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Journal articles on the topic 'United Nations Rwanda'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 February 2023

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1

Megwalu, Amaka, and Neophytos Loizides. "Dilemmas of Justice and Reconciliation: Rwandans and the Gacaca Courts." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 18, no. 1 (March 2010): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0954889009000486.

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Following the 1994 genocide, several justice initiatives were implemented in Rwanda, including a tribunal established by the United Nations, Rwanda's national court system and Gacaca, a ‘traditional’ community-run conflict resolution mechanism adapted to prosecute genocide perpetrators. Since their inception in 2001, the Gacaca courts have been praised for their efficiency and for widening participation, but criticised for lack of due process, trained personnel and attention to atrocities committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). To evaluate these criticisms, we present preliminary findings from a survey of 227 Rwandans and analyse their attitudes towards Gacaca in relation to demographic characteristics such as education, residence and loss of relatives during the genocide.

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2

Aptel, Cécile. "The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." International Review of the Red Cross 37, no. 321 (December 1997): 675–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400077767.

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The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda was created on 8 November 1994 by the United Nations Security Council, of which it is a subsidiary body. Its task is to help restore and maintain peace and bring about national reconciliation by trying persons allegedly responsible for acts of genocide and other grave breaches of international humanitarian law committed in Rwanda and Rwandan citizens suspected of committing such acts and violations in the territory of neighbouring States between 1 January and 31 December 1994.

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3

Taylor, Christopher C. "The United Nations and Rwanda 1993-96." International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 2 (1998): 414. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221120.

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4

Wembou, Djiena. "The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: Its role in the African context." International Review of the Red Cross 37, no. 321 (December 1997): 685–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400077779.

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In the face of the atrocities committed in Rwanda between April and July 1994, the international community committed itself to ensuring respect for international humanitarian law and trying those responsible for breaches of it. Thus, on 8 November 1994, the United Nations Security Council adopted resolution 955 creating the International Criminal Tribunal for the prosecution of persons responsible for genocide and other serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of Rwanda and of Rwandan citizens responsible for such acts committed in the territory of neighbouring States.

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5

Newman, Michael. "A dysfunctional United Nations and the Rwanda genocide." Political Quarterly 90, no. 2 (March 25, 2019): 329–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12674.

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6

Bontea, George Horațiu. "A Postmodernist Critique of the International Community’s Response to the Genocide in Rwanda: How the UN’s Rhetoric Contributed to Humanitarian Failure." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 67, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2022.2.04.

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"The gruesome savagery displayed during the events in Rwanda astounded the entire world. Even more outrageous is the fact that the international community did not have a strong response to the massacre and allowed millions of lives to be affected by the actions of Akazu. In this essay, I wish to propose that, drawing on the notion that postmodernist international theory's metanarratives can be created inside the framework of international politics, I look at a horrific incident that shocked the public. This study aims to address the issue, ""Why was the rhetoric of the United Nations potentially fueling the brutality of the Rwandan genocide?"" to demonstrate that the international community's rhetoric played a significant role in these sad events. All of them point to the fact that the way we classify and prioritise humanitarian situations can be considerably influenced by a international organisation with accepted authority in the international community. We saw the construction of a ""Rwanda Civil War"" metanarrative that only showed one side of the conflict before collapsing in the face of the terrible truth of what had actually occurred. Keywords: Rwandan Genocide, humanitarian intervention, discourse analysis, United Nations, postmodernism."

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7

Philpot, John. "Le tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda - La justice trahie (Note)." Études internationales 27, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 827–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703665ar.

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On November 8,1994, the Security Council of the United Nations adopted Resolution 955 creating an ad hoc international criminal tribunal to judge individuals responsible for violations of international humanitarian law committed in Rwanda between January 1, 1994 and December 31, 1994. In its form and structure, the Tribunal does not respect basic legal requirements required of a tribunal set up in international law. Us mandate - limited in time, in scope of potential indictment, and in jurisdiction to violations of international humanitarian law - mil prevent any light from being shed on the real issue raised by the Rwandan conflict, namely that of armed military intervention in Rwanda from Uganda. It will likely lead to the reinforcement of a one-sided view of the crisis in Rwanda and legitimate further unilateral interventionist policies in Africa and elsewhere. The Tribunal will institutionalize the de facto impunity for the members and supporters of the present government of Rwanda who undoubtedly committed many serious crimes between October 1, 1990 and the present.

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8

Mironko, Charles K., and Michael Barnett. "Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda." African Studies Review 46, no. 2 (September 2003): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1514870.

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9

Gerhart, Gail M., and Michael N. Barnett. "Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 6 (2002): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033409.

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10

Berdal, Mats. "The United Nations, Peacebuilding, and the Genocide in Rwanda." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 11, no. 1 (August 3, 2005): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-01101009.

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11

Basundoro, Alfin Febrian, and Allysa Ramadhani. "Analisis Efektivitas Implementasi Sustainable Development Goals ke-9 dalam Industrialisasi Pertanian di Rwanda." Jurnal Sentris 1, no. 1 (August 24, 2020): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v1i1.4195.75-89.

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Africa has great potential for development with its human and natural resources potential. Many African countries, including Rwanda, have protractedly relied on agriculture as their main source of income; however, the agricultural sector within the region has not faced thorough development due to, for example, limited progress in both agroindustries and agribusiness. Supported by technology and human resources development, global agriculture has progressed rapidly, and agriculture has become a strategic aspect of several national policies. In addition, several international institutions—such as the United Nations (UN), Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), and United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) —have formed various frameworks related to the sector. Utilizing approaches that address problems of human security and food security, this paper explains whether Rwanda’s agricultural industrialization methods are in line with both the four FAO-UNIDO agricultural industrialization pillars and also the ninth Sustainable Development Goals on infrastructure, industry, and innovation

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12

Cissé, Catherine. "The End of a Culture of Impunity in Rwanda? Prosecution of Genocide and War Crimes before Rwandan Courts and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 1 (December 1998): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900000088.

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Following the death of Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana in a plane crash on 6 April 1994, Hutu extremists, members of the Presidential Guard, Rwandan army troops, theInterhamwe(‘Those who work together’) militia affiliated to the ruling party, the M.R.N.D. (Mouvement Révolutionaire National pour la Démocratie) and theImpuzamugambi(‘Those with a single purpose’) militia of the extremist CDR Party (Coalition pour la Défense de la République) began the systematic and widespread killings of Tutsi civilians in the capital Kigali. Hutu moderates were also targeted. Early victims of the violence included Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana along with ten Belgian soldiers of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR). This incident prompted the withdrawal of UNAMIR which left the perpetrators of the genocide a free rein. Ministers and the President of the Constitutional Court were also killed within hours of the plane crash.

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박선기. "(특별기고)Jurisprudence of United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." KYUNGPOOK NATIONAL UNIVERSITY LAW JOURNAL ll, no. 32 (February 2010): 63–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.17248/knulaw..32.201002.63.

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14

Rosenfeld, Jeffrey V. "Neurosurgery in Rwanda during a United Nations Peace-Keeping Mission." Military Medicine 162, no. 5 (May 1, 1997): 311–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/162.5.311.

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15

Clark, Janine Natalya. "UN Peacekeeping in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Reflections on MONUSCO and Its Contradictory Mandate." Journal of International Peacekeeping 15, no. 3-4 (March 25, 2011): 363–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187541111x572728.

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Both because the United Nations (UN) spectacularly failed in Rwanda and because of the close links between the 1994 Rwandan genocide and the continuing conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO) – formerly the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) – constitutes an important test-case for UN peacekeeping. However, since MONUSCO is ongoing, it is too early to assess whether or not it has passed this test. This article, however, focuses on a particular issue that may ultimately cause the mission to fail, namely contradictions within its ever-expanding mandate. It argues that MONUSCO itself is helping to fuel these tensions through its flawed approach to one of the key components of its mandate, namely DDR (disarmament, demobilization and reintegration) and DDRRR (disarmament, demobilization, repatriation, resettlement and reintegration). It thus suggests how MONUSCO might revise its approach to these processes, particularly through a more ‘bottom-up’ focus that engages directly with local communities and with former combatants as individuals.

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16

Nishimwe, Grace, Didier Milindi Rugema, Claudine Uwera, Cor Graveland, Jesper Stage, Swaib Munyawera, and Gabriel Ngabirame. "Natural Capital Accounting for Land in Rwanda." Sustainability 12, no. 12 (June 22, 2020): 5070. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12125070.

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Land, as a valuable natural resource, is an important pillar of Rwanda’s sustainable development. The majority of Rwanda’s 80% rural population rely on agriculture for their livelihood, and land is crucial for agriculture. However, since a high population density has made land a scarce commodity, growth in the agricultural sector and plans for rapid urbanisation are being constrained, and cross-sectoral trade-offs are becoming increasingly important, with a risk that long-term sustainability may be threatened if these trade-offs are not considered. To help track land value trends and assess trade-offs, and to help assess the sustainability of trends in land use and land cover, Rwanda has begun developing natural capital accounts for land in keeping with the United Nations’ System of Environmental-Economic Accounting. This paper reports on Rwanda’s progress with these accounts. The accounting approach adopted in our study measures changes in land use and land cover and quantifies stocks for the period under study (2014–2015). Rwanda is one of the first developing countries to develop natural capital accounts for land, but the wide range of possible uses in policy analysis suggests that such accounts could be useful for other countries as well.

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17

McLaughlin, Rob. "Some Rules of Engagement Legacies of the 1999 Report of the Independent Inquiry into the Actions of the United Nations during the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 282–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104018.

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The United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda (unamir) has gone down in history as one of the worst failures in the history of the United Nations. The shortcomings of the mission were the focus of several reports. In this paper, Rob McLaughlin analyses some of the key findings of the various reports, with an emphasis on the rules of engagement framework and how it was interpreted at various points throughout the mission.

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18

Allen, Tim. "The United Nations and the homecoming of displaced populations." International Review of the Red Cross 34, no. 301 (August 1994): 340–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400078669.

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According to UNHCR figures, in 1970 there were 2.5 million refugees in the world. In 1980, the figure was 11 million. By the early 1990s, the alarming spread of civil wars was prompting an average of 10,000 people a day to flee across an international border. In 1993, the estimated number of refugees had risen to 18.2 million. In addition there were at least 24 million people who been forcibly displaced within their own countries (UNHCR, 1993:1). In 1994, the situation has deteriorated further, particularly in Africa. In the past few weeks, well over a million refugees have fled the fighting in Rwanda.

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19

Fegley, Randall. "Book Review: Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda." Genocide Studies and Prevention 11, no. 2 (October 2017): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.11.2.1518.

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20

Dragadze, Tamara, and Ignatius Mugabo. "Product Review: Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 33, no. 1 (January 2004): 87–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610403300159.

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21

Franceschet, Antonio. "The International Criminal Court's Provisional Authority to Coerce." Ethics & International Affairs 26, no. 1 (2012): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679412000056.

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The United Nations ad hoc tribunals in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda had primacy over national judicial agents for crimes committed in these countries during the most notorious civil wars and genocide of the 1990s. The UN Charter granted the Security Council the right to establish a tribunal for Yugoslavia in the context of ongoing civil war and against the will of recalcitrant national agents. The Council used that same right to punish individuals responsible for a genocide that it failed earlier to prevent in Rwanda. In both cases the Council delegated a portion of its coercive title to independent tribunal agents, thereby overriding the default locus of punishment in the world order: sovereign states.

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22

Jordaan, Eduard. "Worthy of membership? Rwanda and South Africa on the United Nations Human Rights Council." African Human Rights Law Journal 21, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1996-2096/2021/v21n2a36.

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The election of human rights-abusing states to the human rights bodies of the United Nations has long been a source of dissatisfaction. There have been repeated calls that such states should not be members of the UN Human Rights Council. This article compares the HRC records of Rwanda, an authoritarian state, with that of South Africa, a liberal democracy. The focus falls on 12 country-specific situations and nine civil and political rights issues that appeared before the HRC from 2017 to 2019. It is demonstrated that Rwanda has been a much stronger defender of international human rights than South Africa. This finding contradicts various empirical and theoretical studies that posit a positive relationship between domestic democracy and respect for human rights, on the one hand, and international support for human rights, on the other. This finding further suggests that demands that the HRC should only have members with respectable domestic human rights records should be tempered.

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23

Ayittey, George B. N. "The Non-Sustainability of Rwanda’s Economic Miracle." Journal of Management and Sustainability 7, no. 2 (May 30, 2017): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jms.v7n2p88.

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Emerging out of the horrific spasm of genocide that claimed more than 800,000 of the minority Tutsi ethnic group in 1994, Rwanda has chalked up some spectacular economic performance. Its rate of economic growth has averaged 8% since 2001 and it is among the fastest growing economies in East Africa. Poverty rates have been halved and Rwanda is one of the very few African countries that was able to achieve the United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It also has the highest representation of women in Parliament.This paper, however, argues that impressive though Rwanda’s economic performance might be, it is not sustainable. First, it is heavily dependent upon foreign aid, making it vulnerable to fluctuations in aid. Second, the Asian Tiger economic model Rwanda copied from Singapore-development under authoritarianism—has failed miserably in postcolonial Africa. No dictator—civilian, military nor rebel—has brought lasting prosperity to any African country. Third, the other types of reform Rwanda needs to sustain its economic achievement—intellectual, political, constitutional and institutional reforms—are petulantly missing. How these reforms are sequenced is also critically important. Focusing only on economic liberalization to the detriment of the other reforms amounts to putting the cart before the horse. Finally and most disconcerting of all, in his understandable zeal to prevent another genocide, Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame is unwittingly re-creating the very conditions that led to the 1994 genocide—a supreme irony.

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24

Jenča, Miroslav. "The Concept of Preventive Diplomacy and Its Application by the United Nations in Central Asia." Security and Human Rights 24, no. 2 (2013): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02402009.

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The century-old concept of preventive diplomacy has grown in prominence since the end of the Cold War, and was strengthened by the failures of the international community to prevent the violence in places such as Rwanda and Yugoslavia. The United Nations has undertaken a range of preventive activities in Central Asia, including in partnership with relevant regional actors. This paper considers the role of the United Nations Regional Centre for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia (UNRCCA) in terms of transboundary threats, domestic developments in Kyrgyzstan, and the management of common resources.

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25

Simon, David J. "Rwanda and the Rohingya." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104013.

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The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda led the United Nations and global civil society to attempt to reinvent the international atrocity prevention regime. The advent of the doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect was to supposed to represent a new-found dedication to the goal of preventing mass atrocities and to intervene to stop them when they do break out. However, the situation of the Rohingya in Myanmar, who have been subject to years of persecution, ethnic cleansing, and – since 2017 – many elements of genocide, suggests that there has been more continuity than change. Rather, many of the same issues that plagued the global response to Rwanda are problematic again with respect to the Rohingya. This essay examines both the promise of change in the global anti-atrocity regime after Rwanda as well as the shortcomings that continue to plague the international response to atrocity.

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Boulden, Jane. "Rwanda: Lessons Observed. Lessons Learned?" Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 263–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104017.

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In seeking to determine whether and in what way the experience in Rwanda may have changed peacekeeping, this article examines three official international institutional reports that were issued after the genocide in Rwanda. Their discussion of United Nations peacekeeping after Rwanda, each from a slightly different vantage point, provides a window into the thinking of the time as to what changes should occur in peacekeeping as a result of the Rwanda experience. Two reports focused on the future of peacekeeping more generally, the Brahimi Report, published in 2000, and the hippo Report, published in 2015 are used as benchmarks to determine whether and to what extent those proposed changes occurred. The article argues that while many changes in peacekeeping can be identified since 1994, peacekeeping remains unchanged at its core in that it is still based on the foundational principles of consent, impartiality and minimal use of force.

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Bou, Jean. "Underpowered and Mostly Unwanted." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104005.

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This chapter is a short history of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda (unamir). It is based on an examination of the Australian deployment to Rwanda undertaken as part of the five-volume Official History of Australian Peacekeeping, Humanitarian and Post-Cold War Operations. The chapter briefly charts the establishment, travails, reduction, re-establishment and then demise of this UN mission. In doing so highlights how unamir was perpetually dogged by having mandates that, while they seemed suitable when they were created in New York, were quickly overtaken by events in Rwanda. Moreover, after the genocide, the recreated unamir was forced to attempt to police the very people and institutions it was reliant on for its continued survival if it was to carry out its mandate.

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Gubic, Ilija, Dheeraj Arrabothu, John Bugirimfura, Laurel Hasabamagara, Irenee Isingizwe, Azza Kagina, Afsana Karigirwa, et al. "Advocating for green building minimum compliance system in Rwanda: Using bricks to achieve sustainability." Facta universitatis - series: Architecture and Civil Engineering 19, no. 1 (2021): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fuace210922006g.

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Development countries in Africa will see 75% increase of its current building stock until 2060 due to the economic development, rapid urbanization and population growth. Rwanda?s Third National Communication under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change estimates that the carbon dioxide emissions from buildings will increase by 574% by 2050 in the business as usual scenario. The aim of this paper puts sustainable architecture and green buildings in a context of rapidly urbanizing Rwanda, showing five recently constructed brick buildings that exploit the culture while meeting the sustainability demands of the 21st century. Global sustainability agendas are advocating for the use of brick for its durability, quality, with environmental, economic, and social benefits for construction sector. This paper provides insights on the policies, such as the Green Building Minimum Compliance System, advocating for the use of brick as a sustainable construction material. Despite the rapid urbanization in Rwanda, the existing sustainable construction practices help in reducing carbon dioxide emissions, while this paper also documents results on social and economic perspectives for the community from construction sector.

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Oswald, Bruce ‘Ossie’. "unamir: a Deployed Legal Officer’s Retrospective." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104007.

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From August 1994 until February 1995 I served as an Australian Defence Force legal officer with the Australian Medical Support Force which was a component of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda. During this deployment three duties I engaged with still stand out for me 25 years later: investigating the mass grave site at Ntarama, the use of force to defend the mandate and individual self-defence, and detention. This paper, in large part, engages with my reflections of these issues in the context of my military law practice, and academic research and writing. I conclude by making six observations from my experiences in Rwanda.

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30

Uwera, Diana, and Paul Munene. "Diplomacy Promotion and Economic Development in Rwanda A Case of United States Embassy Kigali." Journal of Advance Research in Social Science and Humanities (ISSN: 2208-2387) 7, no. 10 (October 31, 2021): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/nnssh.v7i10.1072.

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The Diplomacy performs a key role in shaping what takes area in international relations including bilateral relations, development aids, foreign policy and political and state interests. Diplomacy promotion is changing along with at least three dimensions, so the first is that in today’s world household participants work nationally to meet famous challenges. Not long ago, diplomacy used to promote hobbies throughout the country, while development used to be once the eradication of poverty. The intentions of the researcher to conduct a study to find out the role of diplomacy promotion on economic development of Rwanda with specific consideration of the United States of America Embassy in Kigali. The researcher also used descriptive research design and while collecting data interview guide and questionnaire were used as data collection instrument. The study sampled 152 respondents from 246 employees of United Nations of America Embassy in Kigali. The data was analyzed using both descriptive and inferential statistic. In descriptive statistics mean and standard deviation was used while in inferential statistic correlation and regression analysis through use of SPSS version 21. The study results revealed that capacity building, social welfare and Poverty reduction has role in economic development of Rwanda. The study revealed that that the overall model had R coefficient .975 reveals that diplomacy promotion (capacity building, social welfare and Poverty reduction) had a positive relationship with economic development of Rwanda. The coefficient of determination indicated by Adjusted R square of .950 also indicates that capacity building, social welfare and Poverty reduction explains 95.0% the role economic development of Rwanda .Thus, it implies that predictors of economic development of Rwanda such as Per capital income of and Gross domestic product had 95.0%. The findings of this study proved that there is a relationship between capacity building and economic development of Rwanda (p=.773 and sig=.000), between social welfare and economic development of Rwanda (p=.783 and sig=.000). Thus, it implies that there is a relationship between diplomacy promotion (capacity building, social welfare and Poverty reduction) and economic development with specific consideration of US Embassy Kigali. The researcher would like to recommend to the US Embassy Kigali to enhance the foreign policy regarding promotion of capacity building among the people living in Rwanda to ensure economic development. The researcher would also like to recommend to the beneficiaries of US Embassy Kigali projects to make sure that the projects run for them reduce poverty and enhance the welfare of their households because the results showing that there is a positive significant between diplomacy and poverty reduction, and social welfare in Rwanda.

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31

Kama, Laïty. "Foreword by the President of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." International Review of the Red Cross 37, no. 321 (December 1997): 603–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400077706.

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The decision to devote an issue of the International Review of the Red Cross to a series of articles on the two ad hoc International Criminal Tribunals set up by the United Nations to prosecute persons responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law in the former Yugoslavia and in Rwanda reflects the increasing importance of these courts both for the general public and for legal experts.

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32

Agbakwa, Shedrack C. "Genocidal Politics and Racialization of Intervention: From Rwanda to Darfur and Beyond." German Law Journal 6, no. 2 (February 1, 2005): 513–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013778.

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Last year marked the tenth anniversary of the Rwandan genocide when more than 800,000 people were slaughtered within 100 days under the watch of the international community. As the United Nations has since acknowledged, “[t]he international community did not prevent the genocide, nor did it stop the killing once the genocide had begun.” The whole world failed the victims – a failure the UN Report called a fundamental “failure of the international community [and] failure of the United Nations system as a whole.” Those who could did little or nothing to help. Indeed, some actively concealed or denied the unfolding genocide. Interestingly, the genocide took place more than half a century after the victorious allies of World War II vowed “Never Again!” to genocide in response to the Nazi holocaust. Also, by 1994 the 1948Convention on the Punishment and the Prevention of the Crime of Genocideunder which states assumed a legal duty to prevent and punish the crime of genocide was nearly half a century old.

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33

Domres, Bernd, and Andreas Mang. "The Flight from Rwanda in 1994: What Were (Are) the Priorities?" Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 12, no. 1 (March 1997): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00037213.

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AbstractExtent of the Catastrophe:More than 2 million refugees, 2–3 million displaced persons internally, thousands of unaccompanied children, and a total number of reported fatalities of 48,347 in Goma, Zaire.Priorities for International Relief:International relief support started with coordination provided by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). In the first phase, availability of potable water was the highest priority. Current priorities are to intensify repatriation of Rwandan refugees under conditions that will guarantee human rights and allow for dignified daily living.Conclusion:Education beginning at childhood, to overcome conflicts, social inequality, and overpopulation should be promoted by assisting governments, instead of pursuing policies aimed largely at forwarding their own national interests.

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Shrivastava, Nitya, Shambhavi Mishra, and Gousiya Parween. "THE BEGUMS OF BHOPAL: A DYNASTY OF WOMEN RULERS IN RAJ INDIA (BOOK REVIEW)." BSSS Journal of Education 11, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51767/je1111.

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The book “The Begums of Bhopal: A Dynasty of Women Rulers of Raj India” is authored by Shaharyar M. Khan. He was in born 12 March 1934. He is a former career Pakistan diplomat who became Foreign Secretary of Pakistan in 1990 and retired from service in 1994. He served as United Nations Special Representative of the Secretary-General to Rwanda (1994–1996) also. Shaharyar Khan has written a number of books specially “The Begums of Bhopal” is a history of the princely state of Bhopal and “Shallow Graves of Rwanda” on his experiences on what Rwanda went through. The Begum of Bhopal, Sultan Jahan was his grandmother, and Shah Jahan Begum was his great-grandmother. Since August 1999, he served as the chairman of Pakistan Cricket Board and as the president of Asian Cricket Council in 2016. The ISBN is 9780755626144 and it was published by Bloomsbury Publishing.

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Helm, Jutta. "Rwanda and the Politics of Memory." German Politics and Society 23, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2005.230401.

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This article examines the German response to Rwanda's genocide, an important concern that previous research largely has ignored. Like the United States, Great Britain, France (up to mid-June l994) and other powers, Germany chose the role of bystander, observing and condemning the genocide, but failing to act. At first glance, this might appear unsurprising. The frequently cited "culture of reticence" in foreign affairs would seem to explain this posture of inaction. However, a second look uncovers several factors that could lead one to expect a German engagement in efforts to halt the genocide. By l994, Germany had contributed military and medical units to ten humanitarian efforts, including two United Nations missions in Cambodia (1991-1993) and in Somalia (1992-1994). Moreover, the Federal Republic's staunch support for human rights, as well as its considerable diplomatic and foreign aid presence in Rwanda, might have suggested a visible response to the mounting evidence of genocide. Why did this not occur? Why was there so little public discussion of German obligations to take steps to halt the genocide? On the one hand, answers to these questions are important in order to test previous research on the factors that led to states' participation in humanitarian interventions. On the other, they are significant for the inner-German debate about history and memory. Can the memory of the Holocaust inform debates about Germany's international obligations? How and under what circumstances might considerations of political morality shape foreign policy decisions?

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Osei, Lydia, Jonathan Amoyaw, Godfred Odei Boateng, Sheila Boamah, and Isaac Luginaah. "The paradox of water accessibility: understanding the temporal and spatial dimensions of access to improved water sources in Rwanda." Journal of Water, Sanitation and Hygiene for Development 5, no. 4 (November 26, 2015): 553–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/washdev.2015.029.

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According to the United Nations, the world has met the Millennium Development Goal target of halving the proportion of people without access to safe drinking water. However, global figures mask massive disparities between regions and countries, and within countries. For instance, only 64% of the people in sub-Saharan Africa have access to improved water sources. Over 40% of all people globally who lack access to drinking water live in sub-Saharan Africa. Rwanda is used as a case in point in this study. Despite the abundance of water resources in the country, access to improved water sources is limited. Using the Rwandan Demographic and Health Surveys (2000–2010), we examined regional disparities in access to improved water sources. Results from logistic regression models show that overall, access to improved water has declined between 2000 and 2010; except in the western region, where access to water marginally improved. Educated individuals, wealthier and urban dwellers were more likely to have access to improved water sources over time compared to their uneducated, poor and rural counterparts. The persistence of regional disparities in access to improved water over time suggests the need for policy to address insufficient investments in water infrastructure in Rwanda.

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Gutman, Roy W. "Spotlight on violations of international humanitarian law: The role of the media." International Review of the Red Cross 38, no. 325 (December 1998): 619–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400091506.

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Fifty years after the United Nations proclaimed its ambitious Universal Declaration of Human Rights, skeptics will have no trouble demonstrating that the international community's commitment to the document is shallow at best. The pretense was laid bare by the UN's inadequacy to stop genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda, compounded by the institution's failure to conduct a thoroughgoing self-examination to determine the lessons of the debacle in Bosnia.

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Murray, Cathy. "Children's Rights in Rwanda: A Hierarchical or Parallel Model of Implementation?" International Journal of Children's Rights 18, no. 3 (2010): 387–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181810x487036.

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AbstractThe paper reports on a qualitative study, entitled Children's Rights in Rwanda, which was conducted in Kigali, Rwanda in 2007. Qualitative interviews were conducted with government ministers, senior staff in non-governmental organisations, Human Rights Commissioners, a Senior Prosecutor and the Ombudsman. Two focus groups were held with teenage pupils. The study explores the key children's rights – provision, protection and participation – enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. The research question is whether children's participation rights feature in Rwanda, a country in which children's rights to provision and to protection are still being addressed. A parallel model and a hierarchical model of implementing children's rights are proposed and the use of elite interviews discussed. A key finding is that a parallel model of implementation of children's rights is evident, with children's right to participation (at least in the public sphere) being addressed alongside children's right to provision and protection. In the private sphere, children's participation rights lag behind.

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Jessee, Erin, and Sarah E. Watkins. "Good Kings, Bloody Tyrants, and Everything In Between: Representations of the Monarchy in Post-Genocide Rwanda." History in Africa 41 (April 23, 2014): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2014.7.

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AbstractSince assuming power after the 1994 genocide, President Paul Kagame and his political party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, have struggled to unite Rwanda’s citizens using, among other initiatives, a simplified version of Rwandan history to diminish the ethnic tensions that made the 1994 genocide possible. As a result, Rwanda’s history has become highly politicized, with vastly divergent versions of the nation’s past narrated in private settings, where it is more politically appropriate for Rwandans to share their experiences. This paper focuses on divergent representations of Rwandan monarchical figures – often unnamed – whom the narrators imbue with values according to their individual political affiliations, lived experiences, and identity. These narratives are indicative of the broader ways that modern Rwandans narrate their experiences of history in response to Rwanda’s current official history, as well as previous official histories. Careful analysis reveals much about the current political climate in post-genocide Rwanda: most notably, that Rwandans continue to see their nation’s past through vastly different lenses, demonstrating the enormous challenges facing the Rwandan government as it seeks to reconcile its population using current methods. It also highlights the ongoing need on the part of historians to approach contemporary sources critically, informed by sources produced and debated in the pre-genocide period.

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Montgomery, Tornmie Sue. "Getting to Peace in El Salvador: The Roles of the United Nations Secretariat and ONUSAL." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 37, no. 4 (1995): 139–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166249.

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During 1995, the 50th anniversary year of the United Nations (UN), news of the failure of its peacekeeping missions in Bosnia, Somalia, and Rwanda dominated the media and political rhetoric. In El Salvador, however, a UN mission with a legitimate claim to success was able to close its doors on 30 April 1995. How is this remarkable achievement to be explained? And, what are the lessons — positive and negative — that can be learned from the 45 months during which the United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (Misión de Obseruadores de las Naciones Unidas en El Salvador or ONUSAL) oversaw a transition from war to peace and verified a lengthy set of peace accords?The success of ONUSAL was anything but assured when it began in July 1991, some six months before there was even a cease-fire.

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Mundis, Daryl A. "Improving the Operation and Functioning of the International Criminal Tribunals." American Journal of International Law 94, no. 4 (October 2000): 759–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2589804.

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Since the establishment of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, both International Tribunals have grown tremendously in terms of resources. Despite this growth, the International Tribunals have rendered judgments in only fifteen cases and conducted inordinately long trials—a fault for which, perhaps more than any other, they can be justly criticized. The Secretary- General of the United Nations recently appointed an expert group to review the efficiency of the operation of the International Tribunals and make recommendations for improvement. Following the release of the group's report, the General Assembly requested that the Secretary-General obtain comments from the International Tribunals on the experts’ recommendations. The ICTYjudges, for their part, considered these recommendations in a report to the United Nations setting forth a long-term strategy for improving the operation of the Tribunal.

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Walter, Barbara F. "Peacemaking in Rwanda: The Dynamics of Failure. By Bruce D. Jones. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001. 200p. $49.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 884–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402280478.

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By almost all indicators, Rwanda's civil war should have ended in a successful negotiated settlement. Both the Tutsi rebels and the Rwandan government had agreed to participate in negotiations brokered by a team of Tanzanian mediators whom most people considered highly skilled. The two parties to the negotiations were able to reach and sign a detailed peace settlement that guaranteed both parties representation in the legislature and a set percentage of slots in the military. And the United Nations offered to “guarantee” the security of the two sides during the implementation period. Almost all factors purported to lead to a peaceful solution were present at the time the Arusha accords were signed in 1994. Rwanda's civil war, however, did not end peacefully. Instead, a peace process that seemingly had all the elements of success ended in one of the most rapid genocides in recorded history.

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Drew, Phillip, and Major (ret’d) Brent Beardsley. "Do Not Intervene: unamir’s Rules of Engagement from the Inside." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 116–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104008.

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This article provides a first-hand account on how the rules of engagement (roe) for the United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda (unamir) were developed and implemented. It provides insight into the difficulties that were encountered in developing the roe and getting them authorized. While the mission is often criticized for its failure to protect civilians from genocidal violence, the paper explores the factors that influenced the creation of the rules, and why, given its force structure, unamir was incapable of preventing or stopping the violence.

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Bülte, Nicolai, Johanna Grzywotz, Tobias Römer, and Leonard Wolckenhaar. "Monitoring the Trial of Onesphore R. Before theOberlandesgerichtFrankfurt." German Law Journal 16, no. 2 (May 2015): 285–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220002085x.

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“Twenty years ago today our country fell into deep ditches of darkness—twenty years later, today, we are a country united and a nation elevated.”Those were the words of Rwanda's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Louis Mushikiwabo, on 7 April 2014, as he spoke to the Rwandan People at the twentieth anniversary of the beginning of the Rwandan genocide. Thousands of Rwandans gathered at Rwanda's main sports stadium, the Amahoro stadium, in Kigali to mourn their losses together. Ban Kimoon, the UN Secretary-General, lit a flame at the Kigali Genocide Memorial Center and not only expressed his solidarity with all Rwandans, but also emphasized that the United Nations could and should have done more to avoid the most devastating chapter in Rwanda's history.

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Aptel, C. "The United Nations International Criminal Tribunals: The Former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Sierra Leone, William A. Schabas." International Journal of Transitional Justice 1, no. 2 (August 10, 2007): 309–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijm016.

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Matheson, Michael J., and David Scheffer. "The Creation of the Tribunals." American Journal of International Law 110, no. 2 (April 2016): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.110.2.0173.

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This article offers a U.S. perspective on the creation of the Yugoslav and Rwanda criminal tribunals as each nears its conclusion following more than twenty years of judicial proceedings. During the period in which the tribunals were created, one of us (MJM) was the Acting Legal Adviser or Principal Deputy Legal Adviser of the U.S. Department of State, and the other (DS) was Senior Adviser and Counsel to the U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations and was subsequently the first U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues. Given the leading role played by the United States in the process of creating the tribunals, we hope that our perspective might help to illuminate the critical issues faced at that time.

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Taylor, J. Edward, Mateusz J. Filipski, Mohamad Alloush, Anubhab Gupta, Ruben Irvin Rojas Valdes, and Ernesto Gonzalez-Estrada. "Economic impact of refugees." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 113, no. 27 (June 20, 2016): 7449–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1604566113.

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In 2015, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees accommodated over 15 million refugees, mostly in refugee camps in developing countries. The World Food Program provided these refugees with food aid, in cash or in kind. Refugees’ impacts on host countries are controversial and little understood. This unique study analyzes the economic impacts of refugees on host-country economies within a 10-km radius of three Congolese refugee camps in Rwanda. Simulations using Monte Carlo methods reveal that cash aid to refugees creates significant positive income spillovers to host-country businesses and households. An additional adult refugee receiving cash aid increases annual real income in the local economy by $205 to $253, significantly more than the $120–$126 in aid each refugee receives. Trade between the local economy and the rest of Rwanda increases by $49 to $55. The impacts are lower for in-kind food aid, a finding relevant to development aid generally.

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Schmidt, Frank. "Recommendations for improving the security of humanitarian workers." International Review of the Red Cross 37, no. 317 (April 1997): 152–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400085089.

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The meeting of heads of delegation and regional delegates held in Glion from 19 to 22 January 1997 was a milestone in the recent history of the ICRC. Its aim was to mobilize senior operational staff around security issues in situations where humanitarian operations are undertaken. The recent tragic events affecting the ICRC (the assassination of ten staff members in Burundi, Chechnya and Cambodia) and the murder of three members of Médecins du monde as well as four United Nations human rights monitors in Rwanda, have highlighted the need to reassess security and humanitarian action on behalf of conflict victims.

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Roberts-Schweitzer, Eluned, and Patricia Maloof. "Crossing Cultural Barriers Through In-service Training." Practicing Anthropology 18, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 22–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.18.1.l4vtu2p4626779q0.

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The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees puts out a series of posters entitled "Who is a Refugee?" Utilizing lego figures differentiated by dress, but identical in face and form, it points to the difficulty of identifying refugees within the general population. The message of this poster—that refugees are similar to other people, that they are good citizens, your neighbors—highlights one of the many problems of resettlement. The overt publicity over refugee displacement, such as the devastating pictures of Rwanda or Bosnia in the press and on television, contrasts with invisibility in the resettlement phase of the refugee experience.

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Howland, Todd. "Mirage, Magic, or Mixed Bag? The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights' Field Operation in Rwanda." Human Rights Quarterly 21, no. 1 (1999): 1–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.1999.0007.

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