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1
Goldring, Edward, and Michael Wahman. "Democracy in Reverse: The 2016 General Election in Zambia." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 3 (December 2016): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100306.
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On 11 August 2016, Zambia held elections for the presidency, National Assembly, local councillors, and mayors. Concurrently, a referendum was held on whether to enhance the Bill of Rights in the Constitution of Zambia. The elections were significant for several reasons: It was the first contest under a newly amended Constitution, which introduced important changes to the electoral framework. It also marked a break with Zambia's positive historical record of arranging generally peaceful elections. Moreover, the election featured an electoral playing field that was notably tilted in favour of the incumbent party. Ultimately, the incumbent president, Edgar Lungu of the Patriotic Front, edged out opposition challenger Hakainde Hichilema of the United Party for National Development. The election was controversial and the opposition mounted an unsuccessful legal challenge to the final results. The 2016 elections represent a reversal in the quality of Zambian democracy and raise questions about the country's prospects for democratic consolidation.
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Scarritt, James R. "President Kenneth Kaunda's Annual Address to the Zambian National Assembly: a Contextual Content Analysis of Changing Rhetoric, 1965–83." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1987): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007655.
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Most writers on Zambia are agreed that President Kenneth Kaunda has grown more powerful over the last two decades by having learned to deal with changing circumstances, and that he has developed a unique position as an able and trusted mediator among political factions. There is also a consensus among those authors, however, that Kaunda's powers are rather severely constrained by the bourgeoisie-in-formation, by the weakening of the governing United National Independence Party (U.N.I.P.), by a declining economy, and by a difficult international environment, and that these limitations are growing stronger as time passes despite his ideological initiative in formulating what is known as ‘Zambian Humanism’.1
3
Siachiwena, Hangala. "A silent revolution. Zambia’s 2021 General Election." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i2a3.
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This paper discusses Zambia’s 2021 election which was held in a context of democratic backsliding and poor economic performance. The election resulted in Zambia’s third alternation of power between political parties since the democratic wave of the 1990s. The ruling Patriotic Front (PF) used its incumbent advantages to control institutions that were crucial for promoting democracy and ensuring a credible election. The election was also characterised by political violence which limited the ability for the opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) to mobilise freely. Further, an Afrobarometer survey conducted in December 2020 showed that half of all citizens surveyed were unwilling to declare who they would vote for, thereby suppressing the extent of UPND’s support. Yet, the UPND won 59% in the presidential election and won the most parliamentary seats in an election that had one of the highest voter-turnouts since the advent of Zambia’s multi-party democracy. This paper argues that there was a ‘silent revolution’ in Zambia that resulted in the defeat of the PF. It also shows that Zambian citizens have not been complacent in the face of democratic backsliding.
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Siachiwena, Hangala. "A silent revolution. Zambia’s 2021 General Election." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i2a3.
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This paper discusses Zambia’s 2021 election which was held in a context of democratic backsliding and poor economic performance. The election resulted in Zambia’s third alternation of power between political parties since the democratic wave of the 1990s. The ruling Patriotic Front (PF) used its incumbent advantages to control institutions that were crucial for promoting democracy and ensuring a credible election. The election was also characterised by political violence which limited the ability for the opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) to mobilise freely. Further, an Afrobarometer survey conducted in December 2020 showed that half of all citizens surveyed were unwilling to declare who they would vote for, thereby suppressing the extent of UPND’s support. Yet, the UPND won 59% in the presidential election and won the most parliamentary seats in an election that had one of the highest voter-turnouts since the advent of Zambia’s multi-party democracy. This paper argues that there was a ‘silent revolution’ in Zambia that resulted in the defeat of the PF. It also shows that Zambian citizens have not been complacent in the face of democratic backsliding.
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Ndambwa, Biggie Joe, and Aaron Wiza Siwale. "Reinterpreting Domestic Sources of Zambia’s Foreign Policy: The Party and the President." Journal of Contemporary Governance and Public Policy 3, no. 1 (April 17, 2022): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.46507/jcgpp.v3i1.64.
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This article examines the domestic factors that have determined and influenced Zambia’s foreign policy. While this attempt has not been as successful as one would wish, some useful insights are obtainable through analysis of the role of the governing parties from the liberation hero and founding President Kenneth Kaunda and the United National Independence Party (UNIP) and subsequent heads of state and their respective parties, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), the Patriotic Front (PF) and the United Party for National Development (UPND), that have led the country throughout this period. The article contributes to both the rational-actor model and spatial leadership model which measures differential changes in foreign policy decision-making across regimes. The model is a major contribution to the development of viable analysis in changing foreign policy in emerging nations and is an enduring contribution to the modern foreign analysis. This article is an interesting and exciting addition to this model. It also contributes to the discourse on domestic issues that determine political behavior in international affairs. In particular, it discusses the subtleties of presidential power and demonstrates that in the case of Zambia, changes in foreign policy decisions across regimes are mediated by the intervention and personal interests of the president and the influence of the governing parties.
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DAKA, HARRISON. "Exploring the Role of Political Parties in the Enhancement of Women Representation in Parliament, Zambia: A phenomenological perspective." European Journal of Development Studies 3, no. 6 (November 20, 2023): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejdevelop.2023.3.6.310.
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This study aimed at exploring the role of political parties in the enhancement of women representation in Parliament of Zambia. The continued underrepresentation of women in the Zambian National Assembly prompted undertaking this study. The Patriotic Front (PF) and the United Party for National Development (UPND) and the 2016 general elections were the main focus of the study.
This study was qualitative and a case study research design based on two major political parties, studied in depth using twenty six party officials, at different levels of party hierarchies who were purposefully selected. Data was collected through in-depth interviews, narratives and unstructured questionnaires from the two political parties and the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) documents.
The study used an interpretive phenomenological theoretical framework based on discussions and reflections of direct sense perception and experiences of the role of political parties in enhancing women representation in the national assembly of Zambia. The starting point for using an interpretive phenomenology for this study was our ability to approach this study oblivious of a priori assumptions. Phenomenological theoretical framing was used as a broad and loose name for various types of analysis, which lay emphasis on experiences, interpretations, semiotics, narrative and discourse based on the phenomenological orientation of the Philosophy of social sciences.
Data was analysed and presented by the thematic approach as well as through frequency tables. The study found that both political parties had put in place strategies and mechanisms to enhance the representation of women in parliament and these included; having at least 30 percent women in decision-making positions, the adoption of the women’s wing concept, training and sensitisation, adoption of women in political party strongholds and relaxing of adoption requirements for women. Following the 2016 General elections, the PF made a pronouncement that the party would adopt 40 per cent women as parliamentary candidates. Nevertheless, the study found that the two political parties failed to meet their own regional and international targets on the number of women adopted to contest parliamentary seats. Thus, the study concluded that the lack of affirmative action, Nolle prosequi, Corruption and ignoring women voices taking place in political parties perpetuates women under representation in parliament in Zambia. This shows that political parties have a role to play to strengthen women representation in parliament through affirmative action in all party structures. The study urges political parties to seriously consider employing practical deliberate strategies and mechanism to increase the number of women in parliament since Zambia does not have a legislated quota.
Keywords: Phenomenology, Affirmative action, gender mainstreaming, Corruption, Nolle prosequi.
7
Geisler, Gisela. "Sisters under the Skin: Women and the Women's League in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1987): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000759x.
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In March 1985 the Second National Women's Rights Conference was held on the Copperbelt. Although Betty Kaunda, wife of the President, addressed the 135 participants in her opening speech as if they were representing the Women's League of the United National Independence Party (U.N.I.P.), surprisingly only two of them, apart from the invited guests of honour, claimed to be associated with this organisation. Hardly any of the issues raised by the League entered the discussions during the three-day conference, and the recommendations were far form being a reflection of its stated aims.1
8
Larmer, Miles. "“If We are Still Here Next Year”: Zambian Historical Research in the Context of Decline, 2002–2003." History in Africa 31 (2004): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003466.
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This paper addresses the challenges facing researchers seeking to explore the post-colonial history of Zambia, a country whose social infrastructure in general, and academic and research facilities in particular, are in a state of apparently perpetual decline. It describes some of the major archival resources available and their (significant) limitations. It surveys recent and ongoing attempts to document the history of nationalist movements and leaders. Finally, it explores the potential for developing a history of post-colonial Zambia which escapes the assumptions of a still dominant nationalist historiography, and which thereby contributes to a deeper understanding of the lives actually lived by Zambians since Independence.The tendency for colonial and post-colonial governments and their advisors to seek to depoliticize issues of power, inequality and control, by turning them into “technical” or developmental issues, has been noted by historians and anthropologists. The historiography of post-colonial Zambia is a prime example of the conflation of history with development, creating a discourse that assesses historical change by the achievement of supposedly neutral development goals, and conflates the ideologies and policies of nationalist politicians with those of the nation as a whole. The relatively benign judgments passed by prominent historians of the colonial era in their postscript surveys of the government of Kenneth Kaunda's United National Independence Party (UNIP) in Zambia's First Republic (1964-72) have retained an unwarranted influence. This is partly because of the dearth of post-colonial historical studies of equal importance conducted during the last 20 years. UNIP's leading historian, Henry Meebelo, while providing valuable insights into the African perspective on decolonization, played a leading role in establishing nationalism as the unquestioned norm of progressive understanding, axiomatically placing all social forces which came into conflict with it as reactionary and illegitimate.
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Gondwe, Gregory. "Online incivility, hate speech and political violence in Zambia: Examining the role of online political campaign messages." Journal of African Media Studies 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00032_1.
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The aim of this study was to explore the relationship of online incivility and political violence in Zambia. The study used the 2018 Chilanga Constituency by-election campaign messages and those of the 2019 Sesheke constituency to examine the problem. The study drew from the simulation effects (that communication with dissimilar others can encourage incivility and hate online) to assert that political elite campaign messages contribute to incivility/hate and subsequent violence during elections in Zambia. This assumption was tested using 5844 data points collected from various social media platforms owned or purported to be owned by either the Patriotic Front (PF) or the United Party for National Development (UPND) party. The findings support the paper’s hypotheses, and additional analyses suggest that men are more likely to practice incivility online than women. Second, findings suggest that while the PF party’s online platforms exhibit higher trends of partisanship, the UPND tend to privilege tribal affiliations.
10
Bwalya, John, and Owen B. Sichone. "Refractory Frontier: Intra-party Democracy in the Zambian Polity." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 6, no. 2 (December 10, 2018): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v6i2.216.
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Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained.
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Phiri, Chidongo, Harrison Daka, Delina Nanjekana Munkoyo, Masauso Mwale, and Machacha Eliphas. "Exploring and Investigating Corruption in Successive Governments, Lusaka District: A Reflexivity Approach in the United Party for National Development (UPND) New Dawn Goverment." International Journal of Advanced Multidisciplinary Research and Studies 4, no. 3 (June 6, 2024): 988–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.62225/2583049x.2024.4.3.2885.
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This study aimed to explore and investigate corruption in successive governments with specific reference on the UPND New Dawn Government in Lusaka District, Zambia, reflexively. To do so, the study explored, investigated and identified various factors that facilitate corruption such as: The power of political beliefs system, poverty, inequality, weak institutions, ineffective anti-corruption measures, cultural and social capital and great latitude of impunity among public officials. Key informants also emphasized the lack of transparency and weak oversight institutions as factors facilitating the contributing to an increase on corruption. These findings resonated with Treisman's (2000) [77] and Phiri’s (2017) [62] researches, which identified the role of social and economic heterogeneity, specifically ethnic fractionalization and prestation. Further, the study highlighted the complex dynamics at play in the context of political and cultural corruption, poverty, and the ineffectiveness of anti-corruption measures. The study noted the lack of a clear legal framework to combat corruption, whistleblower protection, enhanced oversight, and independent anti-corruption agencies. Challenges in the fight against corruption included a lack of funding and resources, political interference, whistleblower vulnerability, and limited education and awareness. These challenges were in line with the findings of Maiga (2023) [40], highlighting the negative impact of corruption on human capital development. Culturally, corruption led to the normalization of unethical behavior, erosion of trust, and an impact on social cohesion. These findings underlay the far-reaching effects of corruption on society and underscore the importance of addressing this issue comprehensively. Methodologically, the study used a mixed research technique, even though the larger part of it was explorative approach thus, involving interviews, focused group discussions, storytelling and observations. The study used a sample of 100 respondents who were selected using purposive sampling technique. Core to the sampling of 100 respondents is the reflexivity approach which is about acknowledging our positionality in the research. This reflexive qualitative research, meant as researchers, we were part of the study process, and our prior experiences, assumptions and beliefs influenced the research process and findings. Reflexivity in this study meant to establish rigour, similar to the processes of defining measurement tools for validity in quantitative research. Therefore, the reflexivity research design combined both qualitative and quantitative methods, involving content analysis for qualitative data and simple statistical quantification to present quantitative data. Nevertheless, the bulk part of this research method was anchored on qualitative methods. Quantitative technique was used to justify the extent of UPND’S corruption since other methods have proven inconsistent to prove it. The study's findings uncovered an increase in the presence of corruption in the New Dawn Government, despite campaign promises to reduce it in a transparency and accountable manner. This study was anchored on how Bourdieu views individuals as actors playing a “game of life” that is both structured and unstructured by the exchange of forms of capital (economic and socio-cultural). Of course, the game has rules, but many are unwritten, and can also be a matter of contention amongst players. The game theory was used to determine the level of accomplices for the corruption crime, were there is not enough evidence for a felony conviction. The argument was that perpetrators of corruption take the actions simply as a game and not a felony, hence its increase and persistence by the actors in the UPND government. In conclusion, the study revealed that while there are measures in place to combat corruption in the UPND New Dawn Government, challenges persist. Addressing these challenges and promoting a culture of transparency and accountability is essential because corruption undermines economic development, erodes cultural values and social cohesion. It is recommended that efforts to combat corruption include strengthening oversight institutions, promoting ethical leadership, and simplifying legal processes. Public awareness campaigns and measures to reduce poverty and inequality should be prioritized.
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Musambachime, M. C. "The Archives of Zambia's United National Independence Party." History in Africa 18 (1991): 291–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172067.
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In an introduction to a University of Zambia publication entitled A Catalogue of Unpublished Materials in Zambia, published in 1978, J. K. Rennie observed that in Zambia there were “many depositories or collections of private and official papers, the extent of whose holdings are imperfectly known and the state of whose preservation was uncertain.” The Catalogue, which was supposed to be the first in a series and was intended to be a “guide to unpublished primary materials … and an aid to research in history and social sciences,” identified thirty government and non-government depositories located in various parts of Zambia. The wealth and diversity of materials held in these depositories were of immense value and benefit to researchers— academics and students interested in historical studies requiring archival research. Rennie, and others who assisted him in locating and documenting these depositories, made what they called a “humble minor beginning in a much larger enterprise. This paper is intended as a further contribution to this enterprise.In Zambia, one depository that is little known by social science researchers is the archives held by the ruling United National Independence Party (UNIP), located in Freedom House, the party headquarters at the southern end of Cairo Road, which forms part of the Research Bureau of the party. This archives holds important files formerly held by the African National Congress (ANC) formed in 1948 and disbanded in 1973 after the Chôma declaration which ushered in the one-party state and of UNIP, formed in 1960, which today is the only political party in Zambia.
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Munene, Hyden. "Mining the Past: A Report of Four Archival Repositories in Zambia." History in Africa 47 (July 18, 2019): 359–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2019.24.
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Abstract:Researchers and scholars have written on the history of mining in Zambia using a variety of sources and archives. But much of the history written from local archives has relied heavily on the National Archives of Zambia. Yet, important archival holdings for researchers of the history of Zambia’s mining industry also exist in the Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines Archive, the United National Independence Party Archive, and in the Mineworkers’ Union of Zambia Headquarters. These repositories house rich collections of data invaluable for understanding Zambia’s mining industry. Covering the period from the 1890s to the present, these archives make possible new questions and interpretations of Zambia’s mining industry.
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Scarritt, James R. "Measuring Political Change: The Quantity and Effectiveness of Electoral and Party Participation in the Zambian One-Party State, 1973–91." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 2 (April 1996): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000478.
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The introduction of a ‘one-party participatory democracy’ in Zambia in 1973 under the United National Independence Party (UNIP) of President Kenneth Kaunda made significant changes in the nature and extent of political participation, regime structure and public policy in that country. Among a number of constitutional changes, the proscription of the opposition parties – African National Congress (ANC) and United Progressive Party (UPP) – was probably the most important. There is a relatively extensive literature describing these changes and evaluating their significance. A number of further changes which affected these political variables in varying degrees occurred during the life of the one-party system, which lasted until 1991, but much less has been written about these changes, at least in part because they have been assumed to be insignificant. This Note describes the collection of a systematic events dataset on changes in electoral and political party participation (including changes in policies towards participation and changes in party structures affecting participation), regime structure (including party–government relations, central government structure and central–local government relations), and policies affecting the economy, class structure and culture in Zambia from 1973 through 1985. It then describes the use of expert judges to scale events in the dataset and evaluate their cumulative significance for dimensions of change delineated by the investigator or themselves. Finally, it presents one substantive application of this methodology: specification of the overall directions and extent of change in electoral and party participation under the one-party system. Two contradictory directions of change not so far identified in the literature on the Zambian one-party state are uncovered. It is suggested that changes in the one-party state helped to undermine its support, even among some of those Zambians who initially believed in it.
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Good, Kenneth. "Debt and the One-Party State in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 2 (June 1989): 297–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000495.
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In the debate over relief for Africa and the Third World, the situation of dictatorial, corrupt, and mismanaged régimes is often subsumed with the rest. It is rather uncritically accepted that indebtedness chiefly results from the impact of international factors, such as falling commodity prices, International Monetary Fund conditionalities, and rising metropolitan interest rates. The independent national state, whatever its policies and form, is seen as simply the passive victim of such forces, and little or no differentiation is made between the régime and the groups and classes of the domestic society.
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Geisler, Gisela. "Who Is Losing Out? Structural Adjustment, Gender, and the Agricultural Sector in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 1 (March 1992): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007758.
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In Zambia's first multi-party elections for two decades, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (M.M.D.) won a landslide victory over Kenneth Kaunda's United Independence Party (U.N.I.P) on 31 October 1991. Many observers believe that the sweeping 80 per cent majority gained by Frederick Chiluba and his M.M.D. in both urban and rural areas was to a large degree due to the increasing economic hardships most Zambians have been subjected to over the last years. The opposition's slogan ‘The Hour Has Come’ captured the mood of many who had lost patience with the gross economic mismanagement and wastefulness that characterised the Government.
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Herrnson, Paul S., and David Menefee-Libey. "The Dynamics of Party Organizational Development." American Review of Politics 11 (January 1, 1991): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1990.11.0.3-30.
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Once characterized as poor, transitory, and “powerless,” national party organizations in the United States are now financially secure, stable, and highly influential in election campaigns and in their relations with state and local party committees. The transformation of the Democratic and Republican national, congressional, and senatorial campaign committees can be explained using theories of organizational change from the organizational behavior literature and traditional arguments about electoral competition and coalition-building from the parties literature. This paper explains the timing and content of party organizational development by focusing on the nature of the problems that confront the parties, the crises that create opportunities for party organizational change, the motives and behaviors of political entrepreneurs instigating the change, and the internal politics of the party organizations themselves. The explanation accounts for the different paths of institutionalization taken by the six national party organizations and for the variations in the roles they currently play in the electoral process.
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Kalinga, Owen. "Independence Negotiations in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia." International Negotiation 10, no. 2 (2005): 235–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571806054741001.
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AbstractThis article examines the processes of negotiations for autonomy from British rule in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia in the late 1950s and early 1960s. It shows that developments in the Zambezia region, in particular African resistance to the Central African Federation, influenced the nature and pace of the negotiations. African nationalists conducted horizontal negotiations among themselves in addition to intense negotiations with colonial authorities divided between the Federation and London. In the end, the negotiations succeeded in transferring power to the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) led by Kamuzu Banda and the United National Independence Party (UNIP) under Kenneth Kaunda.
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Hills, Allice. "Towards a Critique of Policing and National Development in Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 2 (June 1996): 271–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055336.
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Just as 1960 was characterised by independence and 1966 by military coups, so 1990 marked a cautious move in many states away from excessive centralisation towards a distribution of political power. Multi-party elections were held, or scheduled, in countries as diverse as Benin, Gabon, Somalia, Zaïre, and Zambia. The partial liberalisation these represented did not amount to a full transition to democracy — indeed, they did not amount to anything positive in some cases — but they did suggest that a potential rebalancing of certain aspects of political power was possible, if not probable. Since then, have any significant changes taken place in police systems and behaviour, and/or in the organisation of internal security? This article suggests some of the variables requiring discussion, and indicates areas for future research.
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Lee, Jeong Jin. "Development of Local Politics through Permitting Local Political Parties." Center for Civic Politics Research 5 (December 31, 2022): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.54968/civicpol.2022.5.31.
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The current Political Party Act regulates the establishment of regional parties by limiting registration as a political party only when there is a central party in the capital city and five or more city/provincial parties nationwide. This is the reason why local politics cannot escape from the influence of central politics and local issues are not highlighted in local elections. Academia and civil society are demanding that the Political Party Act be amended to allow local parties, and related amendments have been proposed several times in the National Assembly.
Looking at overseas cases, regional parties are allowed in countries with developed party politics, such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Japan, and Germany, and the influence of regional parties in local elections is increasing.
Therefore, in terms of realizing grassroots democracy, it is necessary to allow participation of various political groups, including local parties, in local elections. In addition, in the long term, it is necessary to review the constitutional party-related provisions to expand the freedom of political party activities.
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Njovu, John. "The role of Zambian civil society in evaluation." Evaluation Matters—He Take Tō Te Aromatawai 7 (December 20, 2021): 158–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18296/em.0072.
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Without active civil society and their evaluations, Zambia would still be a colonised nation. It is the welfare societies and cultural groups of indigenous Africans that were the foundation for the political movements that fought for its independence from the British. After political independence, civil society grew because of the 1970s global oil and financial crises. This was to mitigate the adverse effects on ordinary citizens of the conditionality of borrowing from the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and developed nations. The increase in foreign development assistance led to an increase in development projects and programmes along with their associated internal management requirements for monitoring and evaluation (M&E). Government, during this time, also started to formulate plans and programmes that required components of M&E (for example, poverty reduction strategies). After the 2005 Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness, M&E rose to prominence in Zambia’s national development processes. Civil society played a major role in the return to multi-party democracy politics of Zambia in 1991. Post 1991, it began to also play a major role in M&E governance and ensuring that the democratic gains of 1991 were protected. Part of the demand for external M&E capacity development was to enhance its watchdog role over the Zambian government. Though the government recognises civil society as a partner in national democratic processes, it is sometimes mistrustful and hostile to evaluation revelations that are critical of government. There remains a need to strengthen this partnership to ensure that national evaluation capacities are developed. Improved capacities will in turn lead to good governance and public service delivery in Zambia. In this way, sustainable development goals will be attained, and no one will be left behind.
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MACOLA, GIACOMO. "‘IT MEANS AS IF WE ARE EXCLUDED FROM THE GOOD FREEDOM’: THWARTED EXPECTATIONS OF INDEPENDENCE IN THE LUAPULA PROVINCE OF ZAMBIA, 1964–6." Journal of African History 47, no. 1 (March 2006): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853705000848.
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Based on a close reading of new archival material, this article makes a case for the adoption of an empirical, ‘sub-systemic’ approach to the study of nationalist and postcolonial politics in Zambia. By exploring the notion of popular ‘expectations of independence’ to a much greater degree than did previous studies, the paper contends that the extent of the United National Independence Party's political hegemony in the immediate post-independence era has been grossly overrated – even in a traditional rural stronghold of the party and during a favourable economic cycle. In the second part of the paper, the diplomatic and ethnic manoeuvres of the ruler of the eastern Lunda kingdom of Kazembe are set against a background of increasing popular disillusionment with the performance of the independent government.
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Klingemann, Hans-Dieter, and Martin P. Wattenberg. "Decaying Versus Developing Party Systems: A Comparison of Party Images in the United States and West Germany." British Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (April 1992): 131–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006311.
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This article examines citizens' attitudes towards the two major parties in the United States since 1952 and in West Germany since 1969 employing open-ended data from each country's National Election Study time series. Despite similar declining trends in party identification in the two countries, it is found that the patterns of change in party images are markedly different. In the United States it is shown that voters have become increasingly neutral towards the two parties as the focus has turned more and more towards the candidates. In contrast, in West Germany voters have come to have a more balanced view of the parties, seeing both positive and negative features of both. Thus in both cases there has been a decline in polarized strong partisanship (‘my party right or wrong’), but for different reasons. In the United States this decline can be seen as a sign of the decay of an ageing and outdated party system; in West Germany it can be seen as the development of realistic and balanced views of a party system which is just reaching full maturity. The implications for analysing party system development in Eastern Europe are discussed.
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Youwei, Xu, and Philip Billingsley. "Behind the Scenes of the Xi'an Incident: The Case of the Lixingshe." China Quarterly 154 (June 1998): 283–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000002046.
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The year 1936 was a fateful one in the annals of modern China. Japan's steady encroachment, dating back to the 1931 Mukden Incident, had begun to spill over beyond the Great Wall. A sense of national crisis pervaded the country and calls for unity against Japanese aggression were heard even within the ruling Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) of Chiang Kai-shek, whose policy insisted on first eliminating its arch-rival the Communist Party. As for the Communist Party, the successful arrival of its Central Red Army in northern Shaanxi province in late 1935 following the epochal Long March had enabled it to claim readiness to take on the Japanese threat directly, and its persistent demands for a National United Front in which the Communist Party would be included were meeting with approval from a wide segment of the population.
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Peou, Sorpong. "Interparty and Intraparty Factionalism in Cambodian Politics." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (April 2020): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420906023.
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Cambodia’s hegemonic party system that emerged after the violent removal of First Prime Minister Norodom Ranariddh early in July 1997 has now given way to a one-party state, which still remains prone to tension and instability. The party system has become less factionalised and can be characterised as moving from high to medium factionalism. This development resulted from the growing domination of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) and the weakening of the opposition parties, such as National United Front for an Independent, Netural, Peaceful and Cooperative Cambodia, which splintered and become almost irrelevant in Cambodian politics. The Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) emerged as the main opposition party after the 2013 election but was then banned from competing in the 2018 election. Although the CNRP remains united by its anti-CPP position, it is still fractured along political lines between two former opposition parties – the Sam Rainsy Party and the Human Rights Party. Historical institutionalism sheds some new light on the variation of political developments among political parties and within them, but does not supplant the fact that party leaders are rational to the extent that they select strategies in pursuit of their interests defined as power or security under specific institutional constraints or the lack thereof.
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Goldman, Ralph M. "The Nominating Process: Factionalism as a Force for Democratization." American Review of Politics 12 (November 1, 1991): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1991.12.0.42-64.
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In what ways may a one-party system advance democratic development? Democratic development requires an understanding of the process of institutionalization and the ways in which institutionalization may be promotive of nonviolent elite competition, even within one-party systems. This directs our attention to the hierarchy of institutionalized organizations and conflict systems that constitute a party system, namely, government, parties, and factions. Although neglected in research on party politics, factions are capable of creating conditions favorable to democratic development, including nonviolent competition among elites, party pluralism, and popular participation in electoral and other institutions of national politics. The centerpiece of factionalism is the party’s nominating process, another relatively neglected subject of inquiry. Several principles of institutionalization are suggested by the experience with factionalism in the United States and other nations.
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Simabwachi, M. "Creation and Preservation of Business History: The Selection Trust and Anglo-American Corporation Archives in Zambia's Copperbelt." Historia 67, no. 2 (November 2022): 90–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2022/v67n2a4.
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Based on original archival research and oral interviews, this article examines archives creation and the preservation of the history of the multinational mining companies of Selection Trust (ST) and Anglo-American Corporation (AAC) in Zambia's Copperbelt region between 1922 and 2000. The investment of foreign capital by multinational companies in the Copperbelt mines from the 1920s, marked the genesis and formal preservation of business archives in the Copperbelt. This article argues that although the ST and ACC archives were privately owned and strictly preserved for corporate interests and administrative efficiency, these documents eventually became publicly available because of Zambia's political independence and the nationalisation of the mining industry in the 1960s. In the early 1970s, the United National Independence Party (UNIP) government nationalised the Zambian mines and merged the two multinational companies to form the Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines (ZCCM). Consequently, in 1982, the ST and ACC archives were merged. However, following the complete privatisation of the mining industry in 2000 the identity of mining archives reverted to private entities. This article provides new and significant insights into the power and role of regional and local political-economic shifts in determining the nature and identity of business archives in Zambia.
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Firmansyah, Jovan Prima. "Dinamika Politik Malaysia: United Malays National Organization (UMNO) & Pengunduran Diri Mahatir Mohamad di 2016." Jurnal Politik Pemerintahan, Majalah Ilmiah Program Studi Ilmu Politik 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55745/jpp.v2i1.11.
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This paper review United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and Mahatir Mohamad resignation from it in 2016. UMNO as a dominant political party in Malaysian politics have high role in shaping the country. Since establishment in 1946, UMNO have role on Malaysia's independence, this the role of it's presidents and as Malaysia Prime Minister (PM) show that it's an interesting subject to observe. Mahatir Mohamad as UMNO's president & Malaysia PM (1981-2003) made a decision that create attention. His resignation from UMNO in 2016 is a challenge to it for the political dynamics of the conuntry. He use it to push UMNO as a dominant political party on 1 Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) case durin PM Najib Razak rule.
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Atapin, Evgeniy Aleksandrovich. "The influence of the United Kingdom Independence Party on english national identity at the present stage." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University 58, no. 2 (June 23, 2022): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/22-2/01.
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The article analyzes how the activities of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) influenced the development of English national identity in the years leading up to the British vote on Britain's membership in the European Union. A brief history of the creation and electoral success of the party is given. The focus is on the period when Nigel Farage held the post of head of UKIP. The factors that determined the current state of English national identity and its relationship with British identity are investigated. The article explains how the connection between these identities was reflected in the policy of UKIP. The article examines the attitude of the party leadership to the problems of the establishment of English parliament and celebrating St. George's Day in England. UKIP has always been viewed as a haven for the oppressed, disaffected and disillusioned people. This image was used by the party leadership to secure its support in England. Emphasizing the theme of unfair treatment of England by the British government and Brussels and the need to respect specific English national identity bore fruit. By 2014, the largest share of English people began to perceive UKIP as the party that best defended English interests. The strengthening of the existing eurosceptic sentiments in England ensured the decision to end Britain's membership in the EU in the 2016 referendum thereby contributing to the implementation of the UKIP's key mission. Thanks to the active appeal to the English question, UKIP was able to acquire a very significant weight in the British political arena.
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Sheng, Michael M. "Mao, Stalin, and the Formation of the Anti-Japanese United Front: 1935–37." China Quarterly 129 (March 1992): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000041266.
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The formation of the anti-Japanese national united front between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Guomindang (GMD), and Moscow's role in it, has attracted much historical inquiry. Our knowledge about it is enriched with the appearance of John Garver's and Kui-Kuong Shum's recent works. However, there are some important issues raised by them worth further discussion, and some factual evidence which needs more study.
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Gunlicks, Arthur B. "Campaign and Party Finance in the West German “Party State”." Review of Politics 50, no. 1 (1988): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036123.
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In contrast to the United States, where there is little or no public financing of parties and candidates below the presidential level, the German “party state” grants generous subsidies in a variety of forms to the political parties, though not to individual candidates. The German Basic Law (constitution), various laws passed by the national and Land (state) parliaments, and the Federal Constitutional Court have been important factors in the development of a complex and costly system of public financing for election campaigns, parliamentary parties and party foundations and for free television and radio time and billboard advertising space. In addition, the federal government incurs large tax expenditures through the encouragement of tax deductible contributions to political parties. In spite of the crucial role which public financing has assumed, recent scandals have occurred involving illegal contributions from business interests. A revised party law of 1984 and a Federal Constitutional Court decision in July 1986 have brought about significant changes, but controversy in Germany over public financing and the impact of recent reforms continues.
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Bishop, Isabel J., Stuart Warner, Toos C. G. E. van Noordwijk, Frank C. Nyoni, and Steven Loiselle. "Citizen Science Monitoring for Sustainable Development Goal Indicator 6.3.2 in England and Zambia." Sustainability 12, no. 24 (December 9, 2020): 10271. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su122410271.
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Citizen science has the potential to support the delivery of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) through its integration into national monitoring schemes. In this study, we explored the opportunities and biases of citizen science (CS) data when used either as a primary or secondary source for SDG 6.3.2 reporting. We used data from waterbodies with both CS and regulatory monitoring in England and Zambia to explore their biases and complementarity. A comparative analysis of regulatory and CS data provided key information on appropriate sampling frequency, site selection, and measurement parameters necessary for robust SDG reporting. The results showed elevated agreement for pass/fail ratios and indicator scores for English waterbodies (80%) and demonstrated that CS data improved for granularity and spatial coverage for SDG indicator scoring, even when extensive statutory monitoring programs were present. In Zambia, management authorities are actively using citizen science projects to increase spatial and temporal coverage for SDG reporting. Our results indicate that design considerations for SDG focused citizen science can address local needs and provide a more representative indicator of the state of a nation’s freshwater ecosystems for international reporting requirements.
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Suwarno, Suwarno. "The Pattern of Relation of Muhammadiyah and Parmusi." Journal of Islamic and Muhammadiyah Studies 1, no. 2 (November 23, 2020): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21070/jims.v1i2.1065.
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This study aims to reveal the pattern of relations between Muhammadiyah and the Indonesian Muslim Party (Parmusi). In this study, the author used the historical research method, following four steps. First, heuristics or collection of primary and secondary sources centered at the Muhammadiyah Central Library of Yogyakarta, the National Library of Jakarta, and the National Archives Office of the Republic of Indonesia (ANRI) Jakarta. Second, source criticism which includes external criticism to test the authenticity and internal criticism to determine the credibility of the source. Third, the interpretation or interpretation of historical facts resulting from the second step by conducting analysis and synthesis. Fourth, historiography or writing of historical work. The results showed that in the process of founding Parmusi in 1968, Muhammadiyah had played an important role as a midwife born in Parmusi. In the development of Parmusi until this party merged in the United Development Party (PPP) in 1973, Muhammadiyah's relations with Parmusi showed a more ideological rather than organizational relationship pattern.
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de Silva, Chandra R. "Sri Lanka in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 199–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.199.
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The year 2015 in Sri Lanka was characterized by a democratic transfer of power from the United People’s Freedom Alliance, led by President Mahinda Rajapaksa, to a coalition led by the United National Party. Constitutional changes restricting presidential power, and the growth of a new approach to human rights and ethnic reconciliation, accompanied this shift. Sri Lanka’s emphasis in its economic policy shifted from major infrastructural projects to a further strengthening of human capacities.
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Karapin, Roger. "Federalism as a Double-Edged Sword: The Slow Energy Transition in the United States." Journal of Environment & Development 29, no. 1 (November 12, 2019): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1070496519886001.
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Much literature on federalism and multilevel governance argues that federalist institutional arrangements promote renewable energy policies. However, the U.S. case supports a different view that federalism has ambivalent effects. Policy innovation has occurred at the state level and to some extent has led to policy adoption by other states and the federal government, but the extent is limited by the veto power of fossil fuel interests that are rooted in many state governments and in Congress, buttressed by increasing Republican Party hostility to environmental and climate policy. This argument is supported by a detailed analysis of five periods of federal and state renewable energy policy-making, from the Carter to the Trump administrations. The negative effects of federalism on national renewable energy policy in the United States, in contrast to the West European cases in this special issue, are mainly due to the interaction of its federalist institutions with party polarization and a strong domestic fossil fuel industry.
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Wang, Hongbiao. "The Formation, Connotation and Value of the Spirit of Bijie Experimental Area." International Journal of Education and Humanities 4, no. 2 (September 8, 2022): 96–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ijeh.v4i2.1524.
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Bijie Experimental Area is a national-level experimental area. Its establishment stems from the "three major problems" arising from the karst landform in Bijie, the original intention and mission of the Communist Party of China, the mission of the national united front to focus on the center and serve the overall situation, the strong promotion of the Guizhou Provincial Party Committee and the Provincial Government, and the unremitting efforts of the cadres and masses of Bijie. In the process of continuous exploration around the three major themes of "development and poverty alleviation, ecological construction and population control", the people of Bijie Pilot Area have formed the spirit of Bijie Pilot Area of "deepening reform, innovating with determination, working hard, and tackling difficulties with one heart" . The spirit of the Bijie Pilot Zone enriches the national spirit with patriotism as the core and the spirit of the times with reform and innovation as the core, provides a practical platform for the united front to help the development of the Bijie Pilot Zone, provides spiritual power for promoting poverty alleviation and linking rural revitalization, provides a source of power for the construction and implementation of a new development concept demonstration zone, and provides a source of power for the construction of Bijie as the "Golden Triangle" of Guizhou.
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Shinar, Chaim. "The Role of the National Problem in the Disintegration of the Soviet Union." European Review 21, no. 1 (January 31, 2013): 56–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798712000257.
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‘The Soviet Union, like the United States, was a country established to serve and promote a political idea, not to be a state for nations. The United States was founded in order to be a modern democratic polity; the Soviet Union in order to promote Marxism-Leninism. The Soviet Union thus began as a ‘modern,’ post-imperialist state. The cement holding the state together was a compound of ideology, a hierarchical, disciplinary party, charismatic leadership, and external treats. [In the 80s] this cement was crumbling… [The Soviet] state had lost its raison d’être and the people turned to the traditional and conventional basis of the state – that is, the nation. But since this was a multinational state – and unlike the multiethnic United States, most peoples in the USSR have distinct languages and territories of their own – [they returned to them to establish independent states.]’1
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Rembulan, Dinda. "Attitude-Based Coalition Towards Policy-Driven Policies "Coalition: Eight Parliamentary Parties And An Open Proportional System In The 2024 Elections"." Jurnal Indonesia Sosial Teknologi 4, no. 8 (August 21, 2023): 1162–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.59141/jist.v4i8.661.
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This journal discusses the formation of a coalition involving eight parliamentary political parties: the Golongan Karya Party (Golkar), the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), the National Democratic Party (Nasdem), the Nation Awakening Party (PKB), the Democratic Party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the National Mandate Party (PAN), and the United Development Party (PPP). The coalition is based on their shared stance to maintain the application of the proportional open electoral system in the 2024 election. In this context, the study refers to William Gamson's theory of determining factors for a coalition, which consists of three types. Firstly, the initial distribution of resources is a crucial factor where all coalition participants calculate opportunities deemed more rational to favor those perceived to possess the most significant or determining resources. Secondly, the rewards obtained factor into the decision-making process, where coalition participants evaluate options expected to yield the maximum reciprocity or advantage. Finally, the decision point factor plays a role, as the most effective decision is based on the strength of resources possessed by each coalition participant. The research adopts a qualitative method supported by literature study techniques to obtain data. The results of this study reveal that the coalition formed among the eight parliamentary political parties is based on the calculation made by each party, considering that the implementation of the open proportional electoral system is more rational, provides advantages, and is perceived as more effective in supporting their winning efforts in the 2024 election.
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MARTIN, CATHIE JO, and DUANE SWANK. "The Political Origins of Coordinated Capitalism: Business Organizations, Party Systems, and State Structure in the Age of Innocence." American Political Science Review 102, no. 2 (May 2008): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055408080155.
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This paper investigates the political determinants of corporatist and pluralist employers' associations and reflects on the origins of the varieties of capitalism in the early decades of the 20th century. We hypothesize that proportional, multiparty systems tend to enable employers' associations to develop into social corporatist organizations, whereas nonproportional, two-party systems are conducive to the formation of pluralist associations. Moreover, we suggest that federalism tends to reinforce incentives for pluralist organization. We assess our hypotheses through quantitative analysis of data from 1900 to the 1930s from 16 nations and case studies of the origins of peak employers' associations in Denmark and the United States. Our statistical analysis suggests that proportional, multiparty systems foster, and federalism works against, social corporatist business organization; employers' organization is also greater where the mobilization of labor, traditions of coordination, and economic development are higher. These factors also largely explain pre-World War II patterns of national coordination of capitalism. Case histories of the origins of employers' associations in Denmark and the United States further confirm the causal importance of political factors. Although Danish and American employers had similar interests in creating cooperative national industrial policies, trajectories of associational development were constrained by the structure of party competition, as well as by preindustrial traditions for coordination.
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GUO, VIVIENNE XIANGWEI. "Forging a Women's United Front: Chinese elite women's networks for national salvation and resistance, 1932–1938." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (September 27, 2018): 483–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000105.
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AbstractFocusing on Chinese elite women who gravitated towards national affairs in the pre-war urban sites of eastern China and who migrated to Wuhan after the outbreak of the War of Resistance (1937–1945), this article analyses the emergence, development, and integration of their sociopolitical networks for the purpose of promoting women's participation in national salvation, against a backdrop of the deepening national crisis in the 1930s. I argue that two years before the Second Kuomintang-Chinese Communist Party (KMT-CCP) United Front was officially formed, these elite women, hailing from diverse social and political backgrounds and different professions, had already established their own leadership during the national salvation movement and called for a women's united front. Therefore, rather than being simply political rhetoric enhanced under the auspices of the KMT-CCP alliance, the women's united front served as an important institution with which Chinese elite women identified and through which they empowered themselves at a local and then national level, across and beyond geopolitical boundaries. I conclude that the birth and evolution of this women's united front, which have been neglected in the historiography of China's War of Resistance, are crucial to an understanding of unsettling negotiations, communication, and cooperation between the various forces signed up to the cause of national salvation in the 1930s, and to the interpretation of popular resistance before the war.
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Gillman, Howard. "How Political Parties Can Use the Courts to Advance Their Agendas: Federal Courts in the United States, 1875–1891." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 511–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402000291.
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This case study of late-nineteenth century federal courts in the United States sheds light on two seemingly unrelated questions of general interest to political scientists: What tools are available to party leaders who seek to institutionalize their policy agendas or insulate those agendas from electoral politics? and How do we account for expansions of judicial power? Using an historical–interpretive analysis of partisan agendas, party control of national institutions, congressional initiatives relating to federal courts, the appointment of federal judges, judicial decision making, and litigation patterns, I demonstrate that the increased power, jurisdiction, and conservatism of federal courts during this period was a by-product of Republican Party efforts to promote and entrench a policy of economic nationalism during a time when that agenda was vulnerable to electoral politics. In addition to offering an innovative interpretation of these developments, I discuss the implications arising from this case study for our standard accounts of partisan politics, political development, and the determinants of judicial decision making.
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Fayyad, Mahmoud. "Fundamental Breach of Contract in Terms of the UN Sales Convention and Emirates Law: A Comparative Legal Study." Arab Law Quarterly 33, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 109–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730255-12332008.
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Abstract The UAE launched its National Vision 2021 in 2010, which ‘sets the key themes for the socio-economic development of the UAE’ and calls for ‘a shift to a diversified and knowledge-based economy’. It focuses on the UAE becoming the economic and commercial capital for more than two billion people by transitioning to a knowledge-based economy. The success of the vision requires the State to join the United National Convention of Trade in Goods, which is the most important convention in this field. Until now, the national lawmaker has refrained from joining the Convention, believing that the Convention prevails to the interests of the seller party. As fundamental breach is a momentous concept of the terms of the Convention, this article will attempt to draw similarities and distinctions between national law and the United Nations Convention for the International Sales of Goods (CISG) in terms of the principle of fundamental breach.
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BOWMAN, ANDREW. "MASS PRODUCTION OR PRODUCTION BY THE MASSES? TRACTORS, COOPERATIVES, AND THE POLITICS OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN POST-INDEPENDENCE ZAMBIA." Journal of African History 52, no. 2 (July 2011): 201–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853711000235.
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ABSTRACTThe fall of colonial regimes across Africa was accompanied by the rise in expectations for rapid and inclusive rural economic progress. In Zambia, the cooperative production unit was one of two key initiatives at the centre of the United National Independence Party's ambitious development efforts. The other was the tractor. By following these two interlinked initiatives in the years immediately following independence, this article contributes to the under-explored history of early postcolonial development. It argues that both the power of expert groups and the level of continuity between late colonial and postcolonial development was not always as great as has recently been suggested. Cooperative mechanization policies emerged from a confluence of competing claims over knowledge, power and resources. However, as is demonstrated, they also reflected more fundamental tensions in the development endeavour between the prioritization of economically efficient mass production, and inclusive development for the masses.
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Rahman, Abdul, Najamuddin, and Wildhan Khalyubi. "Kontestasi Partai Persatuan Pembangunan Pada Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019." Ganaya : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora 5, no. 2 (June 2, 2022): 140–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37329/ganaya.v5i2.1658.
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The United Development Party (PPP) is one of the contestants in the general election since the new order era until the current Reformation era. In the course of politics in Indonesia, PPP as a party with Islamic nuances has never been the main winner in every election, even though the majority of Muslims in this country. This reaserch aims to reveal about the implementation of the 2019 general election and to elaborate on several events related to the United Development Party (PPP), so that it has an impact on the position of its vote acquisition in the 2019 general election. This study uses a historical qualitative research method. The data was obtained through a study of literature sharing in the form of books and journals. The results showed that PPP set a target to win 8% of the vote at the national level. To achieve this target, PPP has taken several strategies, including: visiting Islamic boarding schools, approaching the millennial generation, introducing new brands, and supporting the Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin couple. However, PPP's hopes of gaining victory could not be realized because it faced several obstacles, namely: PPP's internal divisions, cracking at the ballot box, lack of public figures, and corruption cases. Some of these factors made PPP the party that took the last position in the vote that was declared to have passed as part of the members of the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia.
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Astakhov, Evgeny. "«Eurocommunism» and the split of the Communist movement in Spain." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-7-15.
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In the period post Franco were created more favorable conditions for left parties, first of all for Communist party. However, «eurocommunists» leadership of the Communist party of Spain (KPI) led her to a deep crisis. The creation in January 1984 of the new Communist party of the people of Spain (PCPE), despite the difficulties of institutional development, the complicated financial situation, lack of personnel, became a significant factor in the national political field. After many years of political and ideological disarmament of the left forces in Spain appeared a party, acting with genuine class positions. At the same time, PCPE played the role of catalyst of processes oriented to shift to the left axis of the political life of the country. However, the current situation in the Spanish communist movement, the whole objective situation in Spain dictated the need for the unification of the communists. That goal was answered by the creation of a left electoral coalition «United left».
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Pun, Sant Bahadur. "The 1996 Mahakali Treaty: Whither the “Rashtriya Sankalpas/National Strictures” of Nepalese Parliament?" Hydro Nepal: Journal of Water, Energy and Environment 11 (July 6, 2012): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hn.v11i0.7155.
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Despite the ratification by the Joint Session of Nepal’s two Houses of Parliament with an overwhelming majority on September 20, 1996 and despite the exchange of instruments of ratification by the two countries on June 5, 1997, the Pancheshwar Detailed Project Report (DPR) has yet to see the light of day even after the lapse of 16 years. It was believed that Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba’s government with the concurrence of the main opposition party, Communist Party of Nepal- United Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), had ratified the Mahakali Treaty with four ‘rashtriya sankalpas/national strictures’. It was also believed that an all party Parliamentary Monitoring Joint Committee headed by the Speaker of the Lower House was constituted to guide the Nepalese side in the preparation of the detailed project report of Pancheshwar. That Monitoring Joint Committee in a span of four years held 28 meetings. Now the very legality of those four ‘rashtriya sankalpas/national strictures’ is being questioned. In 2009 the Secretary level Nepal-India Joint Committee on Water Resources constituted the Pancheshwar Development Authority (PDA) that was given the crucial mandate to ‘finalize’ the vital much-awaited Pancheshwar DPR. As institutions have no memory and public memory is extremely short, this article attempts to recapitulate the commitments made at treaty ratification time by the Deuba government in concurrence with the then largest party, CPN-UML. The article argues against the mandate given to the bureaucrat-led PDA to finalize the Pancheshwar DPR and strongly recommends formation of an all party mechanism akin to the previous Parliamentary Monitoring Joint Committee to guide the government during this critical Interim period.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hn.v11i0.7155 Hydro Nepal Vol.11 2011 pp.12-17
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Harianto, Harianto, Wawan Budi Darmawan, and Muradi Muradi. "The Winning of Empty Box in the 2018 Makassar Regional Head Election." Society 8, no. 2 (December 22, 2020): 546–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/society.v8i2.203.
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This research discusses how the empty box won in the 2018 Makassar Regional Head Election. This phenomenon became the elections’ history where a single candidate failed to win the election. Ten political parties consisting of Functional Groups Party (Golkar), National Democratic Party (NasDem), Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), United Development Party (PPP), Crescent Star Party (PBB), Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), People’s Conscience Party (Hanura), National Mandate Party (PAN), and Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI), promoted a single candidate pair. This study aims to describe how the movement of empty box volunteers in the Makassar Regional Head Election. This research uses a qualitative method. Selection of informants using a snowball sampling technique, and using social movement theory. There are three parts to this theory: 1) Complaint theory. Public disappointment over a candidate pair’s disqualification and consider the election organizer unfair; 2) Mobilizing structures theory. Analyze the voluntary movement of empty boxes to gather mass support and sympathizers during the election; and 3) Framing theory. Analyze the use of issues and methods of spreading the issue. This research found that the empty box phenomenon in Makassar Regional Head Election, unlike in the elections in other areas where the single candidate did not have an opponent, in Makassar, one of the candidate pairs was disqualified due to violation. It made the community, supporters, and the success team feels disappointed with the General Elections Commission’s decision. This disappointment also resulted in the emergence of the empty box volunteer movement. Movements of empty box volunteers to gather mass support and sympathizers through door-to-door socializing, leaflets, flyers, and banners call to action to win empty box and use social media and online media as campaign tools.
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ANDRUSHKIV, Bohdan, Nataliia KYRYCH, Anatolii PESHKO, Olha POHAJDAK, and Borys YAZLYUK. "Improving the management of international structures of the United Nations in the field of resource use and innovation investment." Ukrainian Journal of Applied Economics and Technology 7, no. 1 (January 26, 2022): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.36887/2415-8453-2022-1-4.
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The article reveals the causes and consequences of ignoring public opinion, the political situation, the position of science and scientists about the emergence of a large-scale war with Russia by the state leadership of Ukraine. Based on the initial analysis of the revealed contradictions and miscalculations of social and economic development of the state, the reasons of brake processes in development of a society and activation of separatist moods were named. To address them, it is offered to intensify the international community, using the extensive opportunities of the UN in the field of resource use, implementation of new projects and investment in advanced technologies. It is proposed to intensify the activities of scientists in this field by uniting them in a political force, the party entitled “Development of education and science – the intellectual health of the nation and the security of the state”. The problem is considered in both national, regional, sectoral sections, and interstate positions. Also, the interconnections and interrelations of Interstate bodies and public authorities in this sphere of public life were revealed. In the paper it is offered to use the political tools and approaches to determining the role and place of specialized (sectoral) UN structures in the development of social processes and on this basis to ensure peace, stabilization and efficiency of production, intensification of socio-economic development of the state. The article discloses the ways of improving the management and implementation of International and European standards in the field of resource use, innovation and increase in the competitiveness of national economies in general. Keywords: UN, international relations, resource use, universal structures, public association, party, academy, politics, production, responsibility, economy, state, socio-economic development, European standards.
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OLIVER, AuthAngela, and ET AL. "Bridging the gap: strengthening testing capabilities of national medicines quality control laboratories in West Africa." International Journal of Pharmaceutical, Physico-chemical and Nutritional Analysis 1, no. 2 (March 1, 2023): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.61585/ucad-ijppna-v1i207.
Full textAbstract:
Laboratory testing to assure the quality and safety of medicines is a critical component of public health. Across Africa, national regulatory authorities are challenged by a lack of sufficient capabilities within their national quality control laboratories (NQCLs) to perform analyses in a consistent, reliable, and accurate manner. The United States Agency for International Development founded-program, Promoting the Quality of Medicines and its successor Promoting the Quality of Medicines Plus, both implemented by United States Pharmacopeia, have worked to strengthen the testing capabilities of NQCLs in African countries. Their technical assistance aligned NQCLs’ operational practices and testing services with international standards and best practices and resulted in third-party recognition of capabilities and competence. This commentary provides a retrospective of key achievements of NQCLs in three West African countries, Ghana, Mali, and Nigeria, and illustrates success in addressing challenges through a complex multiyear venture. The commitment and dedication of NQCLs and their NRAs has resulted in international levels of compliance and competency.
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West, Harry G., and Gregory W. Myers. "A Piece of Land in a Land of Peace? State Farm Divestiture in Mozambique." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 1 (March 1996): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055191.
Full textAbstract:
In the first two years following the peace accord in Rome on 4 Ocotber 1992 between Mozambique's governing party, the Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Frelimo), and the Resistência National Moçambicana (Renamo) guerrilla leadership, over one million refugees returned to the country while as many as three million moved back to the areas they were forced to flee during the war. With the post-accord commitment of the United Nations to monitor the ‘peace process’ as well as the political transition to a multi-party democratic régime, the international community invested itself strongly in supporting Mozambicans in their attempt to rebuild their war-torn country. The United Nations Operation in Mozambique (Unomoz) presented an acid test for the future of UN-sponsored ‘peacekeeping’ initiativesthe recent difficulties or failures in Angola, Somalia, and Bosnia having thrown into question the sensibility of such expensive operations with little probability of producing sustainable results. For the donor community, the end of the war signalled an opportunity to advance discussions and practical steps towards liberalising the Mozambican economy and decentralising state power — thereby offering a new laboratory for model testing.