Academic literature on the topic 'United Party for National Development (Zambia)'
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Journal articles on the topic "United Party for National Development (Zambia)"
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Goldring, Edward, and Michael Wahman. "Democracy in Reverse: The 2016 General Election in Zambia." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 3 (December 2016): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100306.
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On 11 August 2016, Zambia held elections for the presidency, National Assembly, local councillors, and mayors. Concurrently, a referendum was held on whether to enhance the Bill of Rights in the Constitution of Zambia. The elections were significant for several reasons: It was the first contest under a newly amended Constitution, which introduced important changes to the electoral framework. It also marked a break with Zambia's positive historical record of arranging generally peaceful elections. Moreover, the election featured an electoral playing field that was notably tilted in favour of the incumbent party. Ultimately, the incumbent president, Edgar Lungu of the Patriotic Front, edged out opposition challenger Hakainde Hichilema of the United Party for National Development. The election was controversial and the opposition mounted an unsuccessful legal challenge to the final results. The 2016 elections represent a reversal in the quality of Zambian democracy and raise questions about the country's prospects for democratic consolidation.
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Scarritt, James R. "President Kenneth Kaunda's Annual Address to the Zambian National Assembly: a Contextual Content Analysis of Changing Rhetoric, 1965–83." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1987): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007655.
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Most writers on Zambia are agreed that President Kenneth Kaunda has grown more powerful over the last two decades by having learned to deal with changing circumstances, and that he has developed a unique position as an able and trusted mediator among political factions. There is also a consensus among those authors, however, that Kaunda's powers are rather severely constrained by the bourgeoisie-in-formation, by the weakening of the governing United National Independence Party (U.N.I.P.), by a declining economy, and by a difficult international environment, and that these limitations are growing stronger as time passes despite his ideological initiative in formulating what is known as ‘Zambian Humanism’.1
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Siachiwena, Hangala. "A silent revolution. Zambia’s 2021 General Election." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i2a3.
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This paper discusses Zambia’s 2021 election which was held in a context of democratic backsliding and poor economic performance. The election resulted in Zambia’s third alternation of power between political parties since the democratic wave of the 1990s. The ruling Patriotic Front (PF) used its incumbent advantages to control institutions that were crucial for promoting democracy and ensuring a credible election. The election was also characterised by political violence which limited the ability for the opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) to mobilise freely. Further, an Afrobarometer survey conducted in December 2020 showed that half of all citizens surveyed were unwilling to declare who they would vote for, thereby suppressing the extent of UPND’s support. Yet, the UPND won 59% in the presidential election and won the most parliamentary seats in an election that had one of the highest voter-turnouts since the advent of Zambia’s multi-party democracy. This paper argues that there was a ‘silent revolution’ in Zambia that resulted in the defeat of the PF. It also shows that Zambian citizens have not been complacent in the face of democratic backsliding.
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Siachiwena, Hangala. "A silent revolution. Zambia’s 2021 General Election." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i2a3.
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This paper discusses Zambia’s 2021 election which was held in a context of democratic backsliding and poor economic performance. The election resulted in Zambia’s third alternation of power between political parties since the democratic wave of the 1990s. The ruling Patriotic Front (PF) used its incumbent advantages to control institutions that were crucial for promoting democracy and ensuring a credible election. The election was also characterised by political violence which limited the ability for the opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) to mobilise freely. Further, an Afrobarometer survey conducted in December 2020 showed that half of all citizens surveyed were unwilling to declare who they would vote for, thereby suppressing the extent of UPND’s support. Yet, the UPND won 59% in the presidential election and won the most parliamentary seats in an election that had one of the highest voter-turnouts since the advent of Zambia’s multi-party democracy. This paper argues that there was a ‘silent revolution’ in Zambia that resulted in the defeat of the PF. It also shows that Zambian citizens have not been complacent in the face of democratic backsliding.
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Ndambwa, Biggie Joe, and Aaron Wiza Siwale. "Reinterpreting Domestic Sources of Zambia’s Foreign Policy: The Party and the President." Journal of Contemporary Governance and Public Policy 3, no. 1 (April 17, 2022): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.46507/jcgpp.v3i1.64.
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This article examines the domestic factors that have determined and influenced Zambia’s foreign policy. While this attempt has not been as successful as one would wish, some useful insights are obtainable through analysis of the role of the governing parties from the liberation hero and founding President Kenneth Kaunda and the United National Independence Party (UNIP) and subsequent heads of state and their respective parties, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), the Patriotic Front (PF) and the United Party for National Development (UPND), that have led the country throughout this period. The article contributes to both the rational-actor model and spatial leadership model which measures differential changes in foreign policy decision-making across regimes. The model is a major contribution to the development of viable analysis in changing foreign policy in emerging nations and is an enduring contribution to the modern foreign analysis. This article is an interesting and exciting addition to this model. It also contributes to the discourse on domestic issues that determine political behavior in international affairs. In particular, it discusses the subtleties of presidential power and demonstrates that in the case of Zambia, changes in foreign policy decisions across regimes are mediated by the intervention and personal interests of the president and the influence of the governing parties.
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DAKA, HARRISON. "Exploring the Role of Political Parties in the Enhancement of Women Representation in Parliament, Zambia: A phenomenological perspective." European Journal of Development Studies 3, no. 6 (November 20, 2023): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejdevelop.2023.3.6.310.
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This study aimed at exploring the role of political parties in the enhancement of women representation in Parliament of Zambia. The continued underrepresentation of women in the Zambian National Assembly prompted undertaking this study. The Patriotic Front (PF) and the United Party for National Development (UPND) and the 2016 general elections were the main focus of the study.
This study was qualitative and a case study research design based on two major political parties, studied in depth using twenty six party officials, at different levels of party hierarchies who were purposefully selected. Data was collected through in-depth interviews, narratives and unstructured questionnaires from the two political parties and the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) documents.
The study used an interpretive phenomenological theoretical framework based on discussions and reflections of direct sense perception and experiences of the role of political parties in enhancing women representation in the national assembly of Zambia. The starting point for using an interpretive phenomenology for this study was our ability to approach this study oblivious of a priori assumptions. Phenomenological theoretical framing was used as a broad and loose name for various types of analysis, which lay emphasis on experiences, interpretations, semiotics, narrative and discourse based on the phenomenological orientation of the Philosophy of social sciences.
Data was analysed and presented by the thematic approach as well as through frequency tables. The study found that both political parties had put in place strategies and mechanisms to enhance the representation of women in parliament and these included; having at least 30 percent women in decision-making positions, the adoption of the women’s wing concept, training and sensitisation, adoption of women in political party strongholds and relaxing of adoption requirements for women. Following the 2016 General elections, the PF made a pronouncement that the party would adopt 40 per cent women as parliamentary candidates. Nevertheless, the study found that the two political parties failed to meet their own regional and international targets on the number of women adopted to contest parliamentary seats. Thus, the study concluded that the lack of affirmative action, Nolle prosequi, Corruption and ignoring women voices taking place in political parties perpetuates women under representation in parliament in Zambia. This shows that political parties have a role to play to strengthen women representation in parliament through affirmative action in all party structures. The study urges political parties to seriously consider employing practical deliberate strategies and mechanism to increase the number of women in parliament since Zambia does not have a legislated quota.
Keywords: Phenomenology, Affirmative action, gender mainstreaming, Corruption, Nolle prosequi.
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Geisler, Gisela. "Sisters under the Skin: Women and the Women's League in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1987): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000759x.
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In March 1985 the Second National Women's Rights Conference was held on the Copperbelt. Although Betty Kaunda, wife of the President, addressed the 135 participants in her opening speech as if they were representing the Women's League of the United National Independence Party (U.N.I.P.), surprisingly only two of them, apart from the invited guests of honour, claimed to be associated with this organisation. Hardly any of the issues raised by the League entered the discussions during the three-day conference, and the recommendations were far form being a reflection of its stated aims.1
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Larmer, Miles. "“If We are Still Here Next Year”: Zambian Historical Research in the Context of Decline, 2002–2003." History in Africa 31 (2004): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003466.
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This paper addresses the challenges facing researchers seeking to explore the post-colonial history of Zambia, a country whose social infrastructure in general, and academic and research facilities in particular, are in a state of apparently perpetual decline. It describes some of the major archival resources available and their (significant) limitations. It surveys recent and ongoing attempts to document the history of nationalist movements and leaders. Finally, it explores the potential for developing a history of post-colonial Zambia which escapes the assumptions of a still dominant nationalist historiography, and which thereby contributes to a deeper understanding of the lives actually lived by Zambians since Independence.The tendency for colonial and post-colonial governments and their advisors to seek to depoliticize issues of power, inequality and control, by turning them into “technical” or developmental issues, has been noted by historians and anthropologists. The historiography of post-colonial Zambia is a prime example of the conflation of history with development, creating a discourse that assesses historical change by the achievement of supposedly neutral development goals, and conflates the ideologies and policies of nationalist politicians with those of the nation as a whole. The relatively benign judgments passed by prominent historians of the colonial era in their postscript surveys of the government of Kenneth Kaunda's United National Independence Party (UNIP) in Zambia's First Republic (1964-72) have retained an unwarranted influence. This is partly because of the dearth of post-colonial historical studies of equal importance conducted during the last 20 years. UNIP's leading historian, Henry Meebelo, while providing valuable insights into the African perspective on decolonization, played a leading role in establishing nationalism as the unquestioned norm of progressive understanding, axiomatically placing all social forces which came into conflict with it as reactionary and illegitimate.
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Gondwe, Gregory. "Online incivility, hate speech and political violence in Zambia: Examining the role of online political campaign messages." Journal of African Media Studies 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00032_1.
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The aim of this study was to explore the relationship of online incivility and political violence in Zambia. The study used the 2018 Chilanga Constituency by-election campaign messages and those of the 2019 Sesheke constituency to examine the problem. The study drew from the simulation effects (that communication with dissimilar others can encourage incivility and hate online) to assert that political elite campaign messages contribute to incivility/hate and subsequent violence during elections in Zambia. This assumption was tested using 5844 data points collected from various social media platforms owned or purported to be owned by either the Patriotic Front (PF) or the United Party for National Development (UPND) party. The findings support the paper’s hypotheses, and additional analyses suggest that men are more likely to practice incivility online than women. Second, findings suggest that while the PF party’s online platforms exhibit higher trends of partisanship, the UPND tend to privilege tribal affiliations.
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Bwalya, John, and Owen B. Sichone. "Refractory Frontier: Intra-party Democracy in the Zambian Polity." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 6, no. 2 (December 10, 2018): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v6i2.216.
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Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United Party for National Development (Zambia)"
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Mukapa, Tembo. "The decentralisation of powers and functions to local government under the 2016 Constitution of Zambia." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6384.
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Department of Public Law and JurisprudenceAt independence in 1964, the United National Independence Party (UNIP)-led government in Zambia was, among other things, confronted with the challenge of transforming an inherited dual, undemocratic, racist and exploitative system of local government. Local government was a creature of national legislation, and thus did not have direct constitutional authority. Between 1964 and 1995, the government adopted several reforms aimed at democratising and improving the efficiency, effectiveness and responsiveness of the system of local government. However, local government remained a creature of national legislation. In 1996, local government was for the first time recognised in the Constitution as a tier of government. Article 109 of the 1996 Constitution of Zambia required the establishment of a system of local government whose details were to be prescribed by an Act of Parliament. The provision further provided that such a system shall be based on democratically-elected councils. Thus, the 1996 Constitution transformed local government from being a mere creature of central government into a tier of government. While the institutional integrity of local government in Zambia was enhanced, service delivery by local authorities remained poor.
Books on the topic "United Party for National Development (Zambia)"
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United Party for National Development (Zambia). UPND: Party constitution and manifesto : Zambia--forward. Lusaka?]: UPND, 2001.
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United Party for National Development (Zambia). Realise the dream of a better Zambia through real change: Vision for Zambia. Zambia]: United Party for National Development, 2006.
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Musambachime, M. C. The Archives of Zambia's United National Independence Party and its importance to researchers. [Lusaka: History Dept., 1990.
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United Nations Development Programme (Zambia). Enhancing the capacities of national staff: A perspective from UNDP Zambia, 1999-2002. Lusaka, Zambia: United Nations Development Programme Zambia, 2002.
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Rakner, Lise. Trade unions in processes of democratisation: A study of party labour relations in Zambia. Bergen: Chr. Michelsen Institute, Dept. of Social Science and Development, 1992.
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Gordenker, Leon. International Aid and National Decision: Development Programs in Malawi, Tanzania, and Zambia. Princeton University Press, 2015.
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Gordenker, Leon. International Aid and National Decision: Development Programs in Malawi, Tanzania, and Zambia. Princeton University Press, 2016.
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Gordenker, Leon. International Aid and National Decision: Development Programs in Malawi, Tanzania, and Zambia. Princeton University Press, 2015.
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The constitution of the United National Independence Party: "one Zambia, one nation.". S.l: s.n., 1988.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "United Party for National Development (Zambia)"
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Petersmann, Ernst-Ulrich. "Judicial Overreach? Constitutional Justice Requires Multilevel Judicial Comity." In Transforming World Trade and Investment Law for Sustainable Development, 269—C8.N44. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192858023.003.0009.
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Abstract Chapter 8 explains why—as the United Nations (UN) Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Paris Climate Agreement do not include provisions for third-party adjudication—it is important to provide for multilevel judicial remedies protecting transnational rule of law. Localizing the legal and judicial remedies for decentralized enforcement of the sustainable development goals requires reducing the disconnect between UN/World Trade Organization (WTO) law, multilevel governance, domestic citizens, and civil society institutions (including business and trade unions) and promoting mutual coherence of national and international trade, investment, and environmental law remedies. This chapter discusses the increasing governmental claims of judicial overreach in multilevel investment adjudication, the recent initiatives for WTO appellate arbitration, and judicial overreach in European climate and economic adjudication. It clarifies the constitutional principles (e.g. of proportionality balancing, subsidiarity, judicial deference towards margins of interpretation in domestic jurisdictions with more expertise and more democratic support and accountability) that should govern judicial comity in the administration of justice and multilevel protection of the rule of law in national and international jurisdictions. The recent jurisprudence by national constitutional courts reviewing national climate legislation and insufficient greenhouse gas reductions confirms the importance of constitutional and judicial restraints on legislative discretion and administration of climate mitigation measures.
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Veugelers, John W. P. "The Far Right Organizes in the Var." In Empire's Legacy, 103–16. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190875664.003.0008.
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This chapter examines the history of the National Front in the Var from its origins during the 1970s until its electoral victory in the 1995 Toulon municipal elections. From the recruitment of leaders, cadres, activists, and voters to the style of language used, the influence of French Algeria pervaded the development of the National Front in this part of France. By the 1990s, the Var section of the National Front was the largest of any party in France. This laid the foundations for a strong electoral performance. While the left lost ground, the non-Gaullist moderate right resisted electorally: it upheld a system of patron-client relations, remained united in party politics, and exercised influence at multiple levels of government. The moderate right helped the far right in this part of France by validating its anti-immigrant rhetoric and treating the National Front as a tactical partner.
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Symeon C, Symeonides, and Cohen Neil B. "Part 2 National and Regional Reports, Part 2.6 North America: Coordinated by Geneviève Saumier, 68 United States of America: American Perspectives on the Hague Principles." In Choice of Law in International Commercial Contracts. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198840107.003.0068.
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This chapter focuses on American perspectives on the Hague Principles. At the state level, Louisiana and Oregon have enacted comprehensive choice of law codifications, which strongly endorse party autonomy. Many other states have enacted statutory provisions that affect party autonomy. At one end of the spectrum, there are provisions that prohibit or restrict outbound choice of law clauses in certain contracts that have enumerated contacts with the enacting state. At the other end of the spectrum, there are statutes designed to ensure enforcement of inbound choice of law clauses in certain commercial contracts with high-dollar value, even in the absence of any connection with the enacting state. Despite the multiplicity of state statutes, many of which pre-empt a judicial choice of law or obviate the need for it, the bulk of American conflicts law for matters other than those governed by the Uniform Commercial Code is found in judicial decisions. In keeping with the common law tradition, American courts play an active role in the development of the law, both in general and regarding party autonomy in particular. One hopes that American courts will take into account the Hague Principles, if only for answering those questions, as few as they may be, whose answer is unclear under American law.
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Nyirenda, Joshua C. "Exploring the ICT Capabilities of Civil Society in Sub Saharan Africa." In Information Communication Technologies and the Virtual Public Sphere, 207–28. IGI Global, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60960-159-1.ch011.
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Civil society is argued to have been the most significant force of many forces that eradicated entrenched authoritarianism in Africa, in the early 1990s, ushering most of these countries to multi-party democracies. And yet after such accomplishment, many of these new democracies have receded to undemocratic practices. With weak economies, civil society faces many challenges in resource mobilization and in mobilizing the masses for national causes. Information communication technologies, or ICTs, are increasingly being seen as an aid to the mobilization and organization challenges of civil society. However, advanced ICT capabilities are mostly in developed countries where civil society is already strong. Using e-governance as a proxy measure for ICT capabilities for civil society, this chapter conducts an exploratory study using secondary baseline data collected by international institutions on Sub Saharan Countries. The relationship between ICT capabilities and the several civil society development indicators (press freedom, civil liberties, and various other variables) is investigated. Later, the Nation of Zambia (a country with moderate ICT capabilities in the region) is used for a qualitative case study to explore how ICT capabilities and various contextual issues influence ICT applications by civil society organizations to enhance operational capabilities such as collaboration and mobilization efforts.
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Roe, Alan D. "Taking the “Best” from the West?" In Into Russian Nature, 37–72. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190914554.003.0003.
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Under Nikita’s Khrushchev’s policy of “peaceful coexistence,” Soviet scientists started attending conferences of the International Union of the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) where they became more familiar with national parks. Meanwhile, the less repressive cultural environment emboldened many concerned environmentalists to make bold suggestions on how the state could improve its environmental protection practices. Some high-ranking officials, including Khrushchev, publicly stated that accessible tourism was one of the advantages of living in the USSR. In turn, environmentalists argued that national parks could help the USSR meet growing tourism demands in a way that minimized its environmental impact and promoted economic development. As tourism in the zapovedniki became an even bigger problem, several different groups conceived national parks that they hoped would take pressure off of them. They frequently invoked the success of national parks in the United States, even as the Communist Party took some more reactionary positions following Khrushchev’s ouster.
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Dabrowski, Patrice M. "Battling for the Soul of the Bieszczady." In The Carpathians, 166–81. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501759673.003.0012.
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This chapter highlights the importance of Bieszczady. The demand for tourism had risen exponentially by 1977 and Bieszczady had become part of the national discourse. A power struggle emerged after campaigns started in line with the vision of tourism, ecology, and modernity for the highland region. The change largely came after the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR) gained a new leader in Edward Gierek, who had ideas to improve the material conditions of his compatriots in the Polish People's Republic. The chapter discusses the activism for and against the development of Bieszczady while referencing the role that the media plays. It also includes the state-socialist experiments in the region.
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Chan, Alfred L. "Early Career." In Xi Jinping, 43–57. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197615225.003.0003.
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After graduation from Tsinghua University Xi began at the top, becoming a secretary to Minister of Defense Geng Biao, veteran revolutionary and family friend. Xi became privy to national military affairs and accompanied Geng when he visited the United States at a time when Beijing was treated almost as a US ally. After three years at the capital, he picked the politically correct option to again “go down,” becoming party chief for poor and backward Zhengding County. Here, Xi battled Maoist conservatives to promote family farming, tourism, socioeconomic development, and better treatment of intellectuals. Xi’s governance experience was later dramatized in a novel and adapted into a popular TV series, which has entered Chinese political lore. Xi was included in the “third echelon,” the Party’s campaign to rejuvenate the leadership by grooming thousands of successors. In the twenty-first century, members of this group entered the top leadership of the Party and the state.
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Gibson, Rachel K. "The Slow Burner." In When the Nerds Go Marching In, 72–106. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195397789.003.0005.
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This chapter examines developments in digital campaigning in the United Kingdom from 1994 to 2015. It does so by reviewing the findings from the secondary literature, and conducting original analysis of web content and national survey data. These data sources build a picture of key changes in the supply and demand for digital campaigning in the United Kingdom, and particularly whether they fit the four-phase model of development. The results show that UK digital campaigning has followed the anticipated cycle in a largely steady and incremental manner. An early phase of experimentation and standardization yielded to more strategic attempts at community building by 2010, and the 2015 election saw signs of entry into phase IV. At the party level, the Conservatives emerge as most aggressive in pushing the new forms of individual online targeting, while Labour and the smaller parties concentrate more on organic phase III–style indirect mobilization.
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Wallace, Mike, Michael Reed, Dermot O’Reilly, Michael Tomlinson, Jonathan Morris, and Rosemary Deem. "The translation of leadership discourse to public services." In Developing Public Service Leaders, 91–118. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199552108.003.0004.
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Abstract An explanation is developed of why Labour government politicians chose a leader-centric conception of leadership for their focus in seeking to develop individual senior staff from public service organizations as leaders through the suite of national leadership development interventions. Leadership is analysed as a metaphorical concept, drawing attention to some parts of a target phenomenon while downplaying others. The history of discourse in the United States (US) and the United Kingdom (UK) is traced, which frames the process of organizing public services, beginning with administration and portraying its partial replacement by management and then leadership, following the innovatory articulation of visionary conceptions in the USA. The chapter documents the emergence of leader-centric visionary leadership discourse within the Labour Party in the early 1990s prior to forming the Labour government, and the influences on this choice as the focus for developing senior staff in public service organizations as leaders committed to implementing government-driven reforms.
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Ritterhouse, Jennifer. "As Furious as the Last Horseman of a Legion of the Bitter-End." In Discovering the South. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630946.003.0009.
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This chapter centers on Daniels's interviews with Birmingham industrialist Charles F. DeBardeleben and labor organizer William Mitch of the United Mine Workers (UMW) and Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). DeBardeleben's biography begins with his grandfather, Daniel Pratt, and his father, Henry Fairchild DeBardeleben. Both were industrialists whose investments in coal, iron, and steel contributed to the development of Birmingham. Charles F. DeBardeleben followed in his father's footsteps as a staunch antiunionist. He claimed to be a paternalist yet used fences and armed guards to isolate his workers, resulting in a deadly shooting at the Acmar mine of his Alabama Fuel and Iron Company in 1935. Meanwhile, the passage of the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA) in 1933 facilitated the growth of the CIO, and William Mitch's efforts to cultivate interracial unionism in Birmingham in the 1930s were largely successful. The chapter concludes by noting that DeBardeleben's alleged fascist ties are difficult to document and seem less significant than his anticommunist rhetoric and switch to the Republican Party, both of which provide an early glimpse of tactics recalcitrant white southerners would employ to prevent social and racial change in the post-World War II years.
Conference papers on the topic "United Party for National Development (Zambia)"
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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McCormick, Robert, Teresa Alleman, and Richard Nelson. "Statistical Treatise on Critical Biodiesel (B100) Quality Properties in the United States from 2004-2022." In 16th International Conference on Engines & Vehicles. 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States: SAE International, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/2023-24-0097.
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<div class="section abstract"><div class="htmlview paragraph">The quality of neat biodiesel (B100) is critical for ensuring biodiesel blends used in diesel-powered vehicles do not adversely impact engine performance. In the United States, B100 is required to meet ASTM International’s purity and fuel property requirements in D6751, “Standard Specification for Biodiesel Fuel Blend Stock (B100) for Middle Distillate Fuels.” Here we review the development of this standard for the different grades of B100. The BQ-9000 program, which currently covers over 90% of U.S. and Canadian production volumes, is also described. Engine and original equipment manufacturers have expressed a desire for credible, third-party data on values of various ASTM B100 properties in the commercial market to inform their efforts to address future emissions and durability requirements. To address this need, the National Renewable Energy Laboratory published data from analysis and testing of monthly samples from BQ-9000 producers from calendar years 2017–2022, resulting in 300–500 data points (i.e., individual fuel samples) per year. These data and a statistical evaluation of properties including the average, mean, standard deviation, and 95th or 5th percentile are presented. The results show very consistent and high-quality B100 produced in this time frame. Additionally, we review the results of earlier quality surveys conducted in the United States between 2004 and 2011, revealing how quality has changed over time in response to ASTM standard revisions, as well as the significant overall improvement in quality for modern biodiesel production.</div></div>
Reports on the topic "United Party for National Development (Zambia)"
1
Emergency contraception in Zambia: Setting a new agenda for research and action. Population Council, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh1998.1019.
Full textAbstract:
This report summarizes the activities and findings of the first phase of the operations research study, “Enhancing Access to Family Planning Services through the Introduction of Emergency Contraception.” Launched in September 1997, the study was designed to explore a broad range of issues relating to emergency contraception within a developing country context. With financial and technical support from the United States Agency for International Development, the World Health Organization, the Canadian Public Health Association, and the British Department for International Development (DFID), the study consists of an initial exploratory exercise and a subsequent research phase. The report is divided into four sections. The first recounts the events and circumstances leading to development of the study and describes the roles of participating organizations. The second follows with a summary of the outputs and principal data collection activities during Phase One. The third details the research findings of Phase One and outlines implications for future programmatic activities. The fourth describes results of a national workshop held on March 10, 1998, to disseminate the results of Phase One data collection activities and identify areas for future research and action.