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1
Fahey, David M. The Black lodge in white America: "True Reformer" Browne and his economic strategy. Dayton, Ohio: Wright State University Press, 1994.
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2
E, Johnson David, ed. Twenty-five years history of the Grand Fountain of the United Order of True Reformers, 1881-1905. [Alexandria, Va.]: Chadwyck-Healey, 1987.
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3
E, Johnson David, ed. Twenty-five years history of the Grand Fountain of the United Order of True Reformers, 1881-1905. Richmond, Va: [Grand Fountain, United Order of True Reformers], 1987.
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4
E, Johnson David, ed. Twenty-five years history of the Grand Fountain of the United Order of True Reformers, 1881-1905. Richmond, Va: [Grand Fountain, United Order of True Reformers], 1987.
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5
Enss, Chris. Hearts West: True stories of mail order brides on the frontier. Guilford, Conn: TwoDot, 2005.
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6
The independent orders of B'nai B'rith and True Sisters: Pioneers of a new Jewish identity, 1843-1914. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2011.
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7
Deutsche Juden in Amerika: Bürgerliches Selbstbewusstsein und jüdische Identität in den Orden B'nai B'rith und Treue Schwestern, 1843-1914. Stuttgart: Steiner, 2007.
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8
Juré, Fiorillo, ed. True stories of Law & order: SVU: The real crimes behind the best episodes of the hit TV show. New York: Berkley Boulevard Books, 2007.
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9
Stevenson, Bryan. Just Mercy: A True Story of the Fight for Justice. New York: Delacorte Press, an imprint of Random House Children's Books, 2018.
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10
Burrell, William Patrick, and D. E. Johnson. Twenty-Five Years History of the Grand Fountain of the United Order of True Reformers, 1881-1905. Franklin Classics Trade Press, 2018.
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11
United Order of True Reformers Grand. Revised Ritual of the Grand Fountain, United Order of True Reformers: Revised by Authority of the Fifth Annual Session of the Grand Fountain. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2022.
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14
Stevenson, Bryan. Just Mercy - Adapted for Young People: A True Story of the Fight for Justice. Random House Children's Books, 2018.
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15
Fiorillo, Jure, and Kevin Dwyer. True Stories of Law & Order: SVU. Berkley Trade, 2007.
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16
Stevenson, Bryan. Just Mercy: A True Story of the Fight for Justice. Thorndike Press, 2020.
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17
Mehta, Jal. The Allure of Order. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199942060.001.0001.
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Ted Kennedy and George W. Bush agreed on little, but united behind the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB). Passed in late 2001, it was hailed as a dramatic new departure in school reform. It would make the states set high standards, measure student progress, and hold failing schools accountable. A decade later, NCLB has been repudiated on both sides of the aisle. According to Jal Mehta, we should have seen it coming. Far from new, it was the same approach to school reform that Americans have tried before. In The Allure of Order, Mehta recounts a century of attempts at revitalizing public education, and puts forward a truly new agenda to reach this elusive goal. Not once, not twice, but three separate times-in the Progressive Era, the 1960s and '70s, and NCLB-reformers have hit upon the same idea for remaking schools. Over and over again, outsiders have been fascinated by the promise of scientific management and have attempted to apply principles of rational administration from above. Each of these movements started with high hopes and ambitious promises, but each gradually discovered that schooling is not easy to "order" from afar: policymakers are too far from schools to know what they need; teachers are resistant to top-down mandates; and the practice of good teaching is too complex for simple external standardization. The larger problem, Mehta argues, is that reformers have it backwards: they are trying to do on the back-end, through external accountability, what they should have done on the front-end: build a strong, skilled and expert profession. Our current pattern is to draw less than our most talented people into teaching, equip them with little relevant knowledge, train them minimally, put them in a weak welfare state, and then hold them accountable when they predictably do not achieve what we seek. What we want, Mehta argues, is the opposite approach which characterizes top-performing educational nations: attract strong candidates into teaching, develop relevant and usable knowledge, train teachers extensively in that knowledge, and support these efforts through a strong welfare state. The Allure of Order boldly challenges conventional wisdom with a sweeping, empirically rich account of the last century of education reform, and offers a new path forward for the century to come.
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Anderson, Elisabeth. Agents of Reform. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691220895.001.0001.
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The beginnings of the modern welfare state are often traced to the late nineteenth-century labor movement and to policymakers' efforts to appeal to working-class voters. But this book shows that the regulatory welfare state began a half century earlier, in the 1830s, with the passage of the first child labor laws. The book tells the story of how middle-class and elite reformers in Europe and the United States defined child labor as a threat to social order, and took the lead in bringing regulatory welfare into being. They built alliances to maneuver around powerful political blocks and instituted pathbreaking new employment protections. Later in the century, now with the help of organized labor, they created factory inspectorates to strengthen and routinize the state's capacity to intervene in industrial working conditions. The book compares seven in-depth case studies of key policy episodes in Germany, France, Belgium, Massachusetts, and Illinois. Foregrounding the agency of individual reformers, the book challenges existing explanations of welfare state development and advances a new pragmatist field theory of institutional change. In doing so, it moves beyond standard narratives of interests and institutions toward an integrated understanding of how these interact with political actors' ideas and coalition-building strategies.
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William J, Novak. 4 The Administrative State in America. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198726401.003.0004.
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This chapter examines the idea of the Continental State in a common-law context, by focusing in particular on the American state. Building on some very recent historical and theoretical work on the American state, the chapter explores the conscious effort of the United States to create a modern state based loosely on the Continental model. It argues that American ideas and institutions were not created in isolation. Rather, from the beginning, American intellectuals, jurists, and state reformers engaged in an extended trans-Atlantic dialogue concerning matters of politics, law, and statecraft. This was especially true of the period that experienced the most extensive transformations in American governance and statecraft — the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Accordingly, this chapter takes a close look at the American tradition of law and state building in this formative era — from 1866 to 1932.
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Minow, Martha, and Robert C. "Bobby" Scott. A Federal Right to Education. Edited by Kimberly Jenkins Robinson. NYU Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479893287.001.0001.
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This book brings together an array of leading scholars to engage three critical questions surrounding the current debate over a federal right to education. First, should the United States recognize such a right? The authors of part 1 collectively answer this question as they weigh the arguments for and against. They paint a picture of crippling inequality within our schools—sharing accounts of massive racial and socioeconomic disparities along the way—which compels them to form a nearly unanimous consensus that a federal right to education would reap important benefits for all students. But even assuming this is true, a second question remains as to how the United States could establish such a right. Accordingly, the authors of part 2 explore three different mechanisms for establishing a federal right: implying the right through the Constitution, enacting the right in federal law, or adopting it through a constitutional amendment. Finally, if a federal right to education is recognized, what should it guarantee? The authors of part 3 confront this critical substantive question by weaving novel policy solutions together with evidence-based reforms to present options for ensuring that a federal right to education encompasses the tools and policy levers that are necessary to accomplish the goals that reformers espouse. Their proposals also provide key insights for impactful reforms for state courts interpreting education rights as well state lawmakers seeking to improve educational opportunities and outcomes. In response to these and other fundamental questions about the vast opportunity and achievement gaps of American schoolchildren, this volume builds on the current dialogue—both political and scholarly—that contends that education is the critical civil rights issue of our time.
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Pak, G. Sujin. Prophecy and the Priesthood of All Believers. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190866921.003.0002.
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Luther’s, Zwingli’s, Bucer’s, and Zell’s early uses of prophecy focused on buttressing their teachings of the priesthood of all believers, rejecting Roman Catholic distinctions between the spiritual and temporal estates, and challenging Roman Catholic “tyranny” over biblical interpretation. These Protestant reformers defined a true prophet as one who proclaims and interprets the Word of God alone; the prophet and prophecy were therefore significant tools for rejecting Roman Catholic authority—by spurning Roman Catholic conceptions of the priesthood and identifying Roman Catholic leaders as false prophets—and ultimately for asserting the prime authority of Scripture. In the 1520s lay pamphleteers, including several female pamphleteers, embraced Luther’s, Zwingli’s, Bucer’s, and Zell’s early conceptions of the prophet in order to defend their call to proclaim God’s Word, interpret Scripture, and rebuke wrong teaching.
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Evener, Vincent. Enemies of the Cross. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190073183.001.0001.
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The present book argues that Martin Luther and his first allies and intra-Reformation critics (Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt and Thomas Müntzer) appealed to suffering to teach Christians to distinguish between true and false doctrine, teachers, and experiences. In so doing, they developed and deployed categories of false suffering, in which suffering was received or simply feigned in ways that hardened rather than demolished self-assertion. These ideas were nourished by the reception of teachings about annihilation of the self and union with God received from post-Eckhartian mysticism. Luther, Karlstadt, and Müntzer developed this mystical inheritance in different directions, each of which intended to shape Christians for differing forms of ecclesial-political dissent: Luther redefined union with God as a union with Christ through faith and the Word, and he counseled Christians to endure persecution as divine work under contraries; Karlstadt described union with God as “sinking into the divine will,” and he upheld this union as a postmortem goal that required, here and now, constant self-accusation and improvement on the part of the individual and the community; Müntzer looked for God to possess souls according to the created order, making Christians into actors for the execution of God’s will on the earthly plane. The democratization of mysticism that so many scholars have attributed to these reformers’ teachings involved a delimitation: mysticism joined to Reformation teaching was used to identify false experiences, false teachers, and ultimately false Christianity.
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Lynch, Julia. A Cross-National Perspective on the American Welfare State. Edited by Daniel Béland, Kimberly J. Morgan, and Christopher Howard. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199838509.013.023.
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The welfare system in the United States is not simply “small,”“residualist,” or “laggard.” It is true that protection against standard social risks is generally less comprehensive and less generous in the United States than in other rich democracies, but there are other important differences as well: The U. S. welfare state is unusual in its extensive reliance on private markets to produce public social goods; its geographic variability; its insistence on deservingness as an eligibility criterion; and its orientation toward benefits for the elderly rather than children and working-age adults. Nevertheless, the U.S. welfare state is not sui generis. The actors involved in the construction of the U.S. welfare state, the institutions created in response to social problems, and the contemporary pressures confronting the welfare state all have parallels in other countries. The markets that provide so many social goods in the United States are the products of state action and state regulation, and hence should really be thought of as part of the welfare “state.” Even recent expansions to the welfare state in the United States have, with the partial exception of health-care reform, reinforced old patterns of elderly oriented spending and benefits for worthy (working) adults. In order for the U.S. welfare state to adjust successfully to ensure against new social risks, it must focus more on underdeveloped program areas like health care, child care, early childhood education, and vocational training.
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Creighton, Breen, Catrina Denvir, Richard Johnstone, Shae McCrystal, and Alice Orchiston. Strike Ballots, Democracy, and Law. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198869894.001.0001.
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The purpose of the research upon which this book is based was empirically to investigate whether the ballot requirements in the Fair Work Act do indeed impose a significant obstacle to the taking of industrial action, and whether those provisions are indeed impelled by a legitimate ‘democratic imperative’. The book starts from the proposition that virtually all national legal systems, and international law, recognise the right to strike as a fundamental human right. It acknowledges, however, that in no case is this recognition without qualification. Amongst the most common qualifications is a requirement that to be lawful strike action must first be approved by a ballot of workers concerned. Often, these requirements are said to be necessary to protect the democratic rights of the workers concerned: this is the so-called ‘democratic imperative’. In order to evaluate the true purpose and effect of ballot requirements the book draws upon the detailed empirical study of the operation of the Australian legislative provisions noted above; a comparative analysis of law and practice in a broad range of countries, with special reference to Canada, South Africa, the United Kingdom and the United States; and the jurisprudence of the supervisory bodies of the International Labour Organisation. It finds that in many instances ballot requirements – especially those relating to quorum – are more concerned with curtailing strike activity than with constructively responding to the democratic imperative. Frequently, they also proceed from a distorted perception of what ‘democracy’ could and should entail in an industrial context. Paradoxically, the study also finds that in some contexts ballot requirements can provide additional bargaining leverage for unions. Overall, however, the study confirms our hypothesis that the principal purpose of ballot requirements – especially in Australia and the United Kingdom – is to curtail strike activity rather than to vindicate the democratic imperative, other than on the basis of a highly attenuated reading of that term. We believe that the end-result constitutes an important study of the practical operation of a complex set of legal rules, and one which exposes the dichotomy between the ostensible and real objectives underpinning the adoption of those rules. It also furnishes a worked example of multi-methods empirical, comparative and doctrinal legal research in law, which we hope will inspire similar approaches to other areas of labour law.
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Linker, Beth, and Whitney E. Laemmli. Half a Man. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190458997.003.0007.
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At the conclusion of World War II, more than 600,000 men returned to the United States with long-term disabilities, profoundly destabilizing male sexuality in America. This chapter excavates the contours of that change and its attendant anxieties in order to broaden scholarly interpretations of sexuality in the postwar period. Ultimately, the chapter shows that, although sexual reproduction is often coded female and sexual performance male, such a popularly held binary does not hold true when it comes to the history of paraplegic World War II veterans. To these veterans, and to the medical men who treated them, sexual reproduction became the ultimate signifier of remasculinization.
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Johanson, Graeme. Colonial Editions. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199609932.003.0004.
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This chapter describes a colonial edition and considers its role in the patterns of the entire export trade in British books from the 1840s onwards. A colonial edition is categorized as a new setting of type (a true edition), a separate impression from the same type, a separate issue, a reissue, or other types of book which do not fit neatly into a prescriptive bibliographical scheme. Colonial editions were produced to appear distinctive, in order to market them as reliable series of quality, and to prevent them being sold in the United Kingdom, where new novels cost at least twice as much per title as in the colonies. They were a cornerstone of the book trade to South Africa between the South African War (1899–1902) and World War One (1914–1918).
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Volgy, Thomas J., Kelly Marie Gordell, Paul Bezerra, and Jon Patrick Rhamey, Jr. Conflict, Regions, and Regional Hierarchies. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.310.
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Despite decades of scholarly attention to conflict and cooperation processes in international politics, rigorous, comparative, large-N analyses of these questions at the region level are difficult to find in the literature. Although this relative absence may stem in part from the difficulties related to the theoretical conceptualization or methodological operationalization of regions, it certainly is not for lack of interesting variation in terms of conflict and cooperation processes across regions. Between this variation and recent contributions toward a dynamic identification of regions, comparative analysis of conflict and cooperation outcomes at the region level are primed for exploration and increasingly salient as recent political elections in the United States (Trump election) and the United Kingdom (Brexit) have demonstrated a willingness on the part of policymakers to scale back efforts toward global interdependence.Turning attention to a region level unit of analysis, however, does not require abandoning decades of scholarship at the state or dyad levels. Indeed, much of this work may be viewed as informing or complementary to comparative regional analyses. In particular, regional propensity for cooperation or conflict is likely to be conditioned by a number of prominent explanations of these phenomena at state and dyad levels, which may usefully be conceived in their regional aggregates as so-called regional fault lines or baseline conditions. These include the presence of major and/or regional powers, interstate rivalries, unresolved territorial claims, civil wars, regime similarity, trade relationships, and common membership in intergovernmental organizations.Of these baseline conditions, the impact of major and regional powers on regional patterns of cooperation and conflict is notable for both its theoretical and practical implications. Power transition theory, hegemonic stability theory, hierarchical theory, and long cycle theory all suggest major—and to a lesser extent regional—powers will seek to establish order within areas under their influence; alternatively, the overwhelming capabilities these states bring to a region arguably act as a deterrent inhibiting conflict. Empirical analysis reveals—irrespective of the causal mechanism at hand—regions characterized by the presence of a major or regional power experience less conflict. Moving forward, future research should work to test the two plausible causal mechanisms for this finding—order building versus deterrence—to determine the true nature of hierarchy’s pacifying influence.
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Tollefsen, Torstein Theodor. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198816775.003.0006.
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We have seen that the iconoclast council of 754 set forth an argument against the holy icons that St Theodore took very seriously. How is it possible to make a true image of the incarnate God? Christ united divine and human nature in Himself. One should expect then that an image would represent both these natures. However, we have seen that Theodore makes the rather obvious claim that it is not natures that are the subject of painting, it is the hypostasis. This, unfortunately, does not solve the problem, since the hypostasis of Christ is the hypostasis of the eternal Son of God, and this is obviously invisible. In order to solve this problem Theodore works out a Christological position of some complexity, the main elements of which are drawn from the tradition of Orthodox Christology. His purpose is to show that if Christ became a human being, He should assume and manifest a particularized humanity. Since that is what He did, He would also be a potential subject of painting. In fact, the painting of an icon of Christ is important, both as a witness to the Incarnation and as a means of contemplation. The last point is essential, since the icon gives access not only to the concrete humanity of Christ, but even creates a possibility for the human mind to ascend to God through contemplating the icon....
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Fischerkeller, Michael P., Emily O. Goldman, Richard J. Harknett, and Paul M. Nakasone. Cyber Persistence Theory. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197638255.001.0001.
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Cyber persistence theory introduces a new logic and lexicon aligned to the empirical experience of cyber activity in international relations. The reality of State behavior and interaction in cyberspace has been quite different from the model of war and coercion upon which many countries base their cyber strategies. This unexpected reality has developed because security in and through cyberspace rests on a distinct set of features that differ from the dominant security paradigms associated with nuclear and conventional weapons environments. Cyber persistence theory posits the existence of a distinct strategic environment supporting the logic of exploitation rather than coercion. To achieve security in this cyber strategic environment, States must engage in initiative persistence, continuously setting and maintaining the conditions of security in their favor. The theory introduces the key concept of the cyber fait accompli and addresses the potential for cyber stability through a tacit bargaining process. The book provides empirical evidence of strategic cyber campaigning and details how the cyber strategic environment can impact State behavior with a case study of the United States. The cyber strategic environment requires its own theory to achieve security. Whereas security requires States to triumph in war in the conventional environment and avoid war in the nuclear environment, States in the cyber strategic environment may have a true alternative to war in order to achieve strategically relevant outcomes. Understanding how States will leverage that alternative is the central question of early twenty-first-century international security.
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MacKay, Michael Hubbard. Prophetic Authority. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043017.001.0001.
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This book is about how Joseph Smith established religious authority and a long-lasting, complex priesthood structure. The thesis of this book builds on three scholars’ major ideas about religious authority and Mormonism in the antebellum United States. In an effort to move the conversation toward politics and its relationship to religion, Porterfield focused on the constraint of populism. Though it is true that Mormonism grew, as Hatch shows, from the populist appeal of a lay priesthood and communal living in early Mormonism, Flake demonstrates that the Mormon priesthood was hierarchical. Left just outside the focus of the work of Hatch, Porterfield, and Flake is the role of Joseph Smith defining Mormon authority—a role that has not been fully examined. Smith’s authority grew in opposition to the civic and political authority that evangelicals were garnering and as a countertrend to the populist religious movements of the Second Great Awakening. In fact, Smith’s prophetic voice and scripture formed a hierarchical priesthood structure that eventually empowered every male member of his church to become a prophet, priest, and king, although they answered to each leader above them within the same structure. Reinforced by that structure, Smith’s prophetic voice became the arbiter of authority. It had the ultimate power to create and guide, and it was used to form a strong lay priesthood order in a stable hierarchical democracy devoid of the kind of democratic political authority that evangelicals fostered.