Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'United Nations Rwanda'

The United Nations currently adopts media policies for peacekeeping missions on an ad-hoc basis, often relying on US or NATO rules. Some have suggested that a standardized media policy for all peacekeeping missions should be the norm. This project examines that proposition with an eye to the tension between the right to know and operational security. Looking at UN intervention in the Gulf War, Somalia, and Rwanda, the problems with such a rigid media policy appear significant. Instead, a dual-level approach is advocated, allowing broad principles of independent coverage as well as in-country negotiations to take place.
Master of Arts

New approaches to third-party conflict resolution stress the significance of the interconnections between the interventions of various external actors. Recent empirical and policy-onented work on civil wars underscores the recurrent policy challenges such external actors face in peace processes. Taken together, the two bodies of work provide a framework for assessing the impact of international conflict resolution efforts. The thesis explores the connections between different third-party conflict resolution efforts that accompanied the Rwandan civil war, from 1990 to 1994, and assesses the individual and collective impact they had on the course of that conflict. Empirical chapters, arranged chronologically, review pre-negotiation efforts, mediation processes, and both diplomatic and peacekeeping efforts to secure the implementation of a peace agreement signed in August 1993. This review considers official and unofficial efforts by both state and non-state actors. Applying the framework to the empirical material, the thesis explores a seeming paradox: that the genocide that engulfed Rwanda in 1994 was preceded by a wide range of international efforts to contain and manage what started off as a small-scale civil war. The thesis dispels the conventional wisdom that nothing was done to prevent the genocide in Rwanda. Rather, it provides empirical and theoretical evidence that the failure of the peace process was not a function of the weakness of any one third-party effort, but of the paucity of the connections between them. In so doing, the thesis generates further insights into the critical role—and current weakness—of co-ordinating elements in peace processes. The thesis then highlights the theoretical implications of the case study. First, it confirms the significance of interconnections between third-party interventions, and adds detail as to the various positive and negative forms those interconnections may take. Second, it highlights the fact that recurrent obstacles to conflict resolution in civil wars may arise not only from the nature of the wars themselves, but also from the nature of third-party intervenors. Thus, it suggests a shift in emphasis both for empirical and theoretical investigation onto intervening actors, and in particular the systems and processes that co-ordinate and organise their efforts—or fail to do so. The central arguments of the thesis serve as a cautionary tale about the limits of third-party conflict resolutrnn, and as an argument for systematic reform of the international system for managing third-party interventions.

This study examines and problematizes how the Resolution 1325 has impacted women's inclusion in two developing countries. The study focuses on how the resolution 1325 has affected and increased women's inclusion in peacebuilding since the implementation in Rwanda (2009) and Sierra Leone (2010). To analyse the results a theoretical framing is used, which is Empowerment theory and Feminist Approaches to Peacebuilding. This thesis uses a comparative literature method to compare the impacts in the two cases and critical reading is used while searching for material in e.g. scientific articles and in reports. Based on the theoretical framing and the material that are used in this thesis, the study concludes that Rwanda and Sierra Leone have experienced different results from the implementation of resolution 1325. This study concludes that the implementation of resolution 1325 in Rwanda has worked as a tool to push gender equality further in peace processes as in the parliament and in the security sector, alongside women's organizations and activists since 2009. The results in Sierra Leone concludes that the implementation of resolution 1325 has progressed the work within peacebuilding as the proportion of women has increased in peace processes and in the police and security-sector since 2010. However, the development in Rwanda had come further before the implementation of resolution 1325 and therefore the results differ in these countries.

Folkmordet i Rwanda 1994 pågick under tre månader och är ett av de mest brutala folkmorden som har utförts under modern tid. Under dessa tre månader dödades ca 800 000 personer och takten i mördandet i Rwanda var fem gånger högre än vad dödandet var under Förintelsen. Till en början trodde omvärlden att det var ett inbördeskrig i Rwanda, vilket var en lögn. Den tidigare forskningen kring folkmordet i Rwanda 1994 bekräftar att FN som organisation misslyckades med att genomföra sitt uppdrag i Rwanda – men det visade sig också att vissa medlemsländer i FN kunde ha agerat annorlunda. Syftet med studien är att med utgångspunkt i FN-dokument undersöka hur Frankrike, Belgien och Rwanda agerade under och efter folkmordet i Rwanda 1994. Studiens källmaterial bestod av officiella FN-dokument som har publicerats i sin helhet i boken The United Nations and Rwanda 1993 – 1996 som FN utgav 1996. Studien präglades utav en kvalitativ textanalys, vilket syftar till att undersöka och analysera vad som faktiskt står i källmaterialet. Resultatet utav studien visade att både Frankrike och Belgiens ”icke-agerande” resulterade i att folkmordet i Rwanda inte stoppades tillräckligt fort. Både Frankrike och Belgien har en historia i Rwanda, vilket borde ha spelat en stor roll i hur de båda borde ha agerat. Resultatet visade också att Rwanda inte kunde sätta stopp för folkmordet själva eftersom Rwandas dåvarande regering var i konflikt med RPF. Det hade behövts ett agerande från FN, men speciellt från Frankrike och Belgien. Detta eftersom att de två medlemsländerna hade vetskap om bakomliggande orsaker till varför folkmordet utfördes under 1994.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-135).
This study is about the ending of conflicts. It examines the United Nations (UN) capacities in Conflict Transformation activities through the deployment of multifunctional peace operations. It is a study of how the UN seeks to transform violent conflicts into the state of being non-violent conflicts. Thus, a study that examines the process of creating a self-sustaining peace (positive peace), and not only examining how to reduce the risk of resumption of violent conflict (negative peace). Herein, the study favours the concept Conflict Transformation as an extension of the term Conflict Resolution.

Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 2006.
Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The nature of conflict in Africa has changed from the Cold War to the post-cold War era. This is evident in the internal and external factors and actors involved within the conflict dynamics. During the Cold War era politics and the quest for control of the state formed the basis for conflicts in Africa, from anti-colonial wars of independence and liberation struggles to secessionist attempts. In the post-Cold War era with the loss of external superpower support, this has changed with the growing significance of identity politics, and conflicts based on the differences of ethnicity, religion and the quest for the control of resources and land, characterised by extreme violence and the rise of actors other than the state, within failed and collapsed states. These conflicts have thus presented challenges to the United Nations (UN) in relation to its traditional means of maintaining international peace and security, and the internal dynamics of the decision-making processes, political will and accompanying resources and financial factors within the organisation. The challenges faced by the UN in Africa therefore lie not only within the nature of conflict and the nature of the African state but also within the internal constraints inherent within the organisation itself. The conflicts in Mozambique and Rwanda respectively represent how the nature of conflict has changed in Africa from the Cold War to the post-Cold War era and both illustrate the challenges the UN has faced in light of the changing nature of African conflict. While Mozambique offers an example of a typical Cold War conflict, based on the quest for control of the state and exacerbated by superpower support, Rwanda represents an example of a typical post-Cold War internal conflict based on identity politics and extreme violence manifest as genocide. By comparing and contrasting these two conflicts, and the subsequent involvement of UN peace maintenance operations in these conflicts, this thesis offers a comparative study of "old" and "new" wars in Africa in order that a better understanding of the nature of conflict in Africa can be reached and to illustrate the challenges faced by the UN in light of this changing nature of conflict.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die aard van konflik in Afrika het vanaf die tydperk van die Koue Oorlog tot die na-Koue Oorlog tydperk aansienlik verander. Dit is in die innerlike en uiterlike faktore en akteurs wat by die konflik betrokke is waarneembaar. Gedurende die Koue Oorlog tydperk was interstaatlike konflik 'n hoofkenmerk. Dit was ook die fase van antikoloniale oorloë wat dikwels met eksterne steun geveg is. In die na-Koue Oorlog tydperk met die verlies van uiterlike supermoondheid ondersteuning, het interne konflik binne swak state dikwels oor die beheer van skaars hulpbronne, of oor identiteit en griewe gegaan. Die konflik het uitdagings aan die Verenigde Nasies (VN) gestel wie se vredesregime kwalik vir rebelle en kindersoldate voorsiening gemaak het. Dit het ook eise gestel aan die politieke wilskrag van lede van die Veiligheidsraad om in dergelike konflikte betrokke te raak. Die uitdaging vir die VN in Afrika lê dus nie net in die aard van konflik en die aard van die staat in Afrika wat verander het nie, maar ook in nuwe eise vir vrede. Die twee gevallestudies van die konflik in Mosambiek en Rwanda demonstreer hoe hierdie aard van konflik verander het, en hoe moeilik dit is om vrede te maak waar akteurs (rolspelers) kwalik binne konvensionele raamwerke hanteer kan word. Waar Mosambiek 'n voorbeeld van 'n tipiese Koue Oorlogse konflik was - stryd vir die beheer oor die staat en aangevuur deur supermoonhede, is Ruanda weer 'n meer eietydse voorbeeld van 'n tipiese na-Koue Oorlogse interne konflik, gebaseer op identiteitspolitiek wat met ekstreme geweld en volksmoord gepaard gegaan het. Hierdie tesis bied 'n vergelykende studie van sulke "ou" en "nuwe" oorloë in Afrika en bied moontlik 'n beter begrip van die aard en oplossing van sulke konflikte wat by uitstek nuwe uitdagings aan die tradisionele opvattings van die VN stel.

"Although the concept of human rights is not new, it has never attracted more attention than today. However, contrary to the tremendous growth of concern for the international protection of human rights, Rwanda was visited by three main deplorable waves of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. Therefore, while the study is based on the premise that the primary duty of preventing these international crimes lies with the state, it will be argued that the secondary duty lies with international organisations like the UN and the AU. Both organisations could have averted or minimised the atrocities that occurred in Rwanda. Accordingly the study aims to address four issues. First, it attempts to review the weaknesses of the UN and OAU in their human rights monitoring and promotional fucntion derived from international human rights instruments. Second, it seeks to investigate the shortcomings and the failures of these two organisations in intervening to stop the Rwandan genocide. Third, it attempts to examine the UN's and AU's current handling of the cases of genocide as a preventive mechanism against gross human rights violations in Rwanda. Finally, the study will attempt to see if the failures seen in Rwanda are reflected in the current responses of the UN and the AU. The study presupposes that the 1994 Rwandan genocide, although not altogether inevitable, would not have been so comprehensive had the UN and the OAU/AU not developed a culture of impunity in the genocide of 1963 and 1973. One way assume, too, that the suffering could even have been minimized had there been active measures taken by these two organisations. This thesis proceeds on the premise of a problem that the vacuum that still exists under the Rwandan situation, both pre- and post-1994 genocide, as well as the weakness of the response from the UN and AU, is also abetting the current genocide in Sudan and countries with a volatile situation, like the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi." -- Introduction.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/llm1.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

This thesis uses an interpretative case study of the Rwandan genocide to explore and analyze factors in the decision-making process of the United Nations. Using defensive structural realism and its concepts and theories explained by Stephen Walt, a level-by-level analyses is conducted.             Conducted from a realist point of view, the study found that there was no clear way to foresee the upcoming genocide for certain, yet the increase in violence in the near future was. Yet, the UN member states were still dealing with the aftermath of their intervention in Somalia which, besides other factors, lead to a broken will of the member states to support the UNAMIR mission when it became clear that it would not be an easy and quick peace mission. With this reluctancy the member states did indeed limit the possibilities for the UN to act but the Security Council as well as any other competent bodies of the UN could have called upon the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in order to get everyone to pull on one string.              The conclusions from the analysis suggest, that a broad spectrum of factors motivated the decision-making process at that time. It is impossible to know exactly who knew what, but in this case, it became clear that the decision-making bodies of the UN did not adequately respond to the situation at hand, genocide or not, because of factors which had nothing to do with the original conflict. Such as the repercussions from the Somalia intervention or simple miscommunication within and between departments.

Originally the aim of this study was the exploration of the current situation of the right to education for refugee children in Burundi and Rwanda being the two countries with the highest number of refugees in Africa. However because of lack of information about the refugee situation in Rwanda, this study is limited to analysis of the situation in Burundi. This study then analyses the state of implementation of the international and national legal instrument by the government of Burundi and suggest ways of implementing the existing international and national legal framework.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007.
Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Ass. Prof. Frederick Juuko, of the Faculty of Law, Makerere University Kampala, Uganda
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

In 1948 the international community in reaction to the horrors of the holocaust sought to eradicate genocide forever by creating the 'Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide'. This Convention criminalised the preparation and act of genocide by international law, making all individuals accountable irrelevant of status or sovereignty. But the Convention has not been enough to deter the act of genocide from occurring again, and again, and again. Worst, the international community has been slow to react to cases of genocide. The problem with preventing and punishing genocide is hindered by the power and right of veto held by permanent members of the UNSC. The UNSC has been given the responsibility to maintain international peace and security and is the only entity that can mandate an intervention that overrides the principle of non-intervention. The aim of this thesis is to show that the veto has been a crucial factor in stopping the prevention of genocide, thus it is imperative that the veto change. This study argues that to effectively prevent and punish genocide the veto needs to be barred from use in cases of genocide. It looks at different cases since the Armenian genocide during WWI through to the Darfur genocide which is still in process. The case of Armenia is significant because for the first time, members of the international community were prepared to hold leaders of another state accountable for their treatment of their own citizens. However the collective will to bring justice to those accountable waned coming to an abrupt end in 1923. The holocaust followed in WWII; six million Jews died, and numerous other groups were targeted under the Nazi's serial genocide. The shock of the holocaust led to the Genocide Convention. But thirty years later during the Cold War, Cambodia became embroiled in a genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge. The international community silently stood by. The USSR, China, and the US all had their reasons to stay out of Cambodia, from supporting a regime with a likeminded political ideology to war weariness from Vietnam. In the 1990s, genocides in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia (Bosnia and Kosovo) followed. The former was neglected by the US's unwillingness to be involved in another peacekeeping disaster. The two genocides in the former Yugoslavia were affected by Russia and China's reluctance to use military force even after the clear failure of serial negotiations. Finally, in 2003 Darfur became the latest tragedy of genocide. Again, Russia and China have been timid of calling the conflict genocide thus avoiding any affirmative action to stop it. These cases all show that where one state is unwilling to be involved in stopping genocide, their right and power to the veto stops or delays the international community from preventing and punishing genocide, regardless of whether the veto is used or merely seen as a threat. Therefore, for future prevention of genocide, the veto needs to be changed to prevent its use in times of genocide.

This thesis addresses the role of geopolitical interests in the voting record of the UNSC (UNSC) in authorizing action, specifically humanitarian intervention, in the cases of genocide in Rwanda and Sudan. The classic theories of international relations, realism and liberalism, are applied to determine which theory has higher explanatory power in determining the level of involvement and humanitarian intervention by the UNSC in these specific cases. Realist assumptions would expect that the possible economic or strategic interests of states within the Council would influence the level of involvement or humanitarian intervention authorized. In contrast, liberalist notions would expect that the level of conflict severity or duration would determine the level of involvement or humanitarian intervention authorized. This thesis finds that the economic and strategic interests of the members of the UNSC can serve as a better indicator in determining the level of intervention authorized in these cases. Thus, realist theory holds higher explanatory power of the UNSC reactions to the cases of Rwanda and Sudan.

The occurrence of internal armed conflict in Africa has increased over the last two decades. As such, Africa continues to be viewed by many as a troubled continent. In an attempt to avoid further conflict in Africa, organisations such as the United Nations have implemented comprehensive tools and strategies to prevent further conflicts from occurring. However, the genocide in Rwanda and the on-going unrest in Sudan have shown that there is still a lot of work to be done. In both these cases, the conflicts took place or escalated even with UN presence on ground. This paper will thus examine the UN's legal role in the prevention of internal armed conflict and establish the type of lessons that could be learnt from Rwanda and Sudan.
Public, Constitutional, & International
LL.M.

No
This edited volume takes stock of the state of research and policy on the issue of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW), ten years after the UN first agreed to deal with the problem. The end of the Cold War originated a series of phenomena that would subsequently come to dominate the political agenda. Perhaps most symptomatic of the ensuing environment is the marked escalation in the scale and dynamics of armed violence, driven by the proliferation of SALW. Events in Rwanda, Somalia and Bosnia seared into global consciousness the devastating effects of this phenomenon, and of the necessity to engage actively in its limitation and prevention. This edited volume explores and outlines the research and policy on the SALW issue at this critical juncture. In addition to providing a detailed telling of the genesis and evolution of SALW research and advocacy, the volume features a series of essays from leading scholars in the field on both advances in research and action on SALW. It reflects on what has been achieved in terms of cumulative advances in data, methodology and analysis, and looks at the ways in which these developments have helped to inform policy making at national, regional and international levels. Alongside situating and integrating past and present advances in advocacy and international action, Controlling Small Arms also outlines future directions for research and action.

The study was designed to understand the experiences and needs of returning refugees to Kigali, Rwanda and the role of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in their repatriation. The study adopted a qualitative research method where in-depth interviews were conducted with 23 returnees and 4 key informants; 2 from the UNHCR and 2 from the GoR. Many African countries especially in the Great Lakes region have been variously hit by military and ethnic conflicts that are responsible for the refugee plight. While the UNHCR and its partners have tried its level best to deal with refugees' problems in the region, many challenges remain in repatriation and reintegration of Rwandese returnees. This is due to institutional weaknesses, lack of multidisciplinary approaches to solving the returnees' problems, poor governance and failure to monitor the sustainability of development projects and plans that are in line with the returnees/refugees needs. The capacity to design and implement successful refugee policy programmes in Africa is weak from the global to the community level. Even the external assistance for the returnees to Rwanda is failing because of lack of 'in-country' experience needed to understand returnees' needs and to find appropriate durable solutions. African governments must make efforts to operationalise refugee laws and polices and draw on locally conceived ideas for addressing refugees/returnees problems on the continent. In this study the findings in Chapter five indicate that virtually all returnees experienced violence, victimization, psychological distress and extremely traumatic genocide experiences. The returnees' recovery from trauma and loss of their relatives during the genocide, especially among the new caseload returnees, appeared to be complicated by overwhelming blame and guilt associated with the outcome of the Gacacca court investigations and the various unmet needs for social intervention after retuning to Rwanda. Many participants experienced difficulty in coping with life in Rwanda, yet little is known by the GoR about the coping patterns of such returnees. The study highlights possible recommendations for averting the refugee phenomenon and recommends a variety of counselling, financial and other service interventions to meet returnees ' needs.
Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2006.

This study aimed to highlight factors used by the Belgian authorities to divide Rwandans during the Colonial Reform Process between 1926 and 1931. More specially, it is aimed at identifying how they mobilised Hutu, Tutsi and Twa social classes and transformed the ethnic identities. To achieve this goal, unstructured interviews and a questionnaire were used. In addition, several data analyses were also used to measure and decipher the attitudes of both the interview and survey's respondents. The results indicated the conflict started when the Belgian colonisers implemented indirect rules that highlighted a selected elite from the Tutsi Tribe. This group benefited from social and economic advantages which totally excluded the Hutu and Twa tribes. With the reform, the previous traditional structure was destroyed, and with the new administration only Tutsi chiefs remained whereas Hutu and Twa chiefs were rendered obsolete. Tutsi were seen as born chiefs. On the contrary, they judged the Hutu good for manual work and exploited them as a labour force. For a deep acceptance of this new order, colonisers reinforced ethnic policies with ideological assumptions which defined Tutsi as the superior race. In this regard, several ethnologists and anthropologists attempted to prove the Hamitic origin of the Tutsi, allowing Belgians to use the "Hamitic Myth", which assumed that the Tutsi was the only group able to understand development and to command at the request of the colonial state. In addition, Belgians decided to issue identity cards which clearly stated the bearer's tribal origin. This undoubtedly influenced people to develop ethnic feelings and disposed the most fiercely rival groups (Hutu and Tutsi) to ethnic competition that led to outbreaks of violence in 1959 when Belgians shifted their allegiance from Tutsi to Hutu as the fomer was asking for independence. The scarcity of environmental resources increased the desire to monopolise control of the country as this was continually perceived as only means of access to resources. This led Rwandan politicians to use ethnicity as a way to secure power. Consequently, a culture of ethnic violence became entrenched. This culminated in genocide from April to July 1994.
Thesis (M.Com.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2004.

The African continent has been beset with violent conflicts, civil wars and extended periods of instability. The continent’s future depends on the capacity to prevent, manage and resolve conflict. Reacting to conflict has proven highly expensive for the international community and has strengthened the case for a greater focus on conflict prevention. This study will examine the role, relevance and success of preventive diplomacy in responding to and preventing violent and protracted conflicts in Africa, in particular recent international efforts to seek a concrete, comprehensive and all-inclusive peace settlement to the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo had resulted in what many analysts considered to be ‘Africa’s First World War’. The aim and objective of this study will be to assess the role of preventive diplomacy, in particular efforts by the international community to resolve the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The study of the success of preventive diplomacy in responding to the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo will cover three distinct phases. The first phase will assess the historical development of the crisis in the former Zaïre dating back from 1997 to 1998 and initial steps that were taken to address the conflict. The next phase will cover the period dating from 1999-2000 following the signing of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement, while the final phase will assess developments and efforts to secure peace by the international community from 2001 until 2004, while providing for a brief discussion on possible future developments. The research will commence by examining various theoretical contributions and insights produced on conflict prevention and the concept of preventive diplomacy. The examination of conflict prevention and preventive diplomacy will be rooted in theoretical insights produced by Michael Lund (1996) and other influential contributions on preventive diplomacy. The theoretical framework for this study will be based on Michael Lund’s model of preventive diplomacy. Although Lund’s conceptual framework provides a valuable insight into the theory of preventive diplomacy an additional theoretical consideration may be included into his assessment. Lund’s theoretical framework fails to address the impact of psychological variables and the extent to which prevailing conflict attitudes may exert a negative influence on a conflict situation. This may render the effectiveness of preventive diplomacy at the level of unstable peace obsolete if it fails to take prevailing conflict attitudes into account. This dissertation will also propose the inclusion of social-psychological approaches to augment the strategy of preventive diplomacy as developed by Lund. Very little conclusive and in-depth research has been conducted on how psychological variables, particularly conflict attitudes such as negative images, attitudes, perceptions and conflict behaviour can fuel and exacerbate a conflict situation, especially conflicts in Africa and how this may derail the success of preventive diplomacy in resolving such severe conflicts. In the numerous efforts to secure peace in the embattled Democratic Republic of the Congo scant consideration, evaluation and analysis has been produced on the way in which conflict attitudes such as misperception, fear, distrust, hostility and suspicion, became not only a major stumbling block to the peace process, but also negatively affected the outcome of the various peace agreements that were negotiated. One of the core arguments this dissertation will posit is that preventive diplomacy has not been successfully applied in resolving conflicts in Africa, and will continue to fail, unless greater emphasis is placed on structural prevention, that includes an assessment and strategy for responding to conflict attitudes, such as misperception, hostility, suspicion, fear and distrust. It could be argued that preventive diplomacy initiatives when taken alone and independently of a broader strategy of conflict prevention are likely to fail unless they are linked to measures and actions that tackle the deeper or structural causes of conflict. Greater emphasis should be placed on timely and adequate preventive action, through the vigorous promotion of preventive diplomacy, particularly structural prevention. The conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is intermittently erupting and will continue to do so, unless the structural causes of the crisis and the various conflict attitudes are effectively dealt with. The study will commence with the theoretical and conceptual framework of the study, consisting of a discussion of conflict, preventive diplomacy, and conflict prevention. The conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo will be discussed as well as the underlying factors that contributed towards the brutal and excessively violent nature the conflict came to assume. The study will also examine the international response to the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo as well as the immediate diplomatic efforts initiated to resolve the crisis from 1998-1999, which culminated in the signing of the Lusaka Cease-Fire Agreement on 10 July 1999. An assessment of the intervention efforts initiated by the United Nations, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and other key African states, in particular South Africa will also be undertaken. The impact of psychological variables and the importance of assessing the crucial contribution of social-psychological approaches towards understanding and resolving conflict will be briefly considered with particular reference to the protracted tensions which persisted between Rwanda and the DRC, despite the conclusion of numerous peace agreements between both countries. The final chapter will form an evaluation of the prospects for peace in the DRC beyond 2004 and will conclude the study with particular reference to the extent to which the research questions have been adequately addressed with final recommendations on the role of preventive diplomacy in addressing conflict.
Dissertation (MA (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2008.
Political Sciences
unrestricted

Ce mémoire vise à comprendre les motivations des États à intervenir militairement dans un autre État pour mettre fin aux violations graves des droits de l’homme tel que le nettoyage ethnique et le génocide. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à comprendre pourquoi il y a eu une variation dans la position américaine face aux cas de génocide au Rwanda en 1994, au Kosovo en 1999 et au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. À partir d’une approche réaliste en Relations Internationales qui met l’accent sur l’intérêt national égoïste comme facteur principal explicatif du comportement des États, nous procédons à l’étude des cas de la position américaine lors de trois crises humanitaires. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à comprendre la non intervention des États-Unis lors du génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994, l’intervention américaine au Kosovo en 1999, et enfin la non intervention américaine au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. En somme, nos études de cas démontrent que c’est l’intérêt national qui motive les États d’intervenir ou de ne pas intervenir lors des cas de nettoyage ethnique ou de génocide. D’une part, lors du génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994, les États-Unis ne sont pas intervenus car l’intérêt national interprété comme le repli sur les affaires internes américaines ne serait pas maximisé par l’intervention militaire. Ensuite, l’intervention des États-Unis et de l’OTAN au Kosovo en 1999 est expliquée par l’intérêt national américain dans un contexte de l’après guerre froide d’approfondir son engagement sécuritaire en Europe et de préserver sa position hégémonique et son prestige sur la scène internationale, d’assurer la stabilité régionale et de préserver la crédibilité de l’OTAN. Finalement, l’intérêt national défini en termes de sécurité dans un contexte de la guerre au terrorisme explique la non intervention américaine au Darfour de 2003 à 2008.
This master’s thesis seeks to analyze what motivates a state’s military intervention in another state in order to stop mass human rights violations such as ethnic cleansing and genocide. Particularly, it tries to explain the United States inconsistent behavior towards genocide and ethnic cleansing during the Rwanda 1994, the Kosovo 1999, and the Darfur 2003 to 2008 humanitarian crisis. Using arguments of the realist approach in International Relations, whose main explanatory factor for state behavior is egoistic national self- interest, this paper examines the United States position during these three human rights crisis. Specifically, we seek to understand the United States non intervention during the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda in 1994, the United States intervention in Kosovo in 1999, and finally the United States non intervention during the mass killings in Darfur in 2003 to 2008. These case studies demonstrate that shifting definitions of the national self-interest motivate states to intervene or not intervene in ethnic cleansing and genocide crisis. First, during the 1994 Tutsi genocide in Rwanda, the United States chose to not intervene because the national interest, defined as the concentration on domestic affairs, would not be maximized by a military intervention. Secondly, the United States and NATO military intervention during the Kosovo crisis in 1999 can be explained by the pursuit of national self-interest maximization: in the post cold war context, the United States seek to strengthen their security engagements in Europe, to preserve their position and prestige in the international arena, to ensure regional stability as well as the NATO credibility. Finally, it will be argued that the national security self-interests motivated the United States non intervention in Darfur 2003 to 2008.

Cap I: Questo capitolo mira a stabilire un punto di partenza per quanto riguarda questa tesi, ricostruendo una definizione ampiamente accettata dalla comunità internazionale su ciò che si deve intendere come concetto di vittime di crimini atroci, concetto sviluppato e perfezionato dal diritto internazionale pubblico, in particolare i contributi a tale concetto proverranno dal diritto internazionale dei diritti umani e dal diritto penale internazionale, inoltre si analizzerà ciascuno degli obiettivi dei modelli di giustizia restaurativa e la di giustizia retributiva per le vittime, dimostrando che esiste un punto di convergenza o di visione eclettica tra i due modelli nel diritto penale internazionale a favore delle vittime di crimini atroci. In questo capitolo si pretende introdurre un concetto simile a quello riconosciuto a livello internazionale come la carta dei diritti umani, in questo caso si introdurrà il concetto di Carta Internazionale dei diritti delle Vittime di crimini atroci, carta fondamentale composta da quattro documenti essenziali e la riunione degli stessi sarà la loro carta dei loro diritti, nel senso di fornire la protezione, difesa e riconoscimento dei loro diritti come Lex specialis, termine utilizzato non per privilegiare l'applicazione di una norma, ma per la costruzione di un corpo legale attraverso l'unione di vari pezzi che contiene disposizioni specifiche e generali, che di per sé non corrispondono ad una posizione cronologica, allo stesso modo, questa Carta delle Vittime si vedrà arricchita dal retaggio di due tradizioni giuridiche del common law e del civile law che hanno inciso nei tribunali internazionali penali e/o dei diritti umani, che rendono effettiva la protezione delle vittime . È allora che si tratterà: In primo luogo, sugli apporti che realizzano i Principi fondamentali di giustizia per le vittime di reati e dell'abuso di potere. In secondo luogo, si approfondirà sui contributi dei principi e delle linee guida sul diritto delle vittime di violazioni manifeste delle norme internazionali dei Cap I diritti umani e di gravi violazioni del diritto internazionale umanitario a interporre ricorsi e ottenere riparazioni, si farà riferimento agli strumenti e alla giurisprudenza del Sistema Universale Dei Diritti Umani, il Sistema regionale Interamericano Dei Diritti Umani, il Sistema Regionale Europeo Dei Diritti Umani e il Sistema Regionale Africano Dei Diritti Umani. In modo uguale si tratterà di garantire in ogni momento alle vittime il diritto di ottenere un risarcimento per le violazioni verificatesi ai loro diritti internazionalmente riconosciuti o per le violazioni del diritto internazionale umanitario. In terzo luogo, si analizzeranno i contributi apportati dai Principi contro l'impunità, in particolare i principi del diritto di sapere, del diritto alla giustizia e del diritto alla riparazione. Quarto luogo: Si descriveranno le caratteristiche generali del riconoscimento dei diritti delle vittime nel Sistema della Corte Penale Internazionale.
cap II: Questo capitolo analizzerà i principi generali che regolano il processo penale internazionale, in particolare quelli a favore delle vittime e degli imputati coinvolti nel processo. Questi principi saranno definiti e spiegati sulla base della giurisprudenza internazionale dei diritti umani, del diritto penale internazionale e della dottrina internazionale. Di conseguenza, saranno trattati come principi per le vittime; l'accesso alla giustizia che tratta il ricorso effettivo contro i gravi crimini perpetrati, che comprendono: il diritto di accedere a un rimedio adeguato e idoneo, il diritto a un ricorso effettivo e il diritto a un ricorso opportuno. Il principio della quarta istanza a favore delle vittime, in particolare l'esame del diritto penale internazionale sulla cosa giudicata fraudolenta l principio dell'adozione di misure di protezione a favore delle vittime di crimini atroci: il principio delle Norme imperative di diritto internazionale generale, jus cogens ed i principi secondo i quali l'imputato deve essere presente nel processo. Allo stesso modo, per sviluppare il processo e come garanzia per gli indagati e imputati e talvolta della vittima, si svilupperanno i principi di: la presunzione di innocenza; il principio di indipendenza e di imparzialità dei giudici; il principio della parità e della ragionevolezza della durata del procedimento; l'uguaglianza delle parti; la pubblicità del procedimento; accesso obbligatorio all' informazione, la confidenzialità e la riservatezza; la durata ragionevole del procedimento e il principio della doppia istanza.
Cap III: Una volta definiti i diritti delle vittime, Carta Internazionale dei diritti delle Vittime di crimini atroci, questo capitolo mira a descrivere le fasi proprie del processo dinanzi alla Corte Internazionale Penale quale massimo esponente del diritto penale internazionale; per questo, la procedura sarà spiegata in modo dettagliato e illustrativo, facendo riferimento alle norme pertinenti degli Statuti e delle regole di procedimento e prova dell'TPIY, dell'TPIR e della Corte Internazionale Penale CPI, nonché alla prassi giuridica dei tribunali penali ad hoc, così come all'influenza degli strumenti e della giurisprudenza dei Tribunali penali internazionali di diritti umani. Pertanto, descriverà il modo di attivazione della Corte da parte di: Gli Stati, il Consiglio di sicurezza, la Procura della CPI, introducendo la partecipazione delle vittime alla trasmissione di informazioni sui reati atroci alla Procura della CPI; così come sitratterà dell'accesso e capacità di azione delle vittime, il diritto di partecipazione al diritto penale internazionale, in particolare dinanzi alla Corte Internazionale Penale, nonché i diritti riconosciuti dallo Statuto di Roma agli indagati e che si trovano in un processo internazionale penale in confronto con gli strumenti relativi ai diritti umani. Dopo di ciò si procederà ad affrontare le varie fasi del processo avviato dalla Corte Internazionale Penale, vale a dire la fase di apertura dell'inchiesta da parte del Procuratore, il principio di complementarità e il test di ammissibilità, le condizioni per l'avvio delle indagini, Lo svolgimento delle indagini e delle indagini da parte del Procuratore della CPI, comprese: la cooperazione giudiziaria degli Stati, la procedura di arresto in attesa di processo, La presentazione dell'atto d'accusa e delle accuse, la procedura preliminare all'udienza. A sua volta si tratterà tutto ciò che riguarda il Processo, vale a dire la presentazione del caso, le norme sulle prove, la delibera, la determinazione della pena, e la procedura di appello o la revisione del processo. Inoltre, questo capitolo mirerà a definire e descrivere le modalità di partecipazione delle vittime all'intero procedimento dinanzi alla Corte Internazionale Penale. Le Corti Internazionali Penali sono state istituite in diversi contesti per indagare e punire crimini gravi; tuttavia, né il Tribunale Penale Internazionale per il Ruanda, né il Tribunale Penale Internazionale per l'ex Iugoslavia e attualmente il Tribunale Penale Internazionale, non sono dotati di forze di polizia che possa operare liberamente nel territorio degli Stati interessati, motivo per cui gli agenti internazionali sono spesso costretti a intervenire per impedire che gli stessi funzionari siano ostacolati, sia per la loro incapacità che per la loro riluttanza, da certe violazioni. Non essendo dotate di un'autorità di polizia, accade spesso che la loro vera funzione sia relegata dagli Stati e non vi sia più azione. È per questo che la sfida particolare nei confronti degli Stati che esplicitamente o tacitamente sono riluttanti a tali ricerche, è quello di trovare la combinazione tra coercizione legale ed estendere un qualche tipo di azione che permetta un'indagine adeguata. Occorre sottolineare che molti degli sviluppi giurisprudenziali e statutari derivanti dall'esperienza dei tribunali per l'ex Iugoslavia e il Ruanda sono stati inseriti nello Statuto e nelle regole della Corte Internazionale Penale. Nella pratica, tuttavia, esistono differenze importanti che spesso riflettono i diversi contesti di ciascuna situazione. È importante notare che l'innovazione apportata dallo Statuto che è rilevante per le vittime può essere analizzata su tre aspetti specifici: 1. La Protezione, che è stata trattata nel capitolo precedente, 2. La Partecipazione, che sarà trattata nel presente capitolo, e 3. La riparazione o Risarcimento che sarà trattata nel capitolo III. D'altro canto, nonostante il fatto che, in questo secolo, il movimento per i diritti umani abbia significato per molte persone una lotta contro l'impunità, è stato anche espresso in modo contraddittorio, poiché, mentre ha rafforzato la responsabilità penale di coloro che li hanno violati, ha significato anche l'emanazione di molte leggi di amnistia opposte che potrebbero ostacolare tale responsabilità . In relazione alla conclusione del capitolo sui rimedi efficaci, numerose organizzazioni per i diritti umani e autorità giudiziarie sono giunte alla conclusione che gli Stati sono responsabili di indagare, perseguire e punire penalmente le persone che commettono crimini di guerra, crimini contro l'umanità e genocidio, nell'ambito delle molteplici violazioni dei diritti umani che possono verificarsi. Di conseguenza, il fatto che uno Stato venga meno ai propri doveri implica una violazione del diritto internazionale dei Diritti Umani. Inoltre, questo movimento ha portato come conseguenza l’aumento della lotta contro l'impunità, in quanto la responsabilità è considerata una caratteristica importante nella risoluzione dei conflitti
Cap IV: Questo capitolo svilupperà il diritto internazionalmente riconosciuto al risarcimento e le forme di risarcimento previste dal diritto penale internazionale a favore delle vittime di crimini atroci su base individuale e collettivamente, spiegando a tal fine che per risarcimento si deve intendere la giurisprudenza e i principi elaborati dalla Corte penale internazionale e da altri organismi che hanno affrontato questo concetto. A sua volta si spiegherà il fondo fiduciario a favore delle vittime, modello sussidiario al risarcimento diretto che si decreta contro l'autore di crimini atroci, ma che segna una pietra miliare nel diritto penale internazionale moderno e dimostra con la sua adozione una posizione di Stati di compassione e di solidarietà verso le persone che hanno sofferto sofferenze indicibili. Nel corso di questo capitolo si farà inoltre riferimento alle sentenze della Corte penale internazionale e al modo in cui si sono svolte le varie riparazioni ordinate a favore delle vittime.
Cap V: Dopo aver spiegato come per il diritto internazionale, le vittime possono contare su diritti unici e obblighi a carico degli Stati e dei Tribunali Internacionali dei Deritti Umani e Penali Internacionali, Carte Fondamentali delle Vittime; che esistono principi che guidano i procedimenti nel diritto penale internazionale e che, in particolare ce ne sono di fondamentali per le vittime, le persone indagate e / o accusate e in generale per garantire un processo giusto ed equo; Che il diritto internazionale moderno, attraverso la Corte Penale Internazionale, riflette nelle sue procedure i diritti delle vittime di partecipare al processo e di ricevere un'adeguata riparazione individuale e collettiva, questo è il consolidamento della giurisprudenza delle corti internazionali per i diritti umani a favore delle vittime. A sua volta è spiegato come questa riparazione è stabilita e come le vittime possono accedere al ripristino o alla riparazione dei loro diritti direttamente o attraverso un fondo fiduciario proprio della Corte Penale Internazionale. Il presente capitolo ha lo scopo di riaffermare gli interessi e gli obiettivi comuni dell'Umanità di giustizia contro i perpetratori di crimini atroci, cioè perseguire, giudicare e condannare i responsabili. Vale a dire riaffermare il valore della non impunità di fronte a crimini gravi. Secondo il fatto che amnistie e indulti, perdoni amnesici, etc. possono essere riproposti nel mondo nel quadro della giustizia di transizione non autentica o difettosa. Che cercheranno di sottrarre la persona responsabile dalle conseguenze criminali stabilite a livello internazionale.. Ecco perché è stato discusso nel capitolo II di questa tesi, oltre all'importanza del concetto della Quarta Istanza a favore delle vittime e della cosa giudicata fraudolenta per l'attivazione della giurisdizione della Corte penale internazionale. In questo capitolo si cercherà di trattare l'impegno del l'intera comunità internazionale per la repressione penale dei crimini più gravi di rilevanza internazionale, la messa al bando dell'impunità nel diritto penale internazionale, l'esigenza di una pena privativa della libertà per crimini atroci per il diritto penale internazionale, il principio del diritto alla giustizia per il diritto penale internazionale, i parametri per l'imposizione di pene detentive per il diritto penale internazionale, il divieto di amnistia o indulto per crimini atroci e la giurisprudenza internazionale dei tribunali per i diritti dell'uomo che sancisce la pena detentiva per crimini atroci.
Cap VI: Nell'accordo concluso tra lo Stato della Colombia e il gruppo delle Farc, è stata istituita una giustizia transizionale, che in ogni caso sostituisce la giurisdizione penale della Colombia, le pene previste e le rispettive procedure, denominata “Giurisdizione per la pace e/o Sistema Integrale di Verità, Giustizia, Riparazione e Non Ripetizione, di seguito il SIVJRNR. La presente analisi comparativa sarà effettuata esclusivamente tra le norme internazionali del diritto penale internazionale e del diritto internazionale dei diritti dell'uomo e la giurisprudenza dei loro tribunali trattati nei capitoli precedenti, rispetto all'accordo concluso tra le parti, lo Stato della Colombia e il gruppo delle Farc, denominato: accordo 5, sulle Vittime del Conflitto: “Sistema Integrale di Verità, Giustizia, Riparazione e Non Ripetizione”. Questo perché tale accordo avrà un impatto diretto sulla legislazione nazionale della Colombia per la sua attuazione. Tuttavia, non mi soffermerò sul modo in cui è stato attuato a livello interno. Tale accordo tra il gruppo insurrezionale e lo Stato annunciava che il risarcimento delle vittime è al centro dell'Accordo tra il Governo Nazionale e le FARC-EP. In tal senso, in seno al Tavolo delle Trattative dell'Avana, si è discusso e raggiunto un accordo sul punto 5 dell'Agenda “Vittime” che comprende i seguenti punti: 1. Diritti umani delle vittime e 2. Verità, cercando di dare contenuti che soddisfino le rivendicazioni di coloro che sono stati colpiti dal lungo confronto sulla cui soluzione politica oggi, mediante questi nuovi consensi e importanti misure e accordi di disarmo, si è compiuto un passo fondamentale verso la costruzione di una pace stabile e duratura e la fine di una guerra di più di mezzo secolo che ha dissanguato il paese” Con il presente capitolo e sulla base dei precedenti si intende dimostrare che l'accordo concluso tra le parti non è conforme a quanto stabilito a livello di diritto penale internazionale e di diritto internazionale dei diritti umani.