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Academic literature on the topic 'United Nations. General Assembly 1953-1954)'
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Journal articles on the topic "United Nations. General Assembly 1953-1954)"
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CANDELA, ANDREA. "THE EARLY STAGES OF URANIUM GEOLOGY IN POST-WWII ITALY." Earth Sciences History 38, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/1944-6178-38.1.137.
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ABSTRACT At the beginning of the industrial atomic age, launched by President Dwight Eisenhower's speech on the peaceful uses of nuclear energy (“Atoms for Peace”, addressed to the United Nations General Assembly, New York, 8 December 1953), and after the birth of the first atomic agencies in France (Commissariat a l'Énergie Atomique, 1945) and the United States (the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, 1946), the Comitato Nazionale per le Ricerche Nucleari (National Committee for Nuclear Research–CNRN) was also established in Italy (1952). The new institution, in 1960 became a self-governing organization with a modified name, Comitato Nazionale per l'Energia Nucleare (National Committee for Nuclear Energy–CNEN). Its mission was to promote and develop Italian research in nuclear science and technology. Mining and mineral exploration were among the early activities that the National Committee undertook beginning in 1954, when the Divisione Geomineraria (Geology and Mining Division) was established. A regional-scale geochemical and geophysical prospecting survey for U-Th bearing ores involved different Italian regions both in northern and in southern Italy. Geological surveys, for instance, were systematically carried out in the Alps beginning in 1954. They were run by three main teams of geologists. The paper aims to analyze the key factors that contributed to fostering the emergence of a new field of research about uranium and nuclear geology in Italy during the years immediately after WWII.
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Llewellyn, Huw. "The Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty." Leiden Journal of International Law 10, no. 2 (June 1997): 269–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156597000228.
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In 1954, following the US explosion of a large thermonuclear device in the South Pacific, Prime Minister Nehru of India led the first international call for a comprehensive ban on nuclear testing. It took until 10 September 1996 for the General Assembly of the United Nations to adopt the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). As at the end of April 1997, it had been signed by 142 states including the five nuclear-weapon states.
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Bölükbaşi, Suha. "The Cyprus Dispute and the United Nations: Peaceful Non-Settlement Between 1954 and 1996." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 3 (August 1998): 411–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800066241.
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In his landmark book on the problems and progress of international organization, Inis L. Claude wrote:“Settlement,” lİke “pacific,” is a relative term. In some cases, the realistic ideal may be not to achieve the permanent settlement of a dispute, but to persuade the parties to settle down permanently with the dispute. The agenda of the Security Council and the General Assembly are liberally sprinkled with items that are beginning to seem like permanent fixtures, quarrels which the United Nations has managed to subject to peaceful perpetuation rather than peaceful settlement.As in several other disputes, the United Nations has in the Cyprus dispute operated on the assumption that Claude described: that the enforced postponement of a showdown between the parties would make the dispute conducive to peaceful settlement. Actually, some disputes, if properly controlled over a period of time, ultimately wither into insignificance or become ripe for settlement. In some other disputes, however, a long cooling-off period may actually lead the parties to adopt more rigid and uncompromising positions, and the prospects for reasonable compromise gradually diminish.
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Dionigi, Filippo. "Dag Hammarskjöld's Religiosity and Norms Entrepreneurship: A Post-secular Perspective." Politics and Religion 9, no. 1 (January 28, 2016): 162–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048315000930.
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AbstractIn 1953, the United Nations (UN) General Assembly elected a low-key and relatively unknown personality as the second Secretary General of the UN. Dag Hammarskjöld, nonetheless, turned out to be one of the most entrepreneurial and innovative Secretary Generals that the UN has ever had. He invented peacekeeping, radically reformed the administrative structure of the UN, and promoted a crucial multi-lateral diplomatic role for the UN Secretariat. Behind this innovative approach to the politics of the UN, there was a personality with a deep and complex religious discernment that emerged occasionally in public speeches, as well as in private writing. This article interprets Hammarskjöld's norms entrepreneurship through the lens of post-secular theory and the concept of Habermasian institutional translation. It shows how — in contrast with merely secularist assumptions — Hammarskjöld's religiosity shaped and advanced international political processes consistently with the principles of the UN Charter.
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Johnstone, Rachael Lorna. "From the Indian Ocean to the Arctic: What the Chagos Archipelago Advisory Opinion Tells Us about Greenland." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 12, no. 1 (December 13, 2021): 308–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427_012010019.
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On February 25, 2019, the International Court of Justice issued its advisory opinion on Legal Consequences of the Separation of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius in 1965. The judges held by a majority of 13:1 that the process of decolonisation of Mauritius is incomplete, owing to the separation of the Chagos Archipelago shortly before Mauritian independence, that the United Kingdom should end its administration of the Chagos Archipelago as rapidly as possible, and that all Member States of the United Nations should cooperate to complete the decolonisation of Mauritius. The (partial) decolonisation of Mauritius in 1968 and the treatment of the Chagos islanders (Chagossians) have important parallels with the purported decolonisation of Greenland in 1952–54. In both cases, the consultative body of the colonised people was neither fully independent nor representative of all the people concerned. No real choice was given to either body; rather the colonial power offered only the continuation of the status quo or professed self-determination on terms defined by the colonial power itself. Furthermore, the process of decolonisation was inherently linked to the forcible transfer of people in order to make way for a United States military facility. Nevertheless, there are some relevant differences. First of all, Greenland was purportedly decolonised in 1953, some seven years before the UN General Assembly Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (UNGA Res. 1514(XV) 1960). Second, the UN General Assembly accepted the Danish government’s representations regarding the full decolonisation of Greenland (UNGA Res. 849 (1954), in contrast to their position regarding Mauritius that decolonisation was and remains incomplete, owing to the separation of the Chagos Archipelago (UNGA Res(XX) 1965). Third, though the Chagossians have been recognised as indigenous at the UN, the British government has continually denied this status and (mis)characterises them as a transient people, while Denmark has accepted the status of the Greenlanders as both an indigenous people and a colonial people, entitled to self-determination. This article examines the implications for the judgment for the Greenland case as well as broader questions of self-determination of peoples. It concludes that the colonial boundaries continue to govern in decolonisation cases, with the consequence that the Greenlanders are likely to be held to be a single people; that the erga omnes character of the right to self-determination means that all States must cooperate to facilitate Greenlanders’ choices for their future; and that there remain significant procedural hurdles that prevent colonial and indigenous peoples having their voices heard, even in the matters that concern them most of all.
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Frowein, Jochen A. "The Transformation of Constitutional Law through the European Convention on Human Rights." Israel Law Review 41, no. 3 (2008): 489–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000339.
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Only five years after the end of the Second World War terminating the complete disregard for human rights in one of the important European countries and in the occupied territories, the governments of European countries agreed on a European Bill of Rights and took the first steps toward collective enforcement of certain rights of the Universal Declaration, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1948. Evidently the Convention was a response to the totalitarian ideologies prevailing in national socialism but also to the communist ideology and practice governing the Soviet Union and the European countries behind the iron wall. Was the Convention intended to be more than a response and clarification of the fundamental principles which were well recognized in the constitutional structure of the free European states? If this is the case it should have had an impact on the legal system of member states.How far that impact would go was certainly not foreseen in 1950 or 1953 when the Convention came into force. By hindsight we may say that the establishment of the European Commission of Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights as judicial organs to enforce the Convention had something that is called “List der Vernunft” in German, a certain rule of reason, not fully understood by the drafters.
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Nurhidayatuloh, Nurhidayatuloh, and Febrian Febrian. "ASEAN and European Human Rights Mechanisms, What Should be Improved?" PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) 06, no. 01 (April 2019): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v6n1.a8.
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The human rights mentioned in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) are universal values agreed upon countries in the world. This is reflected by the fact that no state rejects the United Nations General Assembly Resolution in 1948. It is even strengthened by the ratification of two major international human rights covenants, which have binding legal powers. They are the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights in 1966. European states are legally bound to human rights through the European Human Rights Convention that is signed in 1950 and come into force in 1953. On the other hand, ASEAN states are bound to human rights as parties of ICCPR, ICESCR, and their commitment to the regional level ASEAN Declaration of Human Rights. Both in European Union and ASEAN have their own human rights mechanisms: the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). This study employed a comparison method with a normative legal research approach to compare the human rights mechanisms in Europe and in ASEAN. It also deals with the implementation of human rights protection by the states in the two regional organizations. As a result, although the two regional organizations have human rights mechanisms applied in their areas, with experiences through cases appealing to European Human Rights Courts, Europe provides more assurance and legal certainty towards individuals when a state commit human rights violations against individuals. On the other hand, the AICHR, as the equal commission in ASEAN region, tends not to have sufficient legal power in handling human rights cases occurred in its territory.
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Nurhidayatuloh, Nurhidayatuloh, and Febrian Febrian. "ASEAN and European Human Rights Mechanisms, What Should be Improved?" PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) 06, no. 01 (April 2019): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v6n1.a8.
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The human rights mentioned in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) are universal values agreed upon countries in the world. This is reflected by the fact that no state rejects the United Nations General Assembly Resolution in 1948. It is even strengthened by the ratification of two major international human rights covenants, which have binding legal powers. They are the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights in 1966. European states are legally bound to human rights through the European Human Rights Convention that is signed in 1950 and come into force in 1953. On the other hand, ASEAN states are bound to human rights as parties of ICCPR, ICESCR, and their commitment to the regional level ASEAN Declaration of Human Rights. Both in European Union and ASEAN have their own human rights mechanisms: the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). This study employed a comparison method with a normative legal research approach to compare the human rights mechanisms in Europe and in ASEAN. It also deals with the implementation of human rights protection by the states in the two regional organizations. As a result, although the two regional organizations have human rights mechanisms applied in their areas, with experiences through cases appealing to European Human Rights Courts, Europe provides more assurance and legal certainty towards individuals when a state commit human rights violations against individuals. On the other hand, the AICHR, as the equal commission in ASEAN region, tends not to have sufficient legal power in handling human rights cases occurred in its territory.
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Nyang, Sulayman S. "The Arabs and Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 4, no. 2 (December 1, 1987): 321–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v4i2.2734.
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Since the beginning of decolonization in Africa in the late 1950’s Arabcountries have found it necessary to re-establish links with Africa south ofthe Sahara. An Arab leader like Gamal Abdel Nasser argued in his Philosophyof the Revolution (1954) that Africa constitutes the second circle in Egypt’sthree concentric circles of identity. The other two were the Arab and theIslamic. Nasser’s preoccupation with what he and his fellow Arab nationalistscalled the “Israeli menace”, was another factor which drove him to seek alliesand friends in Africa. But Nasser was not the first Arab leader to establishclose relations with the Africans. The Magrebians and the Arabians to theeast also forged links with Africa in the years before the primacy of Europein African political life.The book under review is one of a series of studies that have come outin the last decade. What distinguishes this work from those before it is itsfocus and its authors. In the early 1970’s when the Afro-Arab caravan beganto move rapidly along the pathways of international politics, many Westernand Third World intellectuals and scholars began to examine the nature ofwhat was then believed by many as a new phenomenon in international politics.Africa and the Middle Eastern states coexisted in the Bandung Movement;they journeyed together to the United Nations General Assembly, but up untilthe mid-1970’s closer bonds, which resulted in the greater coordination ofpolicies on major international issues, did not develop. In fact prior to the1973 massive defection of African states from the Israeli camp, most of theindependent African states were locked in diplomatic and political embracewith the Jewish state. Indeed, Africa was unique in the sense that it was theonly part of the Afro-Asian world where the Israelis received warm welcome.Israeli leaders tried hard to win friends and influence people in Asia but withoutsuccess. It is indeed against this background that the present book can beadequately reviewed.The work consists of the proceedings of a major conference held in Amman,Jordan on 24-29 April, 1983. Organized by the Centre for Arab UnityStudies, it brought together some sixty participants. Though the conferenceitself was conducted in Arabic, many of the participants suggested that theproceedings be published in English and French. This book is the English ...
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Ngan, Dinh Thi kim. "THE POLITICS OF PEACE AND THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE GENEVA AGREEMENT IN HOI AN, QUANG NAM, AFTER 1954." Hue University Journal of Science: Social Sciences and Humanities 128, no. 6B (July 5, 2019): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.26459/hueuni-jssh.v128i6b.4980.
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<pre>In pursuit of American policy, the Saigon administration carried out extremely reactionary policies, such as refusing general consultation, refusing to reestablish normal relations between the North and the South, refusing the election of the Constituent Assembly (March 31, 1956), the promulgation of the Constitution (October 26, 1956), the establishment of the Can Lao People's Party, the National Revolutionary Movement and the Republican Youth. The Saigon government tried to terrorize peace advocates, resistance fighters and those who fought for the Geneva Accords (1954). The conspiracy and tactics that the US and Diem Ngo Dinh government as ways of refusing to negotiate with the general election made ethnic conflicts and social conflicts increasingly severe. Thus, a political fight for peace and the enforcement of the Geneva agreement between the people of Hoi An and the United States and the Saigon government became inevitable.</pre>
Books on the topic "United Nations. General Assembly 1953-1954)"
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Brucken, Rowland. Most Uncertain Crusade: The United States, the United Nations, and Human Rights, 1941-1953. Cornell University Press, 2014.
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Dame Rosalyn, DBE, QC, Higgins, Webb Philippa, Akande Dapo, Sivakumaran Sandesh, and Sloan James. Part 3 The United Nations: What it Does, 23 Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198808312.003.0023.
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The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was established by the General Assembly in 1950. UNHCR was initially created for a provisional period of three years, its being provided in the Statute that the arrangements for the Office were to be revisited at the eighth regular session of the General Assembly ‘with a view to determining whether the Office should be continued beyond 31 December 1953’. Between 1953 and 2003, the mandate of the UNHCR was extended periodically, for a period of five years at a time, making it more difficult for it to engage in long-term planning of its work. Only in 2004 did the General Assembly remove the temporal limitation attached to the UNHCR, authorizing the continuation of the Office ‘until the refugee problem is solved’. This chapter discusses the UNHCR’s position within the UN system, its structure, location, mandate, and role.
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Kenneth, Keith. 2 Legal Powers, 2.2 Effect of Awards of Compensation Made by the United Nations Administrative Tribunal Advisory Opinion [1954] ICJ Rep 47. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198743620.003.0011.
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This case note relates to the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the United Nations Administrative Tribunal in which the Court ruled that the General Assembly of the United Nations had the power to establish the Tribunal to decide disputes between UN staff members and the UN Secretary-General, their employer, and that its awards were binding on the General Assembly when it came to adopt the UN budget. Underlying these rulings is the principle of the independence of the international civil service. The case note also records the changes that were made to the Statute of the Tribunal as a consequence, changes which presented procedural issues for the Court which was given a review power in respect of awards of the Tribunal.
Book chapters on the topic "United Nations. General Assembly 1953-1954)"
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"No. 21931. International Convention against the taking of hostages. Adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 17 December 1979." In Treaty Series 1953, 446–47. UN, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/e755f16a-en-fr.
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