Journal articles on the topic 'United Nations. Economic Commission for Latin America'

This paper consists of a rhetorical interpretation of two essays published fifty years ago, at the beginning of the so-called “Latin American economic school.” Both were written by the Argentinean economist Raúl Prebisch (1901–1986), who was then working at the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA). As the most prominent Latin American economist, Prebisch fostered the construction of a theoretical framework that heavily influenced Latin American development policies after World War II.

This paper analyzes the challenges to eradicate poverty and extreme poverty in Latin America. Moreover, it seeks to understand the recommendations from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights on this topic. Accordingly, this paper focuses on the United Nations and the Inter-American human rights systems to combat poverty (the legal instruments and monitoring bodies) and the goals states need to follow to better protect economic, social and cultural rights, and to provide an effective access to justice in the Americas.

Abstract Latin America played a crucial role in furthering the cause of human rights at the nascent United Nations (UN) when great powers were mostly interested in limiting the scope to issues of collective security. Following this line of thought, this article aims to understand the Latin American contributions to the promotion of ESCRs in both global and regional debates by tracing the figure of the Chilean diplomat Hernán Santa-Cruz and his efforts as both a drafter of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and founder of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). In Santa-Cruz’s silhouette we can find a vivid example of Latin American thought regarding social rights, marked by the intersections and contradictions of regional discourses such as social Catholicism, socialist constitutionalism, and developmentalist economic theories.

The paper analyzes the rise of the Latin American-based inertial inflation theory. Starting in the 1950s, various traditions in economics purported to explain the concept of “inflation inertia.” Contributions ranging from Celso Furtado and Mário Henrique Simonsen to James Tobin anticipated key aspects of what later became the inertial inflation hypothesis, building it into either mathematical or conceptual frameworks compatible with the then contemporaneous macroeconomic theory. In doing so, they bridged the analytical gap with the North American developments while maintaining the key features of the CEPAL (United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean) approach, such as distributional conflicts and local institutional details. These contributions eventually influenced the second moment of the monetarist–structuralist controversy that unraveled in the 1980s. The paper also highlights how later works by structuralist economists gradually stripped the inertial inflation approach of its previous substance and form, thereby unearthing tensions among Latin American structuralists that led to the eventual decline of this research program.

Particularly, beginning the 21st century the Political landscape saliently changed and shifted to debunk the notion of "the end of history" in South America. Several Latin American scholars including Bjorn Hettne, Osvaldo Sunkel, and Philippe De Lombaerde and the international organizations including United Nations for Latin American Economic Commission (UN ECLAC) have paid attention to the left-leaning governments which have eventually governed these states. In this vein, this study (as an initial step for the research proposal) attempts to understand the logic of (new) regionalism under globalism and particularly to contribute to its academic value. This study is mainly approaching the subject from a theoretical foundation in order to understand and then to apply the rationale of politically-oriented regional institutions.

This article analyzes the behavior of gender indicators on the economic, physical, and decision-making autonomy of Latin-American women, based on data compiled and published in 2020 by the Gender Equality Observatory of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), for 17 countries. Using the HJ-Biplot multivariate technique, it is concluded that the three evaluated areas interact with each other, in such a way that they cannot be interpreted in isolation because their relationships and interdependencies explain the differences in the participation of men and women in the socioeconomic and political environment of the nations in the region. Additionally, it is concluded that in countries such as Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Bolivia, and Ecuador, greater public policy actions are required to seek the economic empowerment of women; while in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia, laws are necessary to regulate violence against women. It is necessary to continue promoting gender equality in the region as a determinant factor in methodological frameworks and transformational policies to enable moving towards the construction of sustainable societies and economies.

O presente artigo aborda a noção hegemonia dissociada como forma de entender o projeto ideológico da Comissão Econômica para América Latina (CEPAL) nos anos de 1950 a 1960. Entende-se que a CEPAL contribuiu para a construção do pensamento moderno na América Latina ao incentivar a formação de novos pesquisadores e na construção da Teoria do Subdesenvolvimento, corrente teórica que rompe com os escritos advindos das Nações Unidas e que procura explicar a realidade latino-americana a partir de dentro, focando na saída da condição subdesenvolvida por meio da ampliação e construção do parque industrial. Utilizamos os escritos gramscianos para compreender esse momento hegemônico de reorganização dos Estados latino-americanos em que a CEPAL serviu para dar suporte no projeto de desenvolvimento econômico voltado para a supressão da condição de subdesenvolvimento e também como manifestação que se dissocia dos preceitos das Nações Unidas da qual a CEPAL estava subordinada teoricamente. Nesse sentido, o termo hegemonia dissociada ajuda a realocar o papel da CEPAL nos anos de 1950 e 1960 como a luz capaz de levar a modernidade para a periferia do capitalismo.Palavras-chave: Hegemonia Dissociada; CEPAL; Desenvolvimento Econômico. THE DISSOCIATED HEGEMONY AND THE IDEOLOGICAL ROLE OF CEPAL IN THE YEARS 1950 TO 1960AbstractThis article addresses the concept of dissociated hegemony as un way of understanding the ideological project of the Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) in the years 1950 to 1960. It is understood that CEPAL contributed to the construction of modern thinking in Latin America by encouraging formation of new researchers and the construction of the Theory of Underdevelopment, a theoretical current that breaks with the writings of the United Nations and seeks to explain the Latin American reality from within focusing on the way out of the underdeveloped condition through the expansion and construction of the industrial park. We use the writings of Gramsci to understand this hegemonic moment of reorganization of the Latin American States in which CEPAL served to support the economic development project aimed at suppressing the condition of underdevelopment and also as a manifestation that dissociates itself from the United Nations because of team cepalino to have been subordinate theoretically. In this sense, the term dissociated hegemony helps to reallocate the role of CEPAL in the 1950s and 1960s as the light that capable of bringing modernity to the periphery of capitalism.Keywords: Dissociated Hegemony; CEPAL; Economic Development.

O presente artigo aborda a noção hegemonia dissociada como forma de entender o projeto ideológico da Comissão Econômica para América Latina (CEPAL) nos anos de 1950 a 1960. Entende-se que a CEPAL contribuiu para a construção do pensamento moderno na América Latina ao incentivar a formação de novos pesquisadores e na construção da Teoria do Subdesenvolvimento, corrente teórica que rompe com os escritos advindos das Nações Unidas e que procura explicar a realidade latino-americana a partir de dentro, focando na saída da condição subdesenvolvida por meio da ampliação e construção do parque industrial. Utilizamos os escritos gramscianos para compreender esse momento hegemônico de reorganização dos Estados latino-americanos em que a CEPAL serviu para dar suporte no projeto de desenvolvimento econômico voltado para a supressão da condição de subdesenvolvimento e também como manifestação que se dissocia dos preceitos das Nações Unidas da qual a CEPAL estava subordinada teoricamente. Nesse sentido, o termo hegemonia dissociada ajuda a realocar o papel da CEPAL nos anos de 1950 e 1960 como a luz capaz de levar a modernidade para a periferia do capitalismo.Palavras-chave: Hegemonia Dissociada; CEPAL; Desenvolvimento Econômico. THE DISSOCIATED HEGEMONY AND THE IDEOLOGICAL ROLE OF CEPAL IN THE YEARS 1950 TO 1960AbstractThis article addresses the concept of dissociated hegemony as un way of understanding the ideological project of the Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) in the years 1950 to 1960. It is understood that CEPAL contributed to the construction of modern thinking in Latin America by encouraging formation of new researchers and the construction of the Theory of Underdevelopment, a theoretical current that breaks with the writings of the United Nations and seeks to explain the Latin American reality from within focusing on the way out of the underdeveloped condition through the expansion and construction of the industrial park. We use the writings of Gramsci to understand this hegemonic moment of reorganization of the Latin American States in which CEPAL served to support the economic development project aimed at suppressing the condition of underdevelopment and also as a manifestation that dissociates itself from the United Nations because of team cepalino to have been subordinate theoretically. In this sense, the term dissociated hegemony helps to reallocate the role of CEPAL in the 1950s and 1960s as the light that capable of bringing modernity to the periphery of capitalism.Keywords: Dissociated Hegemony; CEPAL; Economic Development.

The article focuses on modern development of the transregional cooperation between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). The study is based on official documents, on the European think tanks’ studies, as well as the conceptual vision of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). The research provides the main directions of short-term and medium-term transregional interaction between the EU and LAC. The authors consider the energy transition as one of the promising areas of transatlantic cooperation for the near future which can stimulate economic growth and production transformations in the LAC region. The article addresses the issue of building the strategic autonomy of the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean. The authors describe three scenarios of LAC’s development in terms of transregional cooperation with the EU. It is concluded that the European Union in the context of a changing world order is trying to make Latin America and the Caribbean economically and technologically dependent through the implementation of investment programs as part of the green agenda on the way to an accelerated global energy transition.

The Aarhus Convention concerning the right of information, participation and access to the justice in the environmental field was adopted in 25 June 1998, and came into effect in 30 October 2001 as part of the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (ECE-UN) is open for the adherence for every State even if not located in the European continent. However, in Mars 4, 2018, the Escazú Convention was adopted as a part of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), enshrining the same procedurals rights that Aarhus. The objective of this article is to understand why Latin-American states have chosen to create their own regional convention, even if they could have joined the Aarhus Convention concerning the same rights? The approach used to the making of this article was the bibliographic research et the interpretation of legislation and the conventions. In conclusion there’s two hypotheses justify the adoption of a certain convention, the Escazú Convention could be the answer of the Latin American towards the effectiveness of the Aarhus Convention, for instance minimization of effective realization of judicial protection of environmental rights and also, the Escazú Convention is the translation of the specific conception of environmental protection in Latin America. Also, the study found that States of Latin American and the Caribbean, through preservation of indigenous peoples, are able to transform the concept of sustainable development into so-called "continued development" and "good life" concepts. These concepts are not based on the balance of environmental and economic interests, but on the predominance of the first one. The practical implementation of these ideological foundations must go a long way to being effective, but clear wording of individual legal personality of people in fragile environmental situations, which is expressed in particular at the international level, in our opinion, already, forms the basis for further changes towards saving the planet for future generations.

Abstract The article examines the entangled histories of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) during the post–World War II era. Born of the same global moment, within two decades of their foundation, these institutions had come to represent two opposing visions of world economic order. Yet their mutual antagonism was not a foregone conclusion, and their identities were not so defined from the start. The binary division between them—as well as the very terms of their debate—emerged not in the realm of abstract ideas but rather in their competition over influence in Latin America. Unlike the history of the UN, the story of the IMF continues to be told as one of projection—of power, ideas, and practices—and reception, of dominance by the North and resistance of the South. By looking at CEPAL and the IMF in tandem, as they converged, diverged, and shaped each other, this article shows the impact of a southern institution and Latin America on the northern institution and the structure of global governance. It contributes to our understanding of global institutional history and economic governance, precisely at a moment when global institutions have lost prestige and leverage.

The article examines poverty and inequality as serious long-term and widespread problems in society. Research on poverty has been mainly conducted from the perspective of economics, now the focus has shifted to psychological aspects with an emphasis on the causes and consequences of poverty. The overall economic disaster that COVID-19 will leave in Latin America and the Caribbean remains to be seen, but its impact on social well-being portends a bleak future. After seven years of slow growth, the region's GDP fell 5,3%, the largest drop in a century. According to a joint report submitted by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the impact of the pandemic could plunge an additional 16 million people into extreme poverty in 2020, resulting in 83,4 million Hispanics will live in complete poverty. These organizations warn that hunger will be the biggest problem facing the region, where 53,7 million people are already surviving severely food insecure. The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between poverty and inequality as economic categories in the context of their impact on the countries of Latin America. To do this, the authors examined the key factors affecting poverty and inequality, analyzed trends in poverty and inequality in Latin America and the Latin Basin. The article is based on research on poverty and inequality in macroeconomic theory. In particular, the works of Y. Amiel, F. Cowell, T. Buhard, P. Wizard, the study of socio-economic inequality and the fight against poverty – G. Babeuf, I. Bentham, J. M. Keynes, V. Paret, G. Spencer, L. Erhard, K. Arrow, D. Rocardo, A. Pigou and many others are devoted to the problem of inequality. Significant results of studies of poverty and welfare are given in the works of prominent foreign researchers: P. Townsend, A. Sen, D. Sachs, M. Orshan-sky, T. Marshall, F. Hayek, thanks to which the system of ideas about poverty was formed. The importance of poverty and its impact on government discourses, policies and programs has fueled much research on a Latin American scale. Publications on this topic have been rolled out over the past three decades and have created a veritable battlefield. Poverty reduction is a key development challenge facing Latin America and the Caribbean. Inequality is one of the historical problems in Latin America, one of the factors that most paralyzes the eco-nomic and social aspirations of most countries in the region. Poverty reduction can be understood in both a limited and a broad sense. The first involves a focus on programs and projects that target the poor – vocational training programs for low-income people, food stamps, productivity projects in the informal sector, and care for mothers and children in communities that do not have access to this service, etc. These programs are usually funded from so-called emergency funds and social investments, although they may also be specialized activities of the minis-tries or secretariats that make up the “social sector”. On the other hand, the broader definition of poverty reduction includes economic policies and traditional social policies (especially education and health). One of the main ways to solve this problem in the medium and long term obliges countries to move towards a universal basic income, giving priority to families with children and adolescents, and to maintain universal, comprehensive and sustainable social protection systems, increase their coverage as a central component of the new welfare state. A broad and lasting consensus and political commitment are required to make significant improvements in education, health and well-being. Unfortunately, some Latin American coun-tries have serious governance problems that hinder the effective functioning of democratic systems due to fragmentation and lack of policy consensus. For this reason, stability and continuity of economic and social policies are an indispensable element for the development of nations and the progress of peoples.

In 1949 Raúl Prebisch, an Argentine economist, published a study for the United Nations’ Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA), in which he attributed the failure to reach sustained economic growth in Latin America to the international division of labour. Based on research carried out by ECLA on the terms of trade between manufactures and primary goods, he concluded that – contrary to expectations – they moved against primary products. If prices decline as productivity increases (in competitive markets), industrial goods, where the technological improvements had been more significant, should have declined in price more than agricultural goods. The empirical results of the study showed the opposite.1 If the Latin American countries therefore wanted to benefit from technological progress, they should move towards industrialisation. Almost at the same time, based on the same empirical study, Hans Singer not only argued that the gains from trade had not been distributed equally, but also that foreign investments in the export sector were not part of the domestic economy, but represented an enclave belonging to the countries of the centre which received its benefits.2 Singer advanced an argument that became popular later on; he noted the existence in the underdeveloped countries of a dual economy with two sectors each with different productivity and segmented markets: a modern sector linked to the central countries and a traditional sector linked to the rest of the economy. Also, from the critics of the classical theory of trade, another argument was put forward: the different income elasticities of demand for manufactures and agricultural goods (Engels’ law) suggested that expenditure on agricultural goods would decline in relative terms as incomes rose, hurting the terms of trade for primary products.3

Recent interventions in modern oeuvres of high cultural significance have set new challenges, opening discussion on the various positions associated with their preservation and sustainability. In particular, the relationship between newly conceived architecture and modern heritage, for which the analysis of the design in the original building, the ideas promoted in terms of its significance and the results obtained in material terms, become the key features in each case. The experience of the United Nations ECLAC (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean) building in Santiago, Chile, may, in this sense, be of special interest in order to verify possibilities of sustainability that assume both the contingencies among which the rehabilitation process takes place and the values recognized in the building as monument.

Der zweite Workshop des H2020 Projekts LEARN fand am 6. April 2016 an der Universität Wien statt. Die Veranstaltung lief unter dem Titel „Research Data Management towards Open Science – The Importance of Policies“ und wurde gemeinsam mit den Partnern des University College London (UCL), University of Barcelona, LIBER and the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) ausgerichtet. Ziel des Workshops war es, die Rollen und Verantwortlichkeiten von unterschiedlichen Stakeholdern – Forschende, Forschungsförderer, Forschungseinrichtungen und Entscheidungsträger – im Umfeld einer sich rasch wandelnden Infrastruktur- und Forschungslandschaft zu erörtern. Am Vormittag wurden relevante Themen von vier Keynote-Speakers aus UK und Österreich aufbereitet; in den drei Round-Table-Sessions am Nachmittag tauschten die aus insgesamt acht europäischen Ländern stammenden TeilnehmerInnen ihre Erfahrungen zum Thema Policies aus.

The article discusses the content, history of development and theoretical foundations of the regional strategy of digitalization of the economy of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLA), the impact of ECLA on the development of digitalization processes in the region. The acceleration of digitalization processes in the world and in the Latin American region is noted as the leading trend of economic and social life during the coronavirus pandemic and on the way out of the associated crisis. The connection of the ECLA digitalization strategy with the comprehensive regional development strategy put forward in 2010, which is based on the neo-structuralist ideas of the need to transform the production structure of the countries of the region, the elimination of poverty, deep social inequality, as well as with the theory of sustainable development, is traced. The main priorities of the digitalization strategy are identified: ensuring universal access to broadband high-speed Internet, introducing digital technologies into production, helping to digitalize small and medium-sized enterprises, creating a common regional digital market, tax and antimonopoly regulation of the activities of foreign technology companies, security and protection of personal data. The author highly appreciates the role of ECLA in the development of digitalization processes in the region, but expresses doubt about the feasibility of the task of accelerated digital transformation of its economy in the foreseeable future due to barriers associated with the traditional model of development of Latin American countries.

Background: Disasters affect people intensely, with people always at the center as victims or as protagonists of the event. The poorest groups suffer the greatest damages, and if the disasters recur, such groups may get trapped into persistent poverty.Objectives: This work sought to elucidate patterns of Latin American experiences on disasters and responses to them focusing on human elements along the lines of person centered medicine and health (PCM). An effort was made to explore the effects and long-term impact of disasters on health, economy and social life.Method: The relevant literature was reviewed, especially data from the Pan American Health Organization, the Regional Centre for Emergency and Disaster Documentation, the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters. Reciprocal relationships between disasters and urban and social vulnerability were examined.Results: It was noted that people have been always surrounded by natural and man-made threats and that emergencies involving massive destruction have affected populations in relation to multiple causes and sometimes leading to grave social deterioration and precariousness. Indicators of person centered medicine appeared to be present in much of the reviewed Latin American disasters literature. Discussion: Disasters have social and cultural backgrounds and contexts and represent high economic and social burdens for low-resource countries. Disasters and their impact tend to correlate with social disorganization and deficient status of prevailing health policies. Feelings of helplessness undermine political confidence and threaten governance and development. The Latin American region is beginning to express high interest on PCM and on its implementation, in relation to renewed concern for ethics and human values. The promising value of person-centered educational exercises to enhance disaster preparedness was illustrated.

Este estudo parte dos Relatórios de Desenvolvimento Humano Regional e Global sobre o tráfico laboral de pessoas, ambos pertencentes à Organização das Nações Unidas, da Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos e das teorias sociológicas que baseiam a discussão sobre mulheres, homens, crianças e adolescentes traficados para o trabalho escravo contemporâneo na América Latina, envolvendo as desigualdades sociais e o ordenamento jurídico nacional e internacional que o torna um crime organizado transnacional. De fato, as características da estrutura social e econômica dos países da região, agregada a um histórico de graves violações dos direitos humanos e fundamentais que ferem a dignidade da pessoa humana, e, por conseguinte, a falta de oportunidades para um futuro melhor, são algumas das razões que possibilitam compreender as ações e meios deste crime, que busca explorar os seres humanos. Expor os processos sociais, econômicos, políticos, culturais e jurisprudenciais que favoreceram a expansão deste ilícito global, antes do Protocolo de Palermo e pós-palermo, indicando o avanço e não avanço da possibilidade, ou não, de erradicação atual, é o que se buscou refletir.Abstract: This study is based on the Regional and Global Human Development Reports on trafficking in persons, both belonging to the United Nations, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the sociological theories that underlie the discussion about women, men, children, and adolescents trafficked into the slave labor in Latin America, involving social inequalities and the national and international legal system that makes it a transnational organized crime. In fact, the characteristics of the social and economic structure of the countries in the region, added to a history of serious violations of human and fundamental rights that undermine the dignity of the human person and, consequently, the lack of opportunities for a better future, are some of the reasons that allow us to understand the actions and means of this crime, which aims at the exploitation of the human being. Exposing the social, economic, political, cultural and jurisprudential processes that favored the expansion of this global illicit, before the Palermo Protocol and post-Palermo, indicating the advance and non-advancement of the possibility, or not, of current eradication, is what sought to reflect.Keywords: Regional and Global Human Development Reports. Trafficking in Persons. Human and Fundamental Rights. Latin America. Judicial praxis.

This paper shares key findings from past studies on Post Disaster Needs Assessment (PDNA) in Indonesia, to be used as inputs for future research. We used Google Scholar to identify the relevant articles for analysis. From the 297 results obtained, we selected 25 materials, which are reviewed in detail. We classified the findings in the selected literature into 4 topics. (1) Cases of PDNA implementation in Indonesia: many studies deal with the Indian Ocean Tsunami and the Central Java Earthquake. (2) Policy aspects: the previous literature demonstrated PDNA policies and regulations, on which not only the National Disaster Management Agency (BNPB) but also others (e.g., Ministry of Home Affairs) have primary jurisdiction. (3) Coordination of implementation: coordination by the local disaster management agencies (BPBD) when facing challenges. (4) Methodological issues: the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) methodology does not perfectly fit in practice. One of the most significant implications drawn from the review is that more research is needed to examine policy aspects. The existing studies tend to focus mainly on BNPB, and such BNPB-centric perspectives prevented a comprehensive identification of the relevant actors, leading to a narrow range of analysis on PDNA. Our review suggests that changing viewpoints, being mindful of the BNPB function, is beneficial for further understanding PDNA implementation in Indonesia.

The World Trade Center Attack or 9/11 tragedy has awakened the international community, particularly the United States (US) to sharpen its foreign policy in facing security threats coming from ‘weak states’. One of the most prominent weak states examples that pose a grave threat to other countries are the Northern Triangle Countries of Central America that referred to Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. Hence, this paper will discuss the rationale behind US initiatives in dealing with security threats in El Salvador as one of the Northern Triangle Countries. In analyzing the case, the writers will use the weak state concept and national interest concept. The result of this paper finds that El Salvador corresponds to the elements of a weak state and further poses security threats by giving rise to transnational criminal organizations, drug trafficking, and migrant problems in which overcoming those security threats has become US vital national interest. 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Published by Teresa Romero, and Jul 5. “Gini Coefficient: Wealth Inequality in El Salvador.” Statista,July 5, 2021.https://www.statista.com/statistics/983230/income-distribution-gini-coefficient-el-salvador/. “Remarks by President Obama after Meeting with Central American Presidents.” National Archives and Records Administration. National Archives and Records Administration. Accessed August 8, 2021. https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2014/07/25/remarks-president-obama-after-meeting-central-american-presidents. Riney, Lt Col Thomas J. “How Is MS-13 a Threat to US National Security? .” AIR WAR COLLEGE AIR UNIVERSITY , February 12, 2009. https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/pdfs/ADA540139.pdf. Rivera, Mauricio. “Drugs, Crime, and NONSTATE Actors in Latin America: Latin American Politics and Society.” Cambridge Core. 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International Accounting Practice Accounting is multifaceted and heterogeneous. First distinguish between international standards and national standards. National accounting standards for each country is being developed independently. The leading countries in the field of national accounting standards are the United Kingdom and the United States, which is determined by the role of these countries in international financial markets. In different countries, national accounting standards are called differently; in addition, various bodies are involved in their development: in some these are state bodies, in other countries professional organizations. International accounting standards are implemented and developed at 2 levels: international, global and regional. In the regional aspect, the main role belongs to the EU Accounting Commission, which regulates these matters in the EU countries. World standards are developed by several organizations: International Federation of Accountants, Committee on International Accounting Standards, Intergovernmental Group of Experts on International Standards Reporting and Accounting Center for Transnational United Nations Corporation, Economic development and cooperation. There is a great variety of accounting systems around the world. The differences between them are explained mainly by the different business environments in which they operate. Among many classifications, which are based on various principles, two main classifications can be distinguished. The first one is based on the “geographical” principle, i.e.: the UK-US system, the Continental system, the Latin American system. In the second classification, systems are clustered based on their typical properties and hierarchy. The upper level defines the objectives that the accounting system focuses on. Next, systems are rated based on whether the state insists on applying the theoretical approach or the actual legislative requirements and business needs. It might be difficult to classify a system as belonging to a specific group if the country’s accounting system is unstable. Thus, in the 60s of the 20th century, New Zealand started to separate from the UK, although many provisions of its accounting system were taken directly from the standards developed by the English Institute of Financial Accountants. In view of the existing challenges and various approaches to the classification of national accounting systems, the importance of such classification can hardly be overestimated. The proximity of national accounting systems in countries that belong to the same model suggests the possibility of harmonization of accounting principles at the international level. Based on the above: - the possibility of grouping national accounting systems into clusters makes it possible to level out the differences between them during standardization; - the convergence of economies of different countries due to the globalization of the world economy contributes to the unification of accounting principles at the global level.

Resumen: Hoy en día, por primera vez en la historia, la mayoría de las personas puede aspirar a vivir más allá de los 60 años. En los países de ingresos bajos y medianos, esto se debe en gran parte a la notable reducción de la mortalidad en las primeras etapas de la vida, sobre todo durante la infancia y el nacimiento, y de la mortalidad por enfermedades infecciosas. En los países de ingresos altos, el aumento sostenido de la esperanza de vida actualmente se debe sobre todo al descenso de la mortalidad entre las personas mayores. En este sentido, el número de habitantes en América Latina ascenderá hacia mediados de 2016 a 625 millones de personas, seis millones más de los que se estima que había a mitad de 2015, y se calcula que alcanzará 680 millones en 2025 y 779 millones en 2050, según las últimas proyecciones de población de la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe. Y en la Unión Europea se prevé que la población aumentará de 507 millones en 2013 hasta el año 2050 en casi un 5%, cuando llegará a su máximo (en 526 millones).En consonancia con este nuevo planteamiento global, se realizó un estudio diacrónico con los estudiantes de posgrado que cursanel Máster Oficial de Gerontología, Dirección y Gestión de Centros Gerontológicos de la Universidad Pablo de Olavide, durante los cursos académicos 2012-2013 a2015-16. A través de una investigación descriptiva y de métodos mixtos -con técnicas y procesos de reducción de datos, codificación, interpretación e inferencia, etc.-, se analizó el diseño y elaboración por parte del alumnado de nubes de ideas desarrolladas con software social sobre las concepciones relacionadas con el proceso de envejecimiento a partir de los contenidos impartidos en el módulo teórico y de prácticas en centros gerontológicos.Abstract: Nowadays, for the first time in history, most people can expect to live beyond 60 years. In low and middle income countries, this is largely due to the significant reduction of mortality in the early stages of life, especially during childhood and birth, and from infectious diseases. In high-income countries, the sustained increase in life expectancy today is owing to the decline of mortality among the elderly. In this regard, the number of inhabitants in Latin America will be rising by mid-2016 to 625 million people; six million more than there would be estimated by mid-2015. According to the latest population projections of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, 680 million people by 2025 and 779 million in 2050 will be reached. And in the European Union, a population increase of 5 per cent is expected: from 507 million by 2013, until 526 million by 2050, achieving the maximum.In line with this new global approach, a diachronic study with graduate students attending theOfficial Master’s Degree in Gerontology, Direction and Management of Gerontology Centres at Pablo de Olavide University, during 2012-2013 to 2015-2016 academic years, was realized. Through a descriptive and mixed methods research -with techniques and processes of data reduction, coding, interpretation and inference, etc.-, the students’ design and elaboration of clouds of ideas -developed with social software- about concepts related to the ageing process, from the contents taught in the theoretical module and the internship in different gerontology centres, were analysed.

The Countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, and consequently their relations with the United States, have changed considerably during the past 25 years. Latin American and Caribbean nations are more populous, urban, industrialized, organized, and assertive than they were a generation ago. Even in a period of extensive economic difficulty, Latin America's nations are today more prosperous than in 1960. Most are better integrated into the world economy and are much more involved in international politics.

The article explores the current implications of regional and bilateral investment treaties in Latin America, underlying the latest developments and challenges concerning international arbitration. The main argument advanced is that despite criticisms arising out of investment litigation, Latin American countries have moved away from the Calvo doctrine and continue to embrace international arbitration to settle state-investor disputes. In order to support this argument, the article presents a systematic study of the legal framework and the flow of cases brought against Latin American states before the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) and under the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) Rules.

This article examines the global political actions undertaken by the United States and its allies since the Second World War toward the establishment and fortification of US dominance in geopolitical/economic spheres. It views the Bretton Woods institutions (World Bank, IMF, GATT-WTO), the United Nations System and military alliances (exempli gratia, NATO) as key mechanisms for the protection of US imperial interests. The post-war preoccupation with «development» is viewed as less altruistic than opportunistic, with the Western powers concerned that newly-independent developing nations would otherwise be attracted to the Soviet sphere of influence. Development, therefore, would place a «human face» on capitalism, making it acceptable as a socio-economic system. The author examines free trade deals, military cooperation and political actions undertaken by the US as it solidified its dominance of Latin American countries.

This paper focuses on the most recent trends of Chinese finance (foreign direct investment (FDI) and development loans) in Latin America and their impact on economic development. In particular, this paper explores the economic and institutional factors that attract loans and FDI from China to Latin America. Based on data from the Chinese Ministry of Commerce and the United Nations on Chinese FDI and development loans to Latin America, this article argues that Chinese capital flows to the region, rather than politically motivated, are mainly motivated by trade interests, the evolution of the market of commodities, and natural resources-related policy goals. These capital flows are functional to the Chinese government’s use of soft power in the region, but these goals are secondary to market-based interests.

‘During World War II, the United States created a political, economic, I land cultural policy aimed at improving hemispheric relations between the U.S. and Latin America. Dubbed the “Good Neighbor Policy,” its objectives were twofold: 1) to insure that nations in Latin America were joined in the Allied war effort and were not associated with the Axis or Communist sympathizers, and 2) to allow the U.S. access to Latin America as a source of raw materials and a market for goods, including films. Because Argentina did not side with the Allies, instead preferring neutrality, it was castigated by an economic boycott. Beginning in 1941, the U.S. sold small rations of raw film stock to Argentina, and over time, refused to sell it all together. The film industry in Argentina, at the time considered the most profitable and advanced in Latin America, began to lose its hold on the Spanish-language market.

Preparations for the FourthWorld Conference on WomenThe Economic and Social Council of the United Nations has beenvery active during the past year convening world conferences in order toredefm e its goals and strategies for international cooperation on majorissues. In September 1994, delegations from many nations met in Cairofor the International Conference on Population and Development. InMarch 1995, Copenhagen was the venue for the World Summit for SocialDevelopment. In September 1995, Beijing will be the setting for theFourth World Conference on the Status of Women. In preparation for thelatter conference, international delegations met in New York duringMarch and April to prepare the Platform for Action, which is to be ratifiedin Beijing. The draft document was prepared by the Secretariat of theCommission on the Status of Women after consultation with regionalgroups of the United Nations. In New York, delegations were to proposeamendments to the Platform for Action so that it would be ready for ratificationin Beijing. At least that was the plan. The following report willdescribe how political agendas, arrogance, and bickering prevented thetask from being completed. Perhaps the greatest obstacle, however, wasthe belief that every country in the world could reach consensus on somany contentious issues-there is a better chance of the holy grail beingfound this year.First, for those who are not familiar with the dynamics of the UnitedNations, I need to sketch out the role of the major players. On one side ofthe floor of the UN, members of the European Union (EU) huddle together;the representative from France is their spokesperson. On the other sideof the floor sits the representative from the Philippines, who is thespokesperson for the Group of 77 (077). The 077, which now actuallycomprises 132 members, includes almost all nations from Latin and SouthAmerica, Africa, and Asia. Members of the EU and the 077 meet in theirrespective groups before the main assembly convenes in order to formulatea group position. On the floor of the UN, it is therefore the spokespersonsof these two groups who are the most active.It is significant that while 132 diverse nations were able to meet and,in most cases, bring about a consensus on difficult issues, the United ...

In this article, the authors conclude that the "soft power" of the PRC, despite its lagging positions from the same “soft power” of the United States in Latin America, is gradually attracting more and more audiences in Latin American states. At the same time, thanks to the carefully thought-out (although slow) offensive cultural policy of absorption and “capture”, the PRC is extending its economic and sometimes political influence within Latin American region.

Se me elogió y se me criticó duramente por haber preconizado la industrialización para América Latina, menos en mi país. El país vivía en las nubes. En estos años no se había estudiado las ideas de CEPAL en Argentina. [¿Por qué?] Yo no estuve aquí en el país, así no sé, pero tal vez por oposición a mí. Tal vez.Raúl PrebischInterview, 23 October 1985In much of Latin America during the 1950s, Raúl Prebisch, then Executive Secretary of the Comisión Económica para América Latina (CEPAL, known in English as the Economic Commission for Latin America, or ECLA), was recognized as a progressive and innovative development theorist and policy activist. In certain government circles in the United States, meanwhile, he was viewed with suspicion as a leftist critic of standard economic wisdom. Yet in his home country of Argentina during the same period, Prebisch was commonly identified with both conservative groups and liberal economic thought.

The production of inequality has been one of the most enduring features of Latin American economic and social systems, and one in which the institutional structure has perhaps exhibited the greatest consistency over time. In a very real sense, inequality is what the Mexican Revolution was all about, as was the Bolivian Revolution of the early 1950s. So, too, with the rise, in the middle decades of this century, of assorted populist political parties and movements. By the 1960s, participatory development had become almost a Zeitgeist, and distributional concerns had ostensibly come to suffuse many of the development programs launched during that first United Nations Development Decade, including the Alliance for Progress. It is relevant to recall that, quite early in the postwar flowering of development studies, Viner (1952) had suggested that the chief aim (and test) of development should be the reduction of mass poverty.

Transitions into democracy: convergence and distinct pathsIn mid-1982 Mexico's Minister of Finance, Jesús Silva Herzog, arrived in the United States and announced that his country was not going to continue paying its foreign debt. Silva Herzog's declaration was soon followed by debt defaults in many other Latin American countries, marking the beginning of the region's most serious economic crisis in this century. This crisis involved the partial breakdown of Latin America's financial and trade linkages to the world economy; the cessation of new credit money paralleled an interruption in the flow of capital investments, amounting to a total reversal of the financial patterns of previous decades. (The level of foreign investment, especially in manufacturing and mining, had been relatively high since the mid-1950s, albeit with significant differences from country to country).The debt crisis coincided, not incidentally, with a convergence of the political trajectories of five of the region's more industrialised countries: Mexico, Brazil, and the three Southern Cone nations of Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay. All five governments – the South American military dictatorships and Mexico's stable authoritarian PRI regime – experienced periods of political turbulence closely related both to the severe economic disruptions and to other domestic and international influences.One of the remarkable aspects of this 1982 political convergence was that it came after the ‘long decade’ of the 1970s, during which the governmental routes of the five countries had been extremely divergent. In Argentina, for example, instability, militarism and political violence had intensified, starting in 1969; these phenomena then spread to its traditionally more democratic neighbours, Chile and Uruguay.

The Republic of Peru marked its bicentennial on July 28, 2021 with political instability, economic problems, a narco-terrorist movement, around one million Venezuelan refugees, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Although the Andean nation has many resources to obtain a greater international role, Peru’s geopolitical weight is limited. The article discusses the main factors that are taken into account to classify a country as a regional power. Moreover, a roadmap is offered for Peru to improve its international image for the tercentennial. These recommendations include ensuring the leading role of the Peruvian armed forces in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions; The Andean Community of Nations under the leadership of Peru to ensure its greatest relevance, as well as “soft power” proposals. Likewise, it is necessary that in Peru, not only the executive power, but also the different governmental agencies and civilian sectors, strive towards making their homeland a regional power. In 2021, in a fragmented Latin America, with no clear regional leader, and with problems such as the pandemic and the situation in Venezuela, there is room for the new regional power to emerge. Peru could take the role, if it has the ambition and a long-term strategic vision.

No assessment of new or recently re-established democracies in Latin America can overlook the threat to these regimes posed by debt service obligations that are often heavier and more durable than the reparations imposed on Weimar Germany. No discussion of the weakening of the liberal international economic order (the trend towards trade protection, chronic instability in currency and financial markets) can disregard the extreme pressures to export, to compress imports, and to conserve foreign exchange that shape the economic policies of the heavily indebted LDC nations. No analysis of the scope and limitations of monetary policy in the developed countries (and especially in the United States) will be complete unless it takes into account the consequences for the major banks of a sovereign debt exposure which remains even now very large in relation to shareholders' equity, and which still frequently appears in bank accounts at an unrealistically optimistic valuation.

Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.

Latin America is one of the high level migration activity regions. The mass migration flows are the part of the Western Hemisphere South nations history for more than a century and a half. Both the structure and direction of that flows have been significantly transformed during that period. While being the transatlantic flows recipients at the end of the XIX – beginning of the XX centuries, the Latin American States turned into donors of human resources in the second half of the XX century due to the profound demographic transformation. The aim of this paper is to analyse the demographic transformations impact on the emigration mobility models development in Latin America and the Caribbean countries. Demographic changes were manifested in different ways in countries with a large share of European migrants and those that were not affected by mass migrations flows at the turn of the XIX – XX centuries. The Central America countries and Mexico have experienced the most profound population explosion that subsequently affected the intensity of the migration movement to the United States. The paper examines the main migration directions of Latin America and the Caribbean residents, identifies two basic mobility source areas that demonstrate different strategies via different destination countries choice. While the United States has become the leading destination country for Latin American migrants, accounting for 93% of migrants from Central America and Mexico, the South American migration is mostly intraregional. The largest regional integration associations migration policies implementation reflects this difference. Spain has become a significant extra-regional migration destination for South America. At the end of the second decade of the XXI century, global economic transformations affect the migration dynamics of Latin American subregions, producing powerful migration crises and local tensions.

The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

The Latin American export in the manufacturing sector is 18% lower than the world average. Although between the 1980s and 1990s, the sophistication of exportable products increased by 13%, it is evident to see the low progress of the Latin American region to consolidate the change in its productivity and its dependence on oil extraction activities, minerals, and other raw materials. This article evaluates and quantifies the impact of human capital, globalization, and the role of the efficiency of institutions in the sophistication of production in Latin America compared to economies with greater complexity. This is conducted using panel data methodology with cointegration techniques, using data from 17 countries that belong to the continental part of Latin America and 10 countries with the greatest economic complexity according to the Atlas of Economic Complexity Index. These countries are classified by their income level, data compiled by the United Nations Development Program Indicators, the Harvard Growth Lab Atlas of Economic Complexity, the Swiss Economic Institute database, and the Heritage Foundation. The results indicate that there is a significant relationship between the explanatory variables and economic complexity. However, the nature of the relationships differs between the different income levels, finding the same trend in the cointegration analyses. It requires the adoption of public policies in the curricular and evaluative field of knowledge and skills as well as the fight against corruption in public and private sectors, motivating the improvement of bilateral relations with other countries in an economic, political, and social way.

Global financial crisis that in 2008 struck the economy and revealed many structural problems for the first time after the Great Recession had developed countries with high debt level at its core. The world’s richest economies such as Spain, Italy, Portugal, United States, the UK and Japan found themselves at the brink of default. Meanwhile emerging markets remain a volatile area with high fluctuations in portfolio investment. Lower economic growth rate in Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Brazil or México caused by a slump in commodity prices created a hole in national budgets. Therefore, within a framework of nonconventional monetary policy both developed and emerging nations resorted to measures of financial repression between 2009 and 2014 to alleviate public debt problem and generate additional revenue for the government. However, recent studies dedicated to the phenomenon ambiguously assess the role of financial repression in achieving more efficient results of internal regulation. This article contributes to further quantitative analysis of a joint effect of financial repression measures. The purpose of the study is to identify macroeconomic consequences of the policy on the growth rate of GDP and its components.

Latin America is the region with the greatest inequality in terms of incomes. Thus, during the last years, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has showed concern about the obstacle that inequality causes in the human development of this region. Given that higher economic growth does not necessarily lead to the achievement of further progress social, development beyond income will be one of the most important UNDP’s messages for its upcoming report for this region to be launched early 2016. In this paper, we propose a new multidimensional approach to study inequality in welfare in terms of the components of the Human Development Index of the UNDP –health, education and income– in the period 1980-2014. For this purpose we use the multidimensional inequality indices proposed by Maasoumi (1986) that can be decomposable into the between- and within-group inequality components.