्रभाव से न देखे। अपने वक्तव्य में पर्यावरण संरक्षण हेतु वैदिक परम्परा एवम् भारतीय जीवन पद्धति की श्रेष्ठता को रेखांकित किया।

In the post-Mao era, one highly significant dimension of China's official programme of reform and integration into the international economy has been a commitment to legal construction. This commitment has included a sustained effort to fashion a basic corpus of environmental protection law alongside supportive institutions, administrative norms and policies, in order to create a “basic legal system of environmental protection” (huanjing baohu de jiben falii zhidu).' In the eyes of the authorities in the People's Republic of China, such efforts reflect a degree of environmental concern that is unusually strong for a developing society.2 China's achievements, we are often told, must be placed in the context of the considerable difficulties the PRC faces in terms of the pressing need to raise living standards, a serious problem of over-population, a shortage of natural resources, an outdated industrial infrastructure and poor industrial management.3 Of course, viewed comparatively, the PRC's embrace of environmental protection law was somewhat belated,4 only properly commencing after its participation in the 1972 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment held in Stockholm. The subsequent expansion of environmental legislation and enforcement has been some-what erratic. Nevertheless, there appears to be a continuing intent to fashion a substantial body of environmental law, and concern with the construction and revision of this was further enhanced by China's participation in the 1992 UN Conference on Environment and Development, held in Rio de Janeiro. Following this, Premier Li Peng “made a commitment to conscientiously implement resolutions adopted at the Conference”5 and, given the PRC's very substantial size and population, a positive embrace of internationally acceptable standards of environmental welfare is highly significant for future global environmental protection. This article examines the principal features and significance of the PRC's domestic environmental protection law, and considers briefly the implications of the Chinese approach to environmental law for understanding the development of law more generally in post-Mao China.

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The practice of treating the environment with disdain has gradually become unfashionable. Yet in many developing nations, Nigeria among them, environmental education and awareness campaigns remain something regarded as unnecessary. According to Berry (1993: 158):The term “sustainable development” has become a shibboleth of governments and industries, to present a respectful image to a society that is becoming even more strident in its concern for the environment. It is a concept that was projected onto the world by the Stockholm Conference of 1972, and has been carried ever since by the United Nations Environment Programs (UNEP), the World Conservation Union (IUCN), and the World Wildlife Fund for nature (WWF) in their world conservation strategy. It has the ring of truth and worldwide acceptance, but it is poorly understood by those who use it.

close relation. This means that policies related to the economy and the environment cannot be handled without each other. The United Nations Conference (Stockholm, 1972) was the first global conference to signal that environment concerns have increasingly become subject of mainstream socio-economic policies. The process started in the Seventies, laying emphasis on environment protection, plays an important role in the policy of international agencies. The use of environmental indicators is essential for monitoring the effects of environmental measures. The best way of evaluating sustainability if the results can be compared on a global level. International efforts are being made by the United Nations (UN), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the Statistical Office of the European Commission (Eurostat) and other international agencies to develop a framework for environment statistics. This study deals with these frameworks, paying attention to agri-environment indicators. Hungary became a member of the UN in 1955, of the OECD in 1996, and will become a member of the European Union in 2004. The first summary in connection with environmental indicators of Hungary, taking the OECD Pressure – State – Response framework as a basis, was published in 1994. As a result, comparability of environmental indicators for Hungary with those used international are given.

In 1972 the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment called for a ten year moratorium on commercial whaling. The International Whaling Commission (IWC, then made up of 14 member governments) did not accept this resolution, taking the view that regulation by species and stocks was the more practical method of whale conservation. In the following years it reduced catches, introduced a new management procedure, and embarked on an international decade of cetacean research.

Abstract This paper analyzes the sensitivity of college students to sustainability factors, including their definition of the concept and their perception of human resources management as a factor of sustainability. The prospects of the construct of sustainability – from the United Nations Conference in 1972, in Stockholm, to contemporary achievements and theoretical explorations-are reviewed as a conceptual framework. The research among college students has been developed along two lines: the study of their idea of sustainability; and the assessment of people’s management practices as a factor of sustainability. The research combined the use of a semantic differential questionnaire and a focus group to collect data and to complement the quantitative data with a more qualitative vision and understanding. The results consolidate the idea that: it is interesting to use the sustainability concept in combination with the complexity level of contexts; students of HRM are well informed about the concept; and that their attitudes on the subject are positive, as they are motivated to lead companies to adopt sustainable practices in human resource management, as an effective sustainability factor.

Abstract. The history ofthe relationship between man and nature, since time immemorial, sets the scene for studying issues related to sustainable development. Concepts of «carrying capacity» and «ecological impact» are not new, as is illustrated by the example of the use of water resources in Ancient Greece. The Mediterranean region is particularly sensitive to such problems, and the protection of the Mediterranean sea was one of the first results to emerge from the Stockholm Conference in 1972. The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), born after the Conference, gave birth to the Mediterranean Action Plan, leading to the Barcelona Convention linking together twenty coastal states, as well as the European Union. In this framework, the Blue Plan was set up and designed to study the impacts on the environment of development and population growth. Several possible scenarios were set up, providing background material for the Earth Summit in Rio. The period between 1990 – 1995 saw the newly set up Mediterranean Commission dealing with issues relating to water (management, pollution), tourism (colonisation of natural sites, pressure on the environment) and sustainable management of coastal regions. Other points were also raised recently, such as sustainable urban development. However, this institutionalisation of environmental problems that happen at both the national and international levels, should not lead to a compromise Statement achieving nothing concrete. Indeed, the maintenance of environmental achievements and the definition of new concepts should allow sustainable development to move forward.

In article it is analyzed action in the space of the principle of prohibition of the use of force and threats (jus contra bellum). Also it is researched application of Geneva Law to space conflicts (jus in bello) and it correlations with another hard and soft norms of international law in the light of protection of space environment such as Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques, Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment 1972, Rio Declaration on Environment and Development 1992 etc. Beside this it is used practice of International Court of Justice for argumentation of positions and conclusions. Since space objects management is done remotely with help of software, author draw parallels between legal regulation of international conflicts in outer space and cyber space. Furthermore, it is researched specific features of application the principle of proportionality in international space armed conflicts with the aim of protection environment of space and Earth.

AbstractThe problem of land degradation is not new, but never before has it been so widespread or affected the lives of so many people. The need for a global assessment of land degradation was highlighted by the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment in 1972. Since then, several attempts have been made to develop methodologies that will allow for systematic assessment and monitoring of global land degradation. Systematic work started in 1975, when FAO and United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) collaborated in a study to develop a provisional method for soil degradation. This method was tested, and maps on a scale of 1:5,000,000 were produced for North Africa and the Near East. However, the method proved difficult to apply accurately, so this project was followed by another where the method was revised and refined in an effort to assess and map desertification. Again, problems were encountered because of the complexity of the subject and the lack of usable reliable data. More recently, ISRIC, using a simplified methodology and the assistance of some 250 scientists from around the world, has produced a world map of human induced soil degradation at a scale of approximately 1:10,000,000. Meanwhile, interest has been growing in the problem of nutrient depletion in developing countries and a study has been completed of N, P and K balances in the soils of 38 African countries. Although we still do not have an accurate assessment of global land degradation and no systematic monitoring is yet in place, these innovative studies have provided us with a sound basis for future work and have identified many of the practical problems of measuring land degradation, data collection and analysis that will have to be overcome before more accurate assessment and monitoring can be achieved.

Following the 1972 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) initiated a Regional Seas Programme in 1974. At present the Programme involves ten regions and has over 120 coastal states participating. It is conceived as an action-orientated programme having concern not only for the consequences but also for the causes of environmental degradation and encompassing a comprehensive approach to combating environmental problems through the management of marine and coastal areas. Each regional action plan is formulated according to the needs of the region as perceived by the governments concerned. The overall strategy of the programmes was defined by UNEP's Governing Council as:Promotion of international and regional conventions, guidelines and actions for the control of marine pollution and for the protection of management of aquatic resources.Assessment of the state of marine pollution, of the sources and trends of this pollution, and of impact of the pollution on human health, marine ecosystems, and amenities.Co-ordination of the efforts with regard to the environmental aspects of the protection, development and management of marine and coastal resources.Support for education and training efforts to make possible the full participation of developing countries in the protection, development and management of marine and coastal resources. One of the basic components of the regional action plans is the assessment of the state of marine pollution. For this purpose a set of Reference Methods for marine pollution studies is being developed. The paper describes the development of Reference Methods for use by participants in Regional Seas Programmes, where they are intended to ensure that the data can be compared on the world-wide basis and thus contribute to the Global Environment Monitoring System (GEMS) of UNEP. Also, the basis for the Reference Methods as a basis by which countries can adopt comparable methods of assessing the extent of marine pollution in the event of inter-governmental disputes is explained. The Reference Methods being developed cover a wide range of pollutants, e.g. trace metals, chlorinated hydrocarbons, petroleum hydrocarbons, tar, bacteria, etc., as well as providing guidelines for sampling strategies, preparation of samples, toxicity tests, data handling and evaluation. In addition, they include information on how basic oceanographic parameters are to be assessed and used to supplement the data on marine pollution. The paper draws on particular aspects of the development and testing of some individual Reference Methods to illustrate the problems and philosophy adopted for a project which represents a world-wide attempt to promote the detection, understanding and control of coastal and estuarine pollution. The scientific criteria for method selection and application emphasize the pragmatic approaches which are being adopted to fulfil this ambitious project.

In 1972, the first United Nations Conference on Human Environment (UNCED) was held in Stockholm, Sweden. At the conference, government officials from industrialized and developing nations met alongside civil society organizations to create the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP). “This conference put environmental issues on the international agenda for the first time, and marked a turning point in the development of international environmental politics. It has also been recognized as the beginning of modern political and public awareness of global environmental issues” (Baylis & Smith, 2005, pp. 454-455). Twenty years later, the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED), also known as the Rio Earth Summit, was held in Rio de Janeiro. One hundred and seventy two government officials participated, of which 108 were heads of state (United Nations, 1992, United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, para. 1). This conference was one of the largest gatherings of heads of state, civil society organizations, and individuals in human history to date. Stakeholders met with the purpose of charting a course for a more sustainable future. From the conference emerged agreements, most notably Agenda 21, which created a framework for developing global, national, and regional plans for sustainability. The Rio Earth Summit has since stood as an example of what is possible when governments and citizens work together. The outcomes of this conference still affect human lives today, mainly through the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change meetings, which led to the Kyoto Protocol, the only legally binding agreement to cut down carbon dioxide (CO₂) emissions. The United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development, also known as Earth Summit 2012 or Rio+20, is regarded as one of the most crucial events in United Nations history and has been referred to by the Secretary General of the United Nations (2011), Ban Ki-moon, as “the most important global meeting on sustainable development in our time" (The Future We Want, p 2).

Sustainable development can be defined as development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. The Brundtland Commission Report 1987 defines Sustainable Development thus “Sustainable Development is the development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.” From the very beginning the United Nations have taken the initiative to make Sustainable Development a reality to protect our planet from degradation and depletion in various forms. The Declaration of the UN Conference on the Human Environment or Stockholm Declaration was adopted on June, 1972 by the UN Conference on the Human Environment at the 21st plenary meeting as the first document in International Environmental law to recognize the right to a healthy environment. In the declaration, the nations agreed to accept responsibility for any environmental effects caused by their actions. Keeping this in view the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, adopted 27 principles intended to guide future sustainable development around the world in tune with the Stockholm Declaration 1972 on Human Environment. In this paper an attempt would be made to study the various aspects of sustainable development especially reducing inequalities in all forms, including the empowerment of women and girls’ and the most marginalized. To focus on balanced and sustainable economic growth with employment creation which is fundamental for addressing the multi-dimensional nature of poverty and which must be decoupled from environmental degradation. KEYWORDS: Degradation, Depletion, Empowerment, Poverty, Global Challenge

AbstractThis article applies a science diplomacy lens to examine Sweden’s 1967–1968 intervention in the United Nations—the so-called “Swedish initiative”—that led to the seminal 1972 UN Conference on the Human Environment. The three classic science diplomacy typologies—science in diplomacy, diplomacy for science and science for diplomacy—are employed to structure an analysis of how Swedish diplomats skillfully leveraged science for diplomatic objectives, first for convincing member states of the need to convene a major environmental conference under UN auspices and then to mobilize scientific research internationally—particularly in developing countries—during the Conference preparatory process. The empirical study, based on archival research and the oral histories of key participants, also brings to light how problems of the human environment were conceived of and shaped by Swedish scientists and diplomats during this embryonic moment of global environmental governance. Through analysis of some of the public pronouncements and key documents drafted during the first phase of the Swedish initiative, the article further considers the role of popular science as a style of science communication that is particularly relevant in the realm of environmental diplomacy.

443Human rights — Environmental rights — Deforestation of Colombian Amazon forest — Protection of human rights — Right to a healthy environment — Right to life — Right to health — Colombian action of protection (“acción de tutela”) of human rights — Whether appropriate mechanism for applicants to protect their rights — Climate change — Effects — International and national instruments for protection of environment — Whether Amazon an entity “subject of rights” — Whether defendants failing to protect applicants’ rights — Whether defendants violating Paris Agreement on Climate Change and Colombian Law 1753 of 2015Jurisdiction — Human rights protection — Collective rights — Appropriate mechanism to protect applicants’ rights — Acción de tutela — Whether appropriate for protection of collective rights and interests — Whether protection of environment entailing safeguarding of supra-legal individual guarantees — Whether minors can bring claim without representationTerritory — Whether territories “subject of rights” — Human rights — Environmental rights — Deforestation of Colombian Amazon forest — Ecocentric anthropic society — Whether Amazon an entity “subject of rights”Relationship of international law and municipal law — Treaties — Paris Agreement on Climate Change, 2015 — Other international instruments — International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 1966 — Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques, 1976 — Protocol I additional to Geneva Conventions relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts, 1977 — 1972 Stockholm Declaration — United Nations Environment Programme — United Nations Conference on Environment and Development held in Rio de Janeiro, 1992 — United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development — Rio Declaration on Environment and Development — Principles for a Global Consensus on the Management, Conservation and Sustainable Development of All Types of Forests — Convention on Biological Diversity, 1992 — United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 1992 — Colombian Law 1844 of 2017 approving Paris Agreement — Colombian Law 1753 of 2015 — Constitution of Colombia — Whether Colombia violating its obligations under international and national law — Whether defendants failing to protect 444applicants’ rights — Whether defendants violating Paris Agreement on Climate Change and Law 1753 of 2015Human rights — Right to a healthy environment — Environmental rights — Action of protection (“acción de tutela”) in Colombia to protect human rights — Article 86 of Colombian Constitution — Popular action (“acción popular”) to protect human rights — Article 88 of Colombian Constitution — Right to life expectancy — Environmental protection — Right to enjoy a healthy environment, life and health — Relationship of environment and ecosystem with fundamental rights of life and health, and with human dignity — Fundamental rights to access water, breathe clean air and enjoy healthy environment — Right not to be sick due to environmental degradation — Right to fresh water — Right to environmental sanitationEnvironment — Territory — Whether territories “subject of rights” — Prevalence of general interest — Duty to protect natural wealth of nation — Ecological function of private property — Natural parks as inalienable, imprescriptible and unattachable — Sustainable development — Collective rights and interests — Colombian Constitutional Court Judgment C-431 of 2000 — Amazon Cooperation Treaty, 1978 — Precautionary principle — Principle of intergenerational equity — Principle of solidarity — The law of Colombia

Sustainable development is a global trend to build a prosperous society, especially to promote green growth towards ecological approach and based on sustainable use of natural resources in the context of climate change. This article, therefore, is an attempt to synthesize the sustainable development process in the world, from the initial awareness of the role of the environment in the development process in the 1980s, to the development of Agenda 21 in the 1990s, to develop and implement the 2030 agenda for sustainable development in the present time. The change in awareness and practice of sustainable development also demonstrates the trend of social-ecological transformation as a development trend and is an urgent requirement towards building a prosperous and sustainable society. Integrating sustainable development into international and national development policies can be considered as a form of promoting social-ecological transformation. The UNESCO’ system of Biosphere Reserves as a model for promoting sustainable development initiatives towards harmony between people and nature can be considered as a model of a social-ecological system. Vietnam as a country actively participating the sustainable development process in the world has made great efforts to build a prosperous and sustainable society. Keywords: Sustainable development, social - ecological transformation, Vietnam. References [1] United Nations, Agenda 2, United Nations Conference on Environment & Development Rio de Janerio, Brazil, 3 to 14 June 1992, pp. 351.[2] IUCN, UNEP, WWF, World Conservation Strategy: Living Resource Conservation for Sustainable Development, 1980, pp. 77.[3] United Nations, Our Common Future, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987.[4] Meadows, H. Donella, Meadows, L. Dennis, Randers, Jørgen; Behrens III, W. William, The Limits to Growth; A Report for the Club of Rome's Project on the Predicament of Mankind. New York: Universe Books, 1972.[5] IUCN, UNEP và WWF, Caring for the Earth: A Strategy for Sustainable Living (in Vietnamse), Translation from original copy, Hanoi: Science and Technology Publishing House, 1993, pp. 240.[6] Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MEA), Ecosystems and Human Well-being: Synthesis. Island Press, Washington, DC, 2005, pp. 102.[7] United Nations, Global Sustainable Development Report, 2015a, pp. 198.[8] United Nations, Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. A/RES/70/1, 2015b, pp. 40.[9] Liliane Danso-Dahmen, Philip Degenhardt (Eds.), Social-Ecological Transformation Perspectives from Asia and Europe. Published by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung, 2019, pp. 111.[10] Bass Steve, Conceptual Frameworks for Integrating Sustainable Development Dimensions Paper for UNDESA/UNEP/UNDP Workshop on SD Integration tools, Geneva, 14-15 October 2015.[11] Cejudo, Guillermo M and Cynthia Michel, Addressing fragmented government action: Coordination, coherence, and integration. Paper to be presented at the 2nd International Conference in Public Policy, Milan, July 2015, pp. 22.[12] UN-DESA, Integrated Approaches to Sustainable Development Planning and Implementation. Report of the Capacity Building Workshop and Expert Group Meeting, Department of Economic & Social Affairs, 2015.[13] ESDN, Horizontal Policy Integration and Sustainable Development: Conceptual remarks and governance examples. ESDN Quarterly Report June 2009, http://www.sd-network.eu/quarterly%20reports/report%20files/pdf/2009-June-Horizontal_Policy_Integration_and_Sustainable_Development.pdf.[14] OECD, Guidance on Sustainability Impact Assessment. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2010.[15] DFID, Sustainable Livelihoods Guidance Sheets. April 1999, https://www.ennonline.net/dfidsustainableliving.[16] Adams, W.M, The Future of Sustainability: Re-thinking Environment and Development in the Twenty-first Century. Report of the IUCN Renowned Thinkers Meeting, 29-31 January 2006, pp. 18. https://portals.iucn.org/library/sites/library/files/documents/Rep-2006-002.pdf.[17] J. Rockström et al., A safe operating space for humanity, Nature 461(7263), 2009a, 472–475.[18] J. Rockström et al., Planetary Boundaries: Exploring the Safe Operating Space for Humanity. Ecology and Society 14(2), 2009b, 32. [19] Steffen, Will, K. Richardson, J. Rockström, S.E. Cornell, I. Fetzer, E.M. Bennett, R. Biggs, S.R. Carpenter, Wim de Vries, Cynthia A. de Wit, Carl Folke, Dieter Gerten, J. Heinke, G.M. Mace, Linn M. Persson, Veerabhadran Ramanathan, B. Reyers, Sverker Sörlin, Planetary boundaries: Guiding human development on a changing planet. Science 347, 1259855 (2015). DOI: 10.1126/science.1259855.[20] Pisano, Umberto and Gerald Berger, Planetary Boundaries for Sustainable Development: From a conceptual perspective to national applications. ESDN Quarterly Report 30 – October 2013, ESDN Quarterly Report N.30. European Sustainable Development Network, 31 pages, http://www.sd-network.eu/quarterly%20reports/report%20files/pdf/2013-October-Planetary_Boundaries_for_SD.pdf[21] Raworth Kate, From Will these Sustainable Development Goals get us into the doughnut (aka a safe and just space for humanity)? Duncan Green’s discussion on Raworth’s doughnut and SDGs. 2014, http://oxfamblogs.org/fp2p/will-these-sustainable-development-goals-get-us-into-the-doughnut-aka-a-safe-and-just-space-for-humanity-guest-post-from-kate-raworth/[22] Vietnam, Implementation of Sustainable Development: National Report at the UN Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) (in Vietnamese), Ministry of Planning and Investment, Hanoi, May 2012, pp. 82.[23] Vietnam, Voluntary National Review on the Implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals ,Ministry of Planning and Investment, 2018, pp. 90 (in Vietnamese).[24] IMHEN, Integrating Climate Change into Socio-economic Development Plans Viet Nam Institute of Meteorology, Hydrology and Climate Change, Viet Nam Publishing House of Natural Resources, Environment and Cartography, Hanoi, 2012, pp.137 (in Vietnamese).[25] T. Thuc, H.T.L. Huong and D. M. Trang, Technical guidance on integrating climate change into development planning Viet Nam Institute of Meteorology, Hydrology and Climate Change, Viet Nam Publishing House of Natural Resources, Environment and Cartography, Hanoi, 2012, pp. 69 (in Vietnamese).[26] MPI and UNDP, A study on advanced strategic environmental assessment tools for the sustainability assessment of development planning projects, A project on "Strengthening capacity to integrate sustainable development and climate change in planning in Vietnam, Hanoi, 2011, pp. 79 (in Vietnamese).[27] Minister of the Ministry of Planning and Investment, Circular No. 02/2013/TT-BKHDT dated March 27, 2013 guiding the implementation of a number of contents of the Strategy for Sustainable Development in Vietnam for the period 2011-2020), 2013 (in Vietnamese).[28] V.T. Son and T.T. 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Photograph by Gonzalo Echeverria (2010)We need to get some broad-based support, to capture the public’s imagination … so we have to offer up scary scenarios, make simplified, dramatic statements and make little mention of any doubts … each of us has to decide what the right balance is between being effective and being honest (Hulme 347). Acclaimed climate scientist, the late Stephen Schneider, made this comment in 1988. Later he regretted it and said that there are ways of using metaphors that can “convey both urgency and uncertainty” (Hulme 347). What Schneider encapsulates here is the great conundrum for those attempting to communicate climate change to the everyday public. How do scientists capture the public’s imagination and convey the desperation they feel about climate change, but do it ethically? If scientific findings are presented carefully, in boring technical jargon that few can understand, then they are unlikely to attract audiences or provide an impetus for behavioural change. “What can move someone to act?” asks communication theorists Susan Moser and Lisa Dilling (37). “If a red light blinks on in a cockpit” asks Donella Meadows, “should the pilot ignore it until in speaks in an unexcited tone? … Is there any way to say [it] sweetly? Patiently? If one did, would anyone pay attention?” (Moser and Dilling 37). In 2010 Tim Flannery was appointed Panasonic Chair in Environmental Sustainability at Macquarie University. His main teaching role remains within the new science communication programme. One of the first things Flannery was emphatic about was acquainting students with Karl Popper and the origin of the scientific method. “There is no truth in science”, he proclaimed in his first lecture to students “only theories, hypotheses and falsifiabilities”. In other words, science’s epistemological limits are framed such that, as Michael Lemonick argues, “a statement that cannot be proven false is generally not considered to be scientific” (n.p., my emphasis). The impetus for the following paper emanates precisely from this issue of scientific uncertainty — more specifically from teaching a course with Tim Flannery called Communicating climate change to a highly motivated group of undergraduate science communication students. I attempt to illuminate how uncertainty is constructed differently by different groups and that the “public” does not necessarily interpret uncertainty in the same way the sciences do. This paper also analyses how doubt has been politicised and operates polemically in media coverage of climate change. As Andrew Gorman-Murray and Gordon Waitt highlight in an earlier issue of M/C Journal that focused on the climate-culture nexus, an understanding of the science alone is not adequate to deal with the cultural change necessary to address the challenges climate change brings (n.p). Far from being redundant in debates around climate change, the humanities have much to offer. Erosion of Trust in Science The objectives of Macquarie’s science communication program are far more ambitious than it can ever hope to achieve. But this is not necessarily a bad thing. The initiative is a response to declining student numbers in maths and science programmes around the country and is designed to address the perceived lack of communication skills in science graduates that the Australian Council of Deans of Science identified in their 2001 report. According to Macquarie Vice Chancellor Steven Schwartz’s blog, a broader, and much more ambitious aim of the program is to “restore public trust in science and scientists in the face of widespread cynicism” (n.p.). In recent times the erosion of public trust in science was exacerbated through the theft of e-mails from East Anglia University’s Climate Research Unit and the so-called “climategate scandal” which ensued. With the illegal publication of the e-mails came claims against the Research Unit that climate experts had been manipulating scientific data to suit a pro-global warming agenda. Three inquiries later, all the scientists involved were cleared of any wrongdoing, however the damage had already been done. To the public, what this scandal revealed was a certain level of scientific hubris around the uncertainties of the science and an unwillingness to explain the nature of these uncertainties. The prevailing notion remained that the experts were keeping information from public scrutiny and not being totally honest with them, which at least in the short term, damaged the scientists’s credibility. Many argued that this signalled a shift in public opinion and media portrayal on the issue of climate change in late 2009. University of Sydney academic, Rod Tiffen, claimed in the Sydney Morning Herald that the climategate scandal was “one of the pivotal moments in changing the politics of climate change” (n.p). In Australia this had profound implications and meant that the bipartisan agreement on an emissions trading scheme (ETS) that had almost been reached, subsequently collapsed with (climate sceptic) Tony Abbott's defeat of (ETS advocate) Malcolm Turnbull to become opposition leader (Tiffen). Not long after the reputation of science received this almighty blow, albeit unfairly, the federal government released a report in February 2010, Inspiring Australia – A national strategy for engagement with the sciences as part of the country’s innovation agenda. The report outlines a commitment from the Australian government and universities around the country to address the challenges of not only communicating science to the broader community but, in the process, renewing public trust and engagement in science. The report states that: in order to achieve a scientifically engaged Australia, it will be necessary to develop a culture where the sciences are recognized as relevant to everyday life … Our science institutions will be expected to share their knowledge and to help realize full social, economic, health and environmental benefits of scientific research and in return win ongoing public support. (xiv-xv) After launching the report, Innovation Minister Kim Carr went so far as to conflate “hope” with “science” and in the process elevate a discourse of technological determinism: “it’s time for all true friends of science to step up and defend its values and achievements” adding that, "when you denigrate science, you destroy hope” (n.p.). Forever gone is our naïve post-war world when scientists were held in such high esteem that they could virtually use humans as guinea pigs to test out new wonder chemicals; such as organochlorines, of which DDT is the most widely known (Carson). Thanks to government-sponsored nuclear testing programs, if you were born in the 1950s, 1960s or early 1970s, your brain carries a permanent nuclear legacy (Flannery, Here On Earth 158). So surely, for the most part, questioning the authority and hubristic tendencies of science is a good thing. And I might add, it’s not just scientists who bear this critical burden, the same scepticism is directed towards journalists, politicians and academics alike – something that many cultural theorists have noted is characteristic of our contemporary postmodern world (Lyotard). So far from destroying hope, as the former Innovation Minister Kim Carr (now Minister for Innovation, Industry, Science and Research) suggests, surely we need to use the criticisms of science as a vehicle upon which to initiate hope and humility. Different Ways of Knowing: Bayesian Beliefs and Matters of Concern At best, [science] produces a robust consensus based on a process of inquiry that allows for continued scrutiny, re-examination, and revision. (Oreskes 370) In an attempt to capitalise on the Macquarie Science Faculty’s expertise in climate science, I convened a course in second semester 2010 called SCOM201 Science, Media, Community: Communicating Climate Change, with invaluable assistance from Penny Wilson, Elaine Kelly and Liz Morgan. Mike Hulme’s provocative text, Why we disagree about climate change: Understanding controversy, inaction and opportunity provided an invaluable framework for the course. Hulme’s book brings other types of knowledge, beyond the scientific, to bear on our attitudes towards climate change. Climate change, he claims, has moved from being just a physical, scientific, and measurable phenomenon to becoming a social and cultural phenomenon. In order to understand the contested nature of climate change we need to acknowledge the dynamic and varied meanings climate has played in different cultures throughout history as well as the role that our own subjective attitudes and judgements play. Climate change has become a battleground between different ways of knowing, alternative visions of the future, competing ideas about what’s ethical and what’s not. Hulme makes the point that one of the reasons that we disagree about climate change is because we disagree about the role of science in today’s society. He encourages readers to use climate change as a tool to rigorously question the basis of our beliefs, assumptions and prejudices. Since uncertainty was the course’s raison d’etre, I was fortunate to have an extraordinary cohort of students who readily engaged with a course that forced them to confront their own epistemological limits — both personally and in a disciplinary sense. (See their blog: https://scom201.wordpress.com/). Science is often associated with objective realities. It thus tends to distinguish itself from the post-structuralist vein of critique that dominates much of the contemporary humanities. At the core of post-structuralism is scepticism about everyday, commonly accepted “truths” or what some call “meta-narratives” as well as an acknowledgement of the role that subjectivity plays in the pursuit of knowledge (Lyotard). However if we can’t rely on objective truths or impartial facts then where does this leave us when it comes to generating policy or encouraging behavioural change around the issue of climate change? Controversial philosophy of science scholar Bruno Latour sits squarely in the post-structuralist camp. In his 2004 article, “Why has critique run out of steam? From matters of fact to matters of concern”, he laments the way the right wing has managed to gain ground in the climate change debate through arguing that uncertainty and lack of proof is reason enough to deny demands for action. Or to use his turn-of-phrase, “dangerous extremists are using the very same argument of social construction to destroy hard-won evidence that could save our lives” (Latour n.p). Through co-opting (the Left’s dearly held notion of) scepticism and even calling themselves “climate sceptics”, they exploited doubt as a rationale for why we should do nothing about climate change. Uncertainty is not only an important part of science, but also of the human condition. However, as sociologist Sheila Jasanoff explains in her Nature article, “Technologies of Humility”, uncertainty has become like a disease: Uncertainty has become a threat to collective action, the disease that knowledge must cure. It is the condition that poses cruel dilemmas for decision makers; that must be reduced at all costs; that is tamed with scenarios and assessments; and that feeds the frenzy for new knowledge, much of it scientific. (Jasanoff 33) If we move from talking about climate change as “a matter of fact” to “a matter of concern”, argues Bruno Latour, then we can start talking about useful ways to combat it, rather than talking about whether the science is “in” or not. Facts certainly matter, claims Latour, but they can’t give us the whole story, rather “they assemble with other ingredients to produce a matter of concern” (Potter and Oster 123). Emily Potter and Candice Oster suggest that climate change can’t be understood through either natural or cultural frames alone and, “unlike a matter of fact, matters of concern cannot be explained through a single point of view or discursive frame” (123). This makes a lot of what Hulme argues far more useful because it enables the debate to be taken to another level. Those of us with non-scientific expertise can centre debates around the kinds of societies we want, rather than being caught up in the scientific (un)certainties. If we translate Latour’s concept of climate change being “a matter of concern” into the discourse of environmental management then what we come up with, I think, is the “precautionary principle”. In the YouTube clip, “Stephen Schneider vs Skeptics”, Schneider argues that when in doubt about the potential environmental impacts of climate change, we should always apply the precautionary principle. This principle emerged from the UN conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 and concerns the management of scientific risk. However its origins are evident much earlier in documents such as the “Use of Pesticides” from US President’s Science Advisory Committee in 1962. Unlike in criminal and other types of law where the burden of proof is on the prosecutor to show that the person charged is guilty of a particular offence, in environmental law the onus of proof is on the manufacturers to demonstrate the safety of their product. For instance, a pesticide should be restricted or disproved for use if there is “reasonable doubt” about its safety (Oreskes 374). Principle 15 of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development in 1992 has its foundations in the precautionary principle: “Where there are threats of serious or irreversible environmental damage, lack of full scientific certainty should not be used as a reason for postponing measures to prevent environmental degradation” (n.p). According to Environmental Law Online, the Rio declaration suggests that, “The precautionary principle applies where there is a ‘lack of full scientific certainty’ – that is, when science cannot say what consequences to expect, how grave they are, or how likely they are to occur” (n.p.). In order to make predictions about the likelihood of an event occurring, scientists employ a level of subjectivity, or need to “reveal their degree of belief that a prediction will turn out to be correct … [S]omething has to substitute for this lack of certainty” otherwise “the only alternative is to admit that absolutely nothing is known” (Hulme 85). These statements of “subjective probabilities or beliefs” are called Bayesian, after eighteenth century English mathematician Sir Thomas Bayes who developed the theory of evidential probability. These “probabilities” are estimates, or in other words, subjective, informed judgements that draw upon evidence and experience about the likelihood of event occurring. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) uses Bayesian beliefs to determine the risk or likelihood of an event occurring. The IPCC provides the largest international scientific assessment of climate change and often adopts a consensus model where viewpoint reached by the majority of scientists is used to establish knowledge amongst an interdisciplinary community of scientists and then communicate it to the public (Hulme 88). According to the IPCC, this consensus is reached amongst more than more than 450 lead authors, more than 800 contributing authors, and 2500 scientific reviewers. While it is an advisory body and is not policy-prescriptive, the IPCC adopts particular linguistic conventions to indicate the probability of a statement being correct. Stephen Schneider convinced the IPCC to use this approach to systemise uncertainty (Lemonick). So for instance, in the IPCC reports, the term “likely” denotes a chance of 66%-90% of the statement being correct, while “very likely” denotes more than a 90% chance. Note the change from the Third Assessment Report (2001), indicating that “most of the observed warming in over the last fifty years is likely to have been due to the increase in greenhouse gas emissions” to the Fourth Assessment (February 2007) which more strongly states: “Most of the observed increase in global average temperatures since the mid twentieth century is very likely due to the observed increase in anthropogenic greenhouse gas concentrations” (Hulme 51, my italics). A fiery attack on Tim Flannery by Andrew Bolt on Steve Price’s talkback radio show in June 2010 illustrates just how misunderstood scientific uncertainty is in the broader community. When Price introduces Flannery as former Australian of the Year, Bolt intercedes, claiming Flannery is “Alarmist of the Year”, then goes on to chastise Flannery for making various forecasts which didn’t eventuate, such as that Perth and Brisbane might run out of water by 2009. “How much are you to blame for the swing in sentiment, the retreat from global warming policy and rise of scepticism?” demands Bolt. In the context of the events of late 2009 and early 2010, the fact that these events didn’t materialise made Flannery, and others, seem unreliable. And what Bolt had to say on talkback radio, I suspect, resonated with a good proportion of its audience. What Bolt was trying to do was discredit Flannery’s scientific credentials and in the process erode trust in the expert. Flannery’s response was to claim that, what he said was that these events might eventuate. In much the same way that the climate sceptics have managed to co-opt scepticism and use it as a rationale for inaction on climate change, Andrew Bolt here either misunderstands basic scientific method or quite consciously misleads and manipulates the public. As Naomi Oreskes argues, “proof does not play the role in science that most people think it does (or should), and therefore it cannot play the role in policy that skeptics demand it should” (Oreskes 370). Doubt and ‘Situated’ Hope Uncertainty and ambiguity then emerge here as resources because they force us to confront those things we really want–not safety in some distant, contested future but justice and self-understanding now. (Sheila Jasanoff, cited in Hulme, back cover) In his last published book before his death in mid-2010, Science as a contact sport, Stephen Schneider’s advice to aspiring science communicators is that they should engage with the media “not at all, or a lot”. Climate scientist Ann Henderson-Sellers adds that there are very few scientists “who have the natural ability, and learn or cultivate the talents, of effective communication with and through the media” (430). In order to attract the public’s attention, it was once commonplace for scientists to write editorials and exploit fear-provoking measures by including a “useful catastrophe or two” (Moser and Dilling 37). But are these tactics effective? Susanne Moser thinks not. She argues that “numerous studies show that … fear may change attitudes … but not necessarily increase active engagement or behaviour change” (Moser 70). Furthermore, risk psychologists argue that danger is always context specific (Hulme 196). If the risk or danger is “situated” and “tangible” (such as lead toxicity levels in children in Mt Isa from the Xstrata mine) then the public will engage with it. However if it is “un-situated” (distant, intangible and diffuse) like climate change, the audience is less likely to. In my SCOM201 class we examined the impact of two climate change-related campaigns. The first one was a short film used to promote the 2010 Copenhagen Climate Change Summit (“Scary”) and the second was the State Government of Victoria’s “You have the power: Save Energy” public awareness campaign (“You”). Using Moser’s article to guide them, students evaluated each campaign’s effectiveness. Their conclusions were that the “You have the power” campaign had far more impact because it a) had very clear objectives (to cut domestic power consumption) b) provided a very clear visualisation of carbon dioxide through the metaphor of black balloons wafting up into the atmosphere, c) gave viewers a sense of empowerment and hope through describing simple measures to cut power consumption and, d) used simple but effective metaphors to convey a world progressed beyond human control, such as household appliances robotically operating themselves in the absence of humans. Despite its high production values, in comparison, the Copenhagen Summit promotion was more than ineffective and bordered on propaganda. It actually turned viewers off with its whining, righteous appeal of, “please help the world”. Its message and objectives were ambiguous, it conveyed environmental catastrophe through hackneyed images, exploited children through a narrative based on fear and gave no real sense of hope or empowerment. In contrast the Victorian Government’s campaign focused on just one aspect of climate change that was made both tangible and situated. Doubt and uncertainty are productive tools in the pursuit of knowledge. Whether it is scientific or otherwise, uncertainty will always be the motivation that “feeds the frenzy for new knowledge” (Jasanoff 33). Articulating the importance of Hulme’s book, Sheila Jasanoff indicates we should make doubt our friend, “Without downplaying its seriousness, Hulme demotes climate change from ultimate threat to constant companion, whose murmurs unlock in us the instinct for justice and equality” (Hulme back cover). The “murmurs” that Jasanoff gestures to here, I think, can also be articulated as hope. And it is in this discussion of climate change that doubt and hope sit side-by-side as bedfellows, mutually entangled. Since the “failed” Copenhagen Summit, there has been a distinct shift in climate change discourse from “experts”. We have moved away from doom and gloom discourses and into the realm of what I shall call “situated” hope. “Situated” hope is not based on blind faith alone, but rather hope grounded in evidence, informed judgements and experience. For instance, in distinct contrast to his cautionary tale The Weather Makers: The History & Future Impact of Climate Change, Tim Flannery’s latest book, Here on Earth is a biography of our Earth; a planet that throughout its history has oscillated between Gaian and Medean impulses. However Flannery’s wonder about the natural world and our potential to mitigate the impacts of climate change is not founded on empty rhetoric but rather tempered by evidence; he presents a series of case studies where humanity has managed to come together for a global good. Whether it’s the 1987 Montreal ban on CFCs (chlorinated fluorocarbons) or the lesser-known 2001 Stockholm Convention on POP (Persistent Organic Pollutants), what Flannery envisions is an emerging global civilisation, a giant, intelligent super-organism glued together through social bonds. He says: If that is ever achieved, the greatest transformation in the history of our planet would have occurred, for Earth would then be able to act as if it were as Francis Bacon put it all those centuries ago, ‘one entire, perfect living creature’. (Here on Earth, 279) While science might give us “our most reliable understanding of the natural world” (Oreskes 370), “situated” hope is the only productive and ethical currency we have. ReferencesAustralian Council of Deans of Science. What Did You Do with Your Science Degree? A National Study of Employment Outcomes for Science Degree Holders 1990-2000. Melbourne: Centre for the Study of Higher Education, University of Melbourne, 2001. Australian Government Department of Innovation, Industry, Science and Research, Inspiring Australia – A National Strategy for Engagement with the Sciences. Executive summary. Canberra: DIISR, 2010. 24 May 2010 ‹http://www.innovation.gov.au/SCIENCE/INSPIRINGAUSTRALIA/Documents/InspiringAustraliaSummary.pdf›. “Andrew Bolt with Tim Flannery.” Steve Price. Hosted by Steve Price. Melbourne: Melbourne Talkback Radio, 2010. 9 June 2010 ‹http://www.mtr1377.com.au/index2.php?option=com_newsmanager&task=view&id=6209›. Carson, Rachel. Silent Spring. London: Penguin, 1962 (2000). Carr, Kim. “Celebrating Nobel Laureate Professor Elizabeth Blackburn.” Canberra: DIISR, 2010. 19 Feb. 2010 ‹http://minister.innovation.gov.au/Carr/Pages/CELEBRATINGNOBELLAUREATEPROFESSORELIZABETHBLACKBURN.aspx›. Environmental Law Online. “The Precautionary Principle.” N.d. 19 Jan 2011 ‹http://www.envirolaw.org.au/articles/precautionary_principle›. Flannery, Tim. The Weather Makers: The History & Future Impact of Climate Change. Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2005. ———. Here on Earth: An Argument for Hope. Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2010. Gorman-Murray, Andrew, and Gordon Waitt. “Climate and Culture.” M/C Journal 12.4 (2009). 9 Mar 2011 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/viewArticle/184/0›. Harrison, Karey. “How ‘Inconvenient’ Is Al Gore’s Climate Change Message?” M/C Journal 12.4 (2009). 9 Mar 2011 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/viewArticle/175›. 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Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1984. Moser, Susanne, and Lisa Dilling. “Making Climate Hot: Communicating the Urgency and Challenge of Global Climate Change.” Environment 46.10 (2004): 32-46. Moser, Susie. “More Bad News: The Risk of Neglecting Emotional Responses to Climate Change Information.” In Susanne Moser and Lisa Dilling (eds.), Creating a Climate for Change: Communicating Climate Change and Facilitating Social Change. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2007. 64-81. Oreskes, Naomi. “Science and Public Policy: What’s Proof Got to Do with It?” Environmental Science and Policy 7 (2004): 369-383. Potter, Emily, and Candice Oster. “Communicating Climate Change: Public Responsiveness and Matters of Concern.” Media International Australia 127 (2008): 116-126. President’s Science Advisory Committee. “Use of Pesticides”. Washington, D.C.: The White House, 1963. United Nations Declaration on Environment and Development. Rio de Janeiro, 1992. 19 Jan 2011 ‹http://www.unep.org/Documents.Multilingual/Default.asp?DocumentID=78&ArticleID=1163›. “Scary Global Warming Propaganda Video Shown at the Copenhagen Climate Meeting – 7 Dec. 2009.” YouTube. 21 Mar. 2011‹http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jzSuP_TMFtk&feature=related›. Schneider, Stephen. Science as a Contact Sport: Inside the Battle to Save Earth’s Climate. National Geographic Society, 2010. ———. “Stephen Schneider vs. the Sceptics”. YouTube. 21 Mar. 2011 ‹http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7rj1QcdEqU0›. Schwartz, Steven. “Science in Search of a New Formula.” 2010. 20 May 2010 ‹http://www.vc.mq.edu.au/blog/2010/03/11/science-in-search-of-a-new-formula/›. Tiffen, Rodney. "You Wouldn't Read about It: Climate Scientists Right." 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IntroductionFirmly located within the discourse of visible culture as the lofty preserve of art exhibitions and museum artefacts, the noun “curate” has gradually transformed into the verb “to curate”. Williams writes that “curate” has become a fashionable code word among the aesthetically minded to describe a creative activity. Designers no longer simply sell clothes; they “curate” merchandise. Chefs no longer only make food; they also “curate” meals. Chosen for their keen eye for a particular style or a precise shade, it is their knowledge of their craft, their reputation, and their sheer ability to choose among countless objects which make the creative process a creative activity in itself. Writing from within the framework of “curate” as a creative process, this article discusses how the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, hosted by Irish President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in May 2011, was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity. The paper will focus in particular on how the menu for the banquet was created and how the banquet’s brief, “Ireland on a Plate”, was fulfilled.History and BackgroundFood has been used by nations for centuries to display wealth, cement alliances, and impress foreign visitors. Since the feasts of the Numidian kings (circa 340 BC), culinary staging and presentation has belonged to “a long, multifaceted and multicultural history of diplomatic practices” (IEHCA 5). According to the works of Baughman, Young, and Albala, food has defined the social, cultural, and political position of a nation’s leaders throughout history.In early 2011, Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant in Dublin, was asked by the Irish Food Board, Bord Bía, if he would be available to create a menu for a high-profile banquet (Mahon 112). The name of the guest of honour was divulged several weeks later after vetting by the protocol and security divisions of the Department of the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Lewis was informed that the menu was for the state banquet to be hosted by President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in honour of Queen Elizabeth II’s visit to Ireland the following May.Hosting a formal banquet for a visiting head of state is a key feature in the statecraft of international and diplomatic relations. Food is the societal common denominator that links all human beings, regardless of culture (Pliner and Rozin 19). When world leaders publicly share a meal, that meal is laden with symbolism, illuminating each diner’s position “in social networks and social systems” (Sobal, Bove, and Rauschenbach 378). The public nature of the meal signifies status and symbolic kinship and that “guest and host are on par in terms of their personal or official attributes” (Morgan 149). While the field of academic scholarship on diplomatic dining might be young, there is little doubt of the value ascribed to the semiotics of diplomatic gastronomy in modern power structures (Morgan 150; De Vooght and Scholliers 12; Chapple-Sokol 162), for, as Firth explains, symbols are malleable and perfectly suited to exploitation by all parties (427).Political DiplomacyWhen Ireland gained independence in December 1921, it marked the end of eight centuries of British rule. The outbreak of “The Troubles” in 1969 in Northern Ireland upset the gradually improving environment of British–Irish relations, and it would be some time before a state visit became a possibility. Beginning with the peace process in the 1990s, the IRA ceasefire of 1994, and the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, a state visit was firmly set in motion by the visit of Irish President Mary Robinson to Buckingham Palace in 1993, followed by the unofficial visit of the Prince of Wales to Ireland in 1995, and the visit of Irish President Mary McAleese to Buckingham Palace in 1999. An official invitation to Queen Elizabeth from President Mary McAleese in March 2011 was accepted, and the visit was scheduled for mid-May of the same year.The visit was a highly performative occasion, orchestrated and ordained in great detail, displaying all the necessary protocol associated with the state visit of one head of state to another: inspection of the military, a courtesy visit to the nation’s head of state on arrival, the laying of a wreath at the nation’s war memorial, and a state banquet.These aspects of protocol between Britain and Ireland were particularly symbolic. By inspecting the military on arrival, the existence of which is a key indicator of independence, Queen Elizabeth effectively demonstrated her recognition of Ireland’s national sovereignty. On making the customary courtesy call to the head of state, the Queen was received by President McAleese at her official residence Áras an Uachtaráin (The President’s House), which had formerly been the residence of the British monarch’s representative in Ireland (Robbins 66). The state banquet was held in Dublin Castle, once the headquarters of British rule where the Viceroy, the representative of Britain’s Court of St James, had maintained court (McDowell 1).Cultural DiplomacyThe state banquet provided an exceptional showcase of Irish culture and design and generated a level of preparation previously unseen among Dublin Castle staff, who described it as “the most stage managed state event” they had ever witnessed (Mahon 129).The castle was cleaned from top to bottom, and inventories were taken of the furniture and fittings. The Waterford Crystal chandeliers were painstakingly taken down, cleaned, and reassembled; the Killybegs carpets and rugs of Irish lamb’s wool were cleaned and repaired. A special edition Newbridge Silverware pen was commissioned for Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip to sign the newly ordered Irish leather-bound visitors’ book. A new set of state tableware was ordered for the President’s table. Irish manufacturers of household goods necessary for the guest rooms, such as towels and soaps, hand creams and body lotions, candle holders and scent diffusers, were sought. Members of Her Majesty’s staff conducted a “walk-through” several weeks in advance of the visit to ensure that the Queen’s wardrobe would not clash with the surroundings (Mahon 129–32).The promotion of Irish manufacture is a constant thread throughout history. Irish linen, writes Kane, enjoyed a reputation as far afield as the Netherlands and Italy in the 15th century, and archival documents from the Vaucluse attest to the purchase of Irish cloth in Avignon in 1432 (249–50). Support for Irish-made goods was raised in 1720 by Jonathan Swift, and by the 18th century, writes Foster, Dublin had become an important centre for luxury goods (44–51).It has been Irish government policy since the late 1940s to use Irish-manufactured goods for state entertaining, so the material culture of the banquet was distinctly Irish: Arklow Pottery plates, Newbridge Silverware cutlery, Waterford Crystal glassware, and Irish linen tablecloths. In order to decide upon the table setting for the banquet, four tables were laid in the King’s Bedroom in Dublin Castle. The Executive Chef responsible for the banquet menu, and certain key personnel, helped determine which setting would facilitate serving the food within the time schedule allowed (Mahon 128–29). The style of service would be service à la russe, so widespread in restaurants today as to seem unremarkable. Each plate is prepared in the kitchen by the chef and then served to each individual guest at table. In the mid-19th century, this style of service replaced service à la française, in which guests typically entered the dining room after the first course had been laid on the table and selected food from the choice of dishes displayed around them (Kaufman 126).The guest list was compiled by government and embassy officials on both sides and was a roll call of Irish and British life. At the President’s table, 10 guests would be served by a team of 10 staff in Dorchester livery. The remaining tables would each seat 12 guests, served by 12 liveried staff. The staff practiced for several days prior to the banquet to make sure that service would proceed smoothly within the time frame allowed. The team of waiters, each carrying a plate, would emerge from the kitchen in single file. They would then take up positions around the table, each waiter standing to the left of the guest they would serve. On receipt of a discreet signal, each plate would be laid in front of each guest at precisely the same moment, after which the waiters would then about foot and return to the kitchen in single file (Mahon 130).Post-prandial entertainment featured distinctive styles of performance and instruments associated with Irish traditional music. These included reels, hornpipes, and slipjigs, voice and harp, sean-nόs (old style) singing, and performances by established Irish artists on the fiddle, bouzouki, flute, and uilleann pipes (Office of Public Works).Culinary Diplomacy: Ireland on a PlateLewis was given the following brief: the menu had to be Irish, the main course must be beef, and the meal should represent the very best of Irish ingredients. There were no restrictions on menu design. There were no dietary requirements or specific requests from the Queen’s representatives, although Lewis was informed that shellfish is excluded de facto from Irish state banquets as a precautionary measure. The meal was to be four courses long and had to be served to 170 diners within exactly 1 hour and 10 minutes (Mahon 112). A small army of 16 chefs and 4 kitchen porters would prepare the food in the kitchen of Dublin Castle under tight security. The dishes would be served on state tableware by 40 waiters, 6 restaurant managers, a banqueting manager and a sommélier. Lewis would be at the helm of the operation as Executive Chef (Mahon 112–13).Lewis started by drawing up “a patchwork quilt” of the products he most wanted to use and built the menu around it. The choice of suppliers was based on experience but also on a supplier’s ability to deliver perfectly ripe goods in mid-May, a typically black spot in the Irish fruit and vegetable growing calendar as it sits between the end of one season and the beginning of another. Lewis consulted the Queen’s itinerary and the menus to be served so as to avoid repetitions. He had to discard his initial plan to feature lobster in the starter and rhubarb in the dessert—the former for the precautionary reasons mentioned above, and the latter because it featured on the Queen’s lunch menu on the day of the banquet (Mahon 112–13).Once the ingredients had been selected, the menu design focused on creating tastes, flavours and textures. Several draft menus were drawn up and myriad dishes were tasted and discussed in the kitchen of Lewis’s own restaurant. Various wines were paired and tasted with the different courses, the final choice being a Château Lynch-Bages 1998 red and a Château de Fieuzal 2005 white, both from French Bordeaux estates with an Irish connection (Kellaghan 3). Two months and two menu sittings later, the final menu was confirmed and signed off by state and embassy officials (Mahon 112–16).The StarterThe banquet’s starter featured organic Clare Island salmon cured in a sweet brine, laid on top of a salmon cream combining wild smoked salmon from the Burren and Cork’s Glenilen Farm crème fraîche, set over a lemon balm jelly from the Tannery Cookery School Gardens, Waterford. Garnished with horseradish cream, wild watercress, and chive flowers from Wicklow, the dish was finished with rapeseed oil from Kilkenny and a little sea salt from West Cork (Mahon 114). Main CourseA main course of Irish beef featured as the pièce de résistance of the menu. A rib of beef from Wexford’s Slaney Valley was provided by Kettyle Irish Foods in Fermanagh and served with ox cheek and tongue from Rathcoole, County Dublin. From along the eastern coastline came the ingredients for the traditional Irish dish of smoked champ: cabbage from Wicklow combined with potatoes and spring onions grown in Dublin. The new season’s broad beans and carrots were served with wild garlic leaf, which adorned the dish (Mahon 113). Cheese CourseThe cheese course was made up of Knockdrinna, a Tomme style goat’s milk cheese from Kilkenny; Milleens, a Munster style cow’s milk cheese produced in Cork; Cashel Blue, a cow’s milk blue cheese from Tipperary; and Glebe Brethan, a Comté style cheese from raw cow’s milk from Louth. Ditty’s Oatmeal Biscuits from Belfast accompanied the course.DessertLewis chose to feature Irish strawberries in the dessert. Pat Clarke guaranteed delivery of ripe strawberries on the day of the banquet. They married perfectly with cream and yoghurt from Glenilen Farm in Cork. The cream was set with Irish Carrageen moss, overlaid with strawberry jelly and sauce, and garnished with meringues made with Irish apple balsamic vinegar from Lusk in North Dublin, yoghurt mousse, and Irish soda bread tuiles made with wholemeal flour from the Mosse family mill in Kilkenny (Mahon 113).The following day, President McAleese telephoned Lewis, saying of the banquet “Ní hé go raibh sé go maith, ach go raibh sé míle uair níos fearr ná sin” (“It’s not that it was good but that it was a thousand times better”). The President observed that the menu was not only delicious but that it was “amazingly articulate in terms of the story that it told about Ireland and Irish food.” The Queen had particularly enjoyed the stuffed cabbage leaf of tongue, cheek and smoked colcannon (a traditional Irish dish of mashed potatoes with curly kale or green cabbage) and had noted the diverse selection of Irish ingredients from Irish artisans (Mahon 116). Irish CuisineWhen the topic of food is explored in Irish historiography, the focus tends to be on the consequences of the Great Famine (1845–49) which left the country “socially and emotionally scarred for well over a century” (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher 161). Some commentators consider the term “Irish cuisine” oxymoronic, according to Mac Con Iomaire and Maher (3). As Goldstein observes, Ireland has suffered twice—once from its food deprivation and second because these deprivations present an obstacle for the exploration of Irish foodways (xii). Writing about Italian, Irish, and Jewish migration to America, Diner states that the Irish did not have a food culture to speak of and that Irish writers “rarely included the details of food in describing daily life” (85). Mac Con Iomaire and Maher note that Diner’s methodology overlooks a centuries-long tradition of hospitality in Ireland such as that described by Simms (68) and shows an unfamiliarity with the wealth of food related sources in the Irish language, as highlighted by Mac Con Iomaire (“Exploring” 1–23).Recent scholarship on Ireland’s culinary past is unearthing a fascinating story of a much more nuanced culinary heritage than has been previously understood. This is clearly demonstrated in the research of Cullen, Cashman, Deleuze, Kellaghan, Kelly, Kennedy, Legg, Mac Con Iomaire, Mahon, O’Sullivan, Richman Kenneally, Sexton, and Stanley, Danaher, and Eogan.In 1996 Ireland was described by McKenna as having the most dynamic cuisine in any European country, a place where in the last decade “a vibrant almost unlikely style of cooking has emerged” (qtd. in Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 136). By 2014, there were nine restaurants in Dublin which had been awarded Michelin stars or Red Ms (Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 137). Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant, who would be chosen to create the menu for the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, has maintained a Michelin star since 2008 (Mac Con Iomaire, “Jammet’s” 138). Most recently the current strength of Irish gastronomy is globally apparent in Mark Moriarty’s award as San Pellegrino Young Chef 2015 (McQuillan). As Deleuze succinctly states: “Ireland has gone mad about food” (143).This article is part of a research project into Irish diplomatic dining, and the author is part of a research cluster into Ireland’s culinary heritage within the Dublin Institute of Technology. The aim of the research is to add to the growing body of scholarship on Irish gastronomic history and, ultimately, to contribute to the discourse on the existence of a national cuisine. If, as Zubaida says, “a nation’s cuisine is its court’s cuisine,” then it is time for Ireland to “research the feasts as well as the famines” (Mac Con Iomaire and Cashman 97).ConclusionThe Irish state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II in May 2011 was a highly orchestrated and formalised process. From the menu, material culture, entertainment, and level of consultation in the creative content, it is evident that the banquet was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity.The effects of the visit appear to have been felt in the years which have followed. Hennessy wrote in the Irish Times newspaper that Queen Elizabeth is privately said to regard her visit to Ireland as the most significant of the trips she has made during her 60-year reign. British Prime Minister David Cameron is noted to mention the visit before every Irish audience he encounters, and British Foreign Secretary William Hague has spoken in particular of the impact the state banquet in Dublin Castle made upon him. Hennessy points out that one of the most significant indicators of the peaceful relationship which exists between the two countries nowadays was the subsequent state visit by Irish President Michael D. Higgins to Britain in 2013. This was the first state visit to the United Kingdom by a President of Ireland and would have been unimaginable 25 years ago. The fact that the President and his wife stayed at Windsor Castle and that the attendant state banquet was held there instead of Buckingham Palace were both deemed to be marks of special favour and directly attributed to the success of Her Majesty’s 2011 visit to Ireland.As the research demonstrates, eating together unites rather than separates, gathers rather than divides, diffuses political tensions, and confirms alliances. It might be said then that the 2011 state banquet hosted by President Mary McAleese in honour of Queen Elizabeth II, curated by Ross Lewis, gives particular meaning to the axiom “to eat together is to eat in peace” (Taliano des Garets 160).AcknowledgementsSupervisors: Dr Máirtín Mac Con Iomaire (Dublin Institute of Technology) and Dr Michael Kennedy (Royal Irish Academy)Fáilte IrelandPhotos of the banquet dishes supplied and permission to reproduce them for this article kindly granted by Ross Lewis, Chef Patron, Chapter One Restaurant ‹http://www.chapteronerestaurant.com/›.Illustration ‘Ireland on a Plate’ © Jesse Campbell BrownRemerciementsThe author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their feedback and suggestions on an earlier draft of this article.ReferencesAlbala, Ken. The Banquet: Dining in the Great Courts of Late Renaissance Europe. 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