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1
Frenger, Carolyn. "United Press International (UPI) Photos Database2004296United Press International (UPI) Photos Database. Washington, DC: United Press International Last visited April 2004. URL: www.upi.com/photos/index.cfm." Reference Reviews 18, no. 6 (September 2004): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09504120410552390.
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Schaaf, Robert W. "United Nations Decade of International Law." International Journal of Legal Information 19, no. 2 (1991): 130–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500007228.
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With the world's attention focused on the Persian Gulf crisis during the latter part of 1990 and the important part played in the situation by the United Nations Security Council, the 45th session of the UN General Assembly received very little attention in the press. In general, however, this post-Cold War session was considered a success, with an unprecedented number of resolutions adopted by consensus. As usual there were numerous resolutions of interest to the legal community.
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Berkman, Paul Arthur. "Common interests in the international space of Antarctica." Polar Record 46, no. 1 (October 19, 2009): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247409990222.
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The Antarctic Treaty was adopted by twelve nations in Washington, DC on 1 December 1959 with the interests of science and the progress of all mankind. Seven of these nations asserted territorial claims, including the overlapping claims of Argentina, Chile and the United Kingdom in the Antarctic Peninsula. The five other nations were non-claimants, including the United States and Soviet Union (now Russian Federation), which reserved rights to press claims in the future.
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Гусейнова, Ульвія. "The Second Karabakh War through the Prism of the Most Influential British Press, 27 September-10 November 2020." Grani 24, no. 7-8 (August 10, 2021): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172178.
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This article deals with the analysis of the coverage of the Second Karabagh War by the influential British press. The mass media plays an important role in shaping or influencing people’s opinions on conflicts. The Armenia-Azerbaijan Nagorno Karabakh Conflict is one of the conflicts that has got and presently is getting international press coverage. The news coverage has great importance in informing the world how Armenia invaded and destroyed Karabakh. And as the British press is enough influential in western countries and plays an important role in shaping the opinions, its coverage of the conflict is very important. Another important point is that the United Kingdom has long been one of the important geostrategic actors in the system of international relations. Although the UK's international influence is relatively weak in modern times, the country is still considered one of the world's power centers.
The United Kingdom is also home to concepts such as parliamentarism, democracy, liberalism, and freedom of thought, speech, and press. All these factors make the analysis of the Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in the British press especially relevant. One more important fact that is worth to mention that Azerbaijan is a country rich in oil and gas reserves. This fact draws the attention of many individuals and legal entities in the United Kingdom, including BP, to Azerbaijan. The economic interests of transnational companies coincide with the development trends of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and, as a result, take different directions. Taking this into account, Azerbaijan is objectively interested in gaining access to the political and intellectual elite of the United Kingdom through these individuals and legal entities. The links of transnational companies to Azerbaijan's national security are one of the subjects of research in the British press. This, in turn, increases the relevance of the study of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in the British press.
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Schaaf, Robert W. "International Documentation." International Journal of Legal Information 22, no. 1 (1994): 73–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500024501.
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While news of United Nations activities in Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia and other trouble spots has been in the press almost daily in recent months, information about internal UN developments are more difficult to come by. Fortunately, we have recently obtained documents on some organizational changes that affect the way the UN carries on its business and consequently the paper work documenting its activities. These changes involve several UN bodies, including the General Assembly and the Security Council, as well as other UN units. The number of developments is such that one cannot easily cover all the information in one column, and it has been decided to concentrate here on Security Council documentation.
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Gunther, Albert C., and Leslie B. Snyder. "Reading International News in a Censored Press Environment." Journalism Quarterly 69, no. 3 (September 1992): 591–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909206900307.
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This study hypothesizes that people under conditions of high censorship are likely to be more critical news consumers than people who believe they live in countries with a free and objective press. An experimental design using an international news story, attributed either to a high- or low-constraint source, was employed to compare the processing strategies of students from the United States and Indonesia. Findings suggest that audiences in censored news environments are more critical in distinguishing among news sources, but less critical of the unconstrained news itself.
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Greco, Pietro. "Science and the international public opinion." Journal of Science Communication 03, no. 01 (March 21, 2004): E. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.03010501.
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On 16 January 2004, the United Nations Secretary-General and Nobel Peace Prize winner Kofi Annan launched a Global Media Aids Initiative, with the aim of convincing the press, radio, television and Internet to join the fight against what has been called the "forgotten disease of the forgotten continent". Throughout the world, over 40 million people have the Hiv virus. In 2003 there were 5 million new infections and 3 million deaths were caused by Aids.
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Cryle, Denis. "The Press Union at the end of empire: Anglo-Australian perspectives, 1946–65." Journalism 12, no. 8 (August 12, 2011): 1004–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884911415971.
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This article provides an overview of the post-war contexts in which the Empire Press Union (EPU) became the Commonwealth Press Union and offers an assessment of its changing leadership and regular five-yearly conferences over the period 1946 to 1965. In particular, it examines the extent to which its pre-war hierarchies and British influence were sustained or modified with the decline of empire and the advent of international bodies such as the United Nations. It assesses the impact over two critical decades of the politics of decolonization and the changing roles of both the Australian and British sections of the organization within the new information order. How did these post-war changes and the power blocks which emerged affect the Press Union and its member countries and shape the ethos of the newly named Commonwealth Press Union thereafter? The article argues that the issues of press freedom and censorship are central to understanding the changing character of the organization and its emerging international profile by the mid-1960s. At a time when the United Nations proclaimed freedom of information to be a fundamental human right, the Press Union’s own libertarian rhetoric in defence of a free media sought to acknowledge the realities of decolonization, while retaining pre-war cultural values.
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Russell, Bertrand. "What Is Wrong with America." Russell: the Journal of Bertrand Russell Studies 40 (February 10, 2021): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.15173/russell.v40i2.4573.
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“Editor’s Note [by International News Service]—Bertrand Russell, distinguished English philosopher and scholar, recently returned to England from a visit to the United States. In articles written for the press of the English intelligentsia he intimated that he did not think all was well with the United States, and he was invited to write for the International News Service his views on ‘What Is Wrong With America’. He has written here a frank statement of his views.”
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Alicia Durán. "Press Release: United Nations Approves 2022 as the International Year of Glass." Glass Physics and Chemistry 47, no. 6 (November 2021): 731. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1087659621060353.
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Soderlund, Walter C. "A Comparison of Press Coverage in Canada and the United States of the 1982 and 1984 Salvadoran Elections." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900011628.
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AbstractThis article investigates press coverage in Canada and the United States of the 1982 and 1984 Salvadoran elections employing the concept of the “demonstration election,” which posits that some elections occur not to select governments and solve problems but rather to confer international legitimacy on the government holding the election. The press plays a vital role in creating this aura of legitimacy. There is some evidence that the American press played a legitimizing role in the elections. While the elections received twice as much coverage in the American press as they did in the Canadian press, with the exception of some differences in leader evaluation and emphasis on issues, Canadians received essentially the same media portrayal of the elections as did Americans.
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Brems, Eva. "Ethiopia Before The United Nations Treaty Monitoring Bodies." Afrika Focus 20, no. 1-2 (February 15, 2007): 49–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0200102004.
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Ethiopia before the United Nations Treaty Monitoring Bodies Among the many human rights conventions adopted by the UN, seven are known – together with their additional protocols – as the core international human rights instruments: ‒ The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; ‒ The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; ‒ The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; ‒ The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women; ‒ The Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; ‒ The Convention on the Rights of the Child; ‒ The International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and Members of their Families. The main international control mechanism under these conventions is what may be considered the standard mechanism in international human rights protection: state reporting before an international committee. An initial report is due usually one year after joining the treaty and afterwards, reports are due periodically (every four or five years). The international committees examine the reports submitted by the state parties. In the course of this examination they include information from other sources, such as the press, other United Nations materials or NGO information. They also hold a meeting with representatives of the state submitting the report. At the end of this process the committee issues 'concluding observations' or 'concluding comments'. This paper focuses on the experience of one state – Ethiopia – with the seven core human rights treaties. This should allow the reader to gain insights both into the human rights situation in Ethiopia and in the functioning of the United Nations human rights protection system.
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Surm, Jasmin. "AFP, EFE and dpa as international news agencies." Journalism 21, no. 12 (November 13, 2019): 1859–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884919883491.
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While earlier news agency studies have often concentrated on Reuters in the United Kingdom (now in Canada) and on the Associated Press in the United States as the leading international news agencies, there is less up-to-date research in English on international agencies outside the Anglo-American sphere. This article intends to help bridge that research gap and to analyse the recent development of Agence France-Presse in France, EFE in Spain and Deutsche Presse-Agentur in Germany. The article uses a case study approach, employing in-depth interviews with agency representatives. The results of the analysis show that all three agencies fulfil the criteria for an international agency. However, to do so, they all not only need a large domestic market, together with linguistic and cultural markets outside their home countries, but also state support, in case of Agence France-Presse and EFE. The findings emphasize the relevance of diversification and innovation in response to the changing structure and demands of national and international markets.
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Sutter, Robert. "The United States and Asia in 2006: Crisis Management, Holding Patterns, and Secondary Initiatives." Asian Survey 47, no. 1 (January 2007): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.1.10.
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North Korea's nuclear weapons test prompted U.S. international activism to curb Pyongyang's proliferation and press it to negotiate. Preoccupied with higher priorities at home and abroad, the Bush administration generally continued along established paths in Asia. Initiatives came in U.S. relations with India, Kazakhstan, and Southeast Asia.
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Sattarzadeh, Sahar. "When We In/visibilize Our Nobility . . ." Journal of Bahá’í Studies 30, no. 3 (May 19, 2021): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31581/jbs-30.3.319(2020).
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In October 2011, an international faith-based women’s rights non-governmental organization (NGO) convened a press briefing for invited members of the United States Congress and their staff in the U.S. Capitol Building in Washington, D.C. The briefing was an advocacy initiative to address the Violence Against Women Act...
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Perlman, Allison. "Telecasting an “Effective Weapon for Peace”." Radical History Review 2021, no. 141 (October 1, 2021): 60–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9170710.
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Abstract This article investigates the history of the International Television Federation, or Intertel. A collaboration between telecasters from the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia, Intertel throughout the 1960s produced and distributed public affairs documentaries for an international audience. Intertel’s members positioned public affairs programming in the 1960s as an “effective weapon for peace.” By making the nations of the world legible to one another, Intertel programs sought to deploy the international circulation of television texts as a means to diminish tensions in a world defined by uneven economic growth, Cold War ideological battles, and the specter of nuclear warfare. Drawing on archival materials, press reports, and the programs themselves, this essay offers an institutional history of the program’s development, expansion, and demise, as well as an analysis of its politics and ideological premises.
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Najam, Adil. "The Environment, International Relations, and U.S. Foreign Policy. Edited by Paul G. Harris. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2001. 276p. $65.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 686. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402980366.
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The basic premise of Paul Harris's edited volume is that “understanding U.S. international environmental policy is central to the entire project of global environmental protection” because the United States is the “world's largest polluter [as well as] the world's wealthiest country” (p. 4). To argue that the United States is disproportionately important to international environmental policy (or to international policy on most other issues) is an important, but relatively uncontroversial, case to make; and it is made rather well throughout the chapters in this book.
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Zhang, Di, Pamela J. Shoemaker, and Xiuli Wang. "Reality and newsworthiness: Press coverage of International Terrorism by China and the United States." Asian Journal of Communication 23, no. 5 (February 18, 2013): 449–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2013.764904.
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Kroll, Diana Lambdin, and Toshiaki Yabe. "A Japanese Educator's Perspective on Teaching Mathematics in the Elementary School." Arithmetic Teacher 35, no. 2 (October 1987): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/at.35.2.0036.
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In the last few years, numerous articles extolling the virtues of the Japanese educational system have appeared both in academic publications and in the popular press (e.g., Cogan 1984: Morimoto 1982: Shimahara 1985). Although the United State and Japan together lead the industrial world in percentage of young people entering high school (both over 95%). Japanese mean scores on international or mathematics and science arc conently higher than those of any other country including the United Stste (Rohlen 1983) of such remarkable many American are quite interested in knowing more about education in Japan.
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Cain, Butler. "“Silly and Superficial”: Headline Tone in Press TV and Voice of America Coverage of the U.S. Withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action." ATHENS JOURNAL OF MASS MEDIA AND COMMUNICATIONS 8, no. 1 (December 13, 2022): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajmmc.8-1-1.
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On May 8, 2018, U.S. President Donald Trump announced the United States would withdraw from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Iran. President Trump had campaigned on removing the U.S. from the nuclear agreement, but the announcement still caught Iran and other parties to the JCPOA by surprise. This research analyzed three days of JCPOA-related news headlines from two international broadcasters: Press TV, headquartered in Tehran, and Voice of America, located in Washington, D.C. The majority of headlines published by both news organizations exhibited negative tone. Considering that reading a headline often substitutes for reading an entire news report, examining the headlines these international broadcasters used to present this event to their global audiences is a worthwhile pursuit. Keywords: Iran, United States, nuclear, headline, tone
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Yousaf, Dr Zahid, Dr Muhammad Haseeb Sarwar, and Ehtisham Ali. "Framing of Pak-Afghan Relations by Elite Pakistani and American Press during PMLN Government (2013-2018)." Issue-2 04, no. 02 (September 30, 2020): 335–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v04-i02-18.
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The study Framing of Pak-Afghan Relations by Pakistani and American Press during PMLN Government (2013-2018) is focused to analyze the Pak-Afghan relations as both countries are neighbors sharing a long border on one hand and is focus of the international powers since decades due to cold war and the war on terrorism after 9/11 attacks in the United States. The study is focused to analyze that how the elite Pakistani and American press frames the relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan during the PMLN government that is from June 2013 to May 2018. For the study the elite English newspapers of the two countries Pakistan and United States were selected. Dawn and The News were selected from Pakistan and The Washington Post and The New York Times were selected from US. The editorials of selected newspapers were analyzed in this study using content analysis method. The study is supported by agenda setting theory focusing on the media agenda and the framing concept.Four categories discussing terrorism, US as factor in Pak-Afghan relations; the Pakistani and American stance on the Pak-Afghan bilateral relations are analyzed in three directions positive, negative and neutral. The study concludes that the elite Pakistani press has given more coverage to Pak-Afghan relations than US press whereas both Pakistani and US press has framed Pak-Afghan relations negatively.
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Read, Geoff, and Todd Webb. "“The Catholic Mahdi of the North West”: Louis Riel and the Metis Resistance in Transatlantic and Imperial Context." Canadian Historical Review 102, s1 (June 2021): s265—s284. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-102-s1-020.
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The authors examine the transatlantic press coverage of the Metis resistance in Saskatchewan in 1885. The article documents that there was extensive international coverage of this ostensibly Canadian conflict and traces the evolution of narratives about it from their origins in French and English Canada to the United States, Great Britain, and France. The article resituates Riel and the Metis resistance within this international framework, demonstrating how the story of Riel and the Metis was reshaped by commentators in the transatlantic world to suit local, national, and imperial contexts.
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Buranok, S. O. "«NEW YORK TIMES» AND THE CHINESE CRISIS OF 1931." Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 2, no. 3 (2020): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2020-2-3-61-69.
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The article is devoted to the problem of formation of approaches and assessments of the Chinese crisis of 1931 in the US press; it is based on the materials of both Democratic and Republican press of the USA. The materials of the American press of 1931 dedicated to the search for the most efficient optimal strategy of building relations with China and Japan demonstrate a steady interest of American mass media towards negative and positive experience of Asianpolicy. In the course of a difficult search of an optimal view on crisis, several polar points of view were formulated in the American press. A study of daily newspapers and analytical magazines in the United States shows that in the fall of 1931 two approaches to the «Chinese incident» were formed: isolationist and internationalist. In the fall of 1931, the US periodicals did not yet have the idea of “saving China”, which became popular during the second Sino-Japanese war. The journalists and editors viewed a tacit and indirect support for the Japanese claims as only significant model for solving the «China problem». Thus, the study of the positions of the major American press and the most prominent journalists is important for understanding how the USA, after the Chinese crisis, gradually realized its place in the new system of international relations. In addition, the press shows how the United States planned to develop interaction with the warring states in the Pacific Ocean.
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Hovell, Devika. "Due Process in the United Nations." American Journal of International Law 110, no. 1 (January 2016): 9–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.110.1.0001.
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“For hard it is for high and stately buildings long to stand except they be upholden and staid by most strong shores, and rest upon most sure foundations”—Jean Bodin, The Six Books of a Commonweale (1576)It has been said of the redemptive quality of procedural reform that it is “about nine parts myth and one part coconut oil.” Yet, as the recent history of the United Nations shows, failure to enact adequate procedural reform can have damaging consequences for an organization and its activities. In the targeted-sanctions context, litigation in over thirty national and regional courts over due process deficiencies has had a “significant impact on the regime,” placing it “at a legal crossroads.” In the peacekeeping context, the United Nations’ position that claims in the ongoing Haiti cholera controversy are “not receivable” has been described in extensive and uniformly critical press coverage as the United Nations’ “Watergate, except with far fewer consequences for the people responsible.” Complacency in the face of allegations of sexual abuse by UN blue helmets led to the unprecedented ousting of a special representative to the secretary-general in the Central African Republic. Economizing on due process standards is proving to be a false economy.
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Woong Lee, Won. "Politics of Human Rights in North Korea." Journal of Asian and African Studies 42, no. 3-4 (June 2007): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909607076702.
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The international community is now paying more attention to `the systemic, widespread and grave violations of international human rights norms' (United Nations ECOSOC Resolution 1503, (1970) See Burgental (1995)) in North Korea due to its chronic famine and nuclear ambition. The issues and engagement politics regarding human rights in North Korea constitute hot political debates. There are three key factors to improve human rights status in North Korea: the consistent international censure; enlarging engagement and people contact through inter-Korean relations; and economic reform in North Korea. These factors are interrelated and affect each other. The crucial point is to press and induce the North Korean regime to a compromise path.
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Dyzenhaus, David. "Emergency, Liberalism, and the State." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 1 (March 2011): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003300.
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Outside the Law: Emergency and Executive Power. By Clement Fatovic. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009. 368p. $55.00.Emergency Politics: Paradox, Law, Democracy. By Bonnie Honig. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009. 218p. $26.95.States of Emergency in Liberal Democracies. By Nomi Claire Lazar. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009. 190p. $80.00.In the wake of 9/11, many political scientists and theorists in the United States of America turned their attention to the topic of emergencies. That required them to confront a fundamental question: Are emergencies to be studied as important in their own right, as altogether exceptional events that threaten the very existence of a society in unforeseeable ways? Or are they important, not because they are radically distinct from the normal situation of politics, but because they bring to the surface otherwise implicit aspects of normal politics?
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Buranok, Sergey Olegovich. "«Manchurian Incident» in 1931 and the periodical press reaction in the USA." Samara Journal of Science 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 180–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv2021102208.
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The paper is devoted to the problem of approaches and assessments formation of the Chinese crisis of 1931 in the US press. No research in Chinas image during the Interbellum would be complete without studying the press of the participating parties. In order to give a detailed analysis of the international relationships in terms of the global transformations from the American point of view, the author draws relevant newspaper articles published after 1931. The materials of the American press of 1931 dedicated to the search for the most efficient optimal strategy of building relations with China and Japan show, among other things, a steady interest of American mass media towards negative and positive experience of Asian policy. All the complexity of the crisis perception was reflected in the press, which tried to form an understanding of the new process in which America was involved. In the course of a difficult search of an optimal way and a view on the crisis, several polar points of view were formulated in the American press. Thus, the study of the attitude of the major American press and the positions of the most prominent journalists is of interest to the analysis of how the USA after the Chinese crisis gradually realized the place of the country in the new system of international relations. In addition, the press shows how the United States planned to develop interaction with the warring states in the Pacific Ocean. The paper is based on the materials of both Democratic and Republican press of the USA.
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Labin, D. K., and T. Potier. "Keeping international law international, a reflection on Anthea Roberts’ “is international law international?”." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 4 (March 23, 2020): 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2019-4-6-17.
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INTRODUCTION. Occasionally a book appears which has a significant impact on the scholarly community. A fine example of this is the work considered here by the Australian international lawyer, Anthea Roberts. Until very recently, comparative studies on international law were rare. However, as international law further develops and widens, so special attention will need to be paid to ensure that international law students are, to a greater extent, taught the same material and in the same way. As municipal systems of law became more mature, so doctrine and jurisprudence began to diverge. International law has now entered such a phase in its development and, in this excellent book, Dr. Roberts asks a series of very important questions: exactly what is taking place, what are the factors that are driving these processes, is such to be welcomed, is it unstoppable and where do we go from here?MATERIALS AND METHODS. The article reflects on Anthea Roberts’ book “Is International Law International?” (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2017). The authors of the article consider the contribution of the monograph to legal science, particularly with its interest in a revived Comparative International Law.RESEARCH RESULTS. The view of the authors of the article is that Anthea Roberts’ book is a work of profound significance, which will, hopefully, inspire additional research in the field of Comparative International Law in years to come.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. Comparative International Law is a relatively neglected field in International Law. Without question, the international legal academy (from the elite law schools of the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council) emphasises different things both in its scholarly writings and pedagogy. This needs to be given greater attention, even if, at least for now, it cannot be entirely arrested; so that the much-feared fragmentation of international law into not only separate fields and standards, but also in terms of agreeing on its content and application, is minimised.
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Fish, Peter Graham. "Red Jacket Revisited: The Case that Unraveled John J. Parker's Supreme Court Appointment." Law and History Review 5, no. 1 (1987): 51–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743937.
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Before a gathering of the White House Press corps on March 21, 1930, President Herbert Hoover announced his nomination for Associate Justice of the Supreme Court to fill a vacancy unexpectedly created by the death of Edward T. Sanford. His nominee was forty-four year old native North Carolinian John J. Parker, a member since 1925 of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. Within days of the nomination organized labor and its allies in Congress and the press unleashed withering attacks on a single judicial opinion authored by Parker. In the process, the priority of issues raised in that case was dramatically inverted. The foremost issue, federal jurisdiction, became subordinated to the scope of an injunctive decree, an issue of secondary importance. Thus, the nominee's three year old opinion in International Union, United Mine Workers of America v. Red Jacket Consolidated Coal and Coke Company became the catalyst for transforming him from relative obscurity into a symbol of anti-labor conservatism.
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Schaeffer, Pamela. "A Compromised Press Delivers Not-So-Hot News." Theology Today 59, no. 3 (October 2002): 384–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057360205900304.
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Economic shifts in the field of journalism have eroded commitment to principles basic to the integrity of the profession, principles that are also at the heart of Christian ethics: truth-telling and justice, suspicion of privilege, compassion, and support for people who are poor and weak. This declining commitment is exemplified by three major stories missed or downplayed by the press in recent years—the scandal of sexual abuse of minors by Catholic priests, the financial improprieties that underlay the downfall of Enron, and the threat to national security posed by the growth of radical Islam and other international forces fomenting anger against the United States.
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Buranok, Sergey O., and Daria Yu Selifontva. "Theoretical questions of studying the «Fighting China» image in the USA." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 2 (May 29, 2020): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202212.
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The paper is devoted to the problem of approaches and assessments of the Chinese crisis of 19311949 in the US press. No research in Chinas image during the Interbellum would be complete without studying the press of the participating parties. In order to give a detailed analysis of the international relationships in terms of the global transformations from the American point of view, the authors analyze relevant newspaper articles published after the 19311949. The paper is based on materials of democratic and republican editions of the USA press. The materials of the American press of 19311949, dedicated to the search for the most efficient optimal strategy of building relations with China and Japan, show that among other things there is a steady interest of American mass media towards negative and positive experience of Asian policy. All the complexity of the crisis perception was reflected in the press, which tried to form an understanding of the new process in which America was involved. In the course of a difficult search of an optimal way and a view on the crisis, several polar points of view were formulated in the American press. The image of China was an important factor in the US information policy. Thus, the study of the attitude of the major American press and the positions of the most prominent journalists is of interest to the analysis of how the USA after the Chinese crisis gradually realized the place of the country in the new system of international relations. In addition, the press shows how the United States planned to develop interaction with the warring states in the Pacific Ocean.
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Gil de Zúñiga, Homero, Trevor Diehl, and Alberto Ardèvol-Abreu. "Assessing Civic Participation Around the World: How Evaluations of Journalists’ Performance Leads to News Use and Civic Participation Across 22 Countries." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 8 (March 19, 2018): 1116–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218764239.
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Very little is known about public perceptions of journalists outside Europe and the United States. Even less is known about the role of these attitudes in sustaining civic life around the world. Using individual and country-level survey data, this study explores public attitudes of press performance and their relationship with news consumption and civic participation in 22 countries. The study argues that the nature of civic and local participatory behaviors is often intertwined with notions about what is “good journalism.” Results suggest that public evaluations of press performance influence news use. News consumption is also tightly related to civic participation, even in markedly divergent cultural contexts. Citizens’ assessment of journalism practice is also a positive moderator of these relationships. This study builds on international comparative work related to the effects of press freedom and journalism practice on stimulating public life.
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Behrends, Andrea. "Fighting for oil when there is no oil yet." Focaal 2008, no. 52 (December 1, 2008): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2008.520103.
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The area around the border of Sudan and Chad, where Darfur lies, has been an unimportant and unknown backwater throughout history. Today, however, Darfur is all over the international press. Everybody knows about the grim war there. There is no oil currently in production in Darfur. However, there is oil in the south of neighboring Chad and in Southern Sudan, and there might be oil in Darfur. This article considers a case of fighting for oil when there is no oil yet. It takes into account the role of local actors doing the fighting, that is, the army, rebels, and militias; national actors such as the Sudanese and Chadian governments; and international actors, such as multinational oil companies, the United States, China, and the United Nations. It explains how oil can have disintegrative consequences even when it is still only a rumor about a future possibility.
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Krebs, Ronald R., and Roy Licklider. "United They Fall: Why the International Community Should Not Promote Military Integration after Civil War." International Security 40, no. 3 (January 2016): 93–138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00228.
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Preventing the recurrence of civil war has become a critical problem for both scholarship and policy. Conventional wisdom urges the creation of capable, legitimate, and inclusive postwar states to reduce the risk of relapse into civil war, and international peacebuilders have often encouraged the formation of a new national army that would include members of the war's opposing sides. However, both the theoretical logics and the empirical record identifying military integration as a significant contributor to durable post–civil war peace are weak. An analysis of eleven cases finds little evidence that military integration played a substantial causal role in preventing the return to civil war. Military integration does not usually send a costly signal of the parties’ commitment to peace, provide communal security, employ many possible spoilers, or act as a powerful symbol of a unified nation. It is therefore both unwise and unethical for the international community to press military integration on reluctant local forces.
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Blom, Robin, Brian J. Bowe, and Lucinda Davenport. "International expansion of the Accrediting Council on Education in Journalism and Mass Communications (ACEJMC) curricular evaluation program." International Communication Gazette 82, no. 8 (June 17, 2020): 749–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048520926654.
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Eight journalism educational programs outside the United States are certified by the U.S.-based Accrediting Council on Education in Journalism and Mass Communications. A survey of journalism undergraduate program directors in the United States indicated that many respondents see opportunities for expanding this voluntary curriculum evaluation and endorsement as a way of spreading U.S. values, in particular to countries lacking press freedoms. However, other respondents worry about the cultural imperialism of imposing U.S. cultural norms and practices on those in other countries. And, some directors questioned the ability to apply standards equitably across all programs, in countries with different political and cultural environments. The results indicated a lack of consensus and the need for a thorough discussion about Accrediting Council on Education in Journalism and Mass Communication’s role in promoting journalism education and practice around the globe and what forms that education should take.
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Howison, Jeffrey D. "The Historical Origins and Contemporary Dynamics of Conservatism in the United States: Anticommunism, the New Class Critique, and the Environment." Political Studies Review 16, no. 1 (April 20, 2016): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929915611918.
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This review article offers a critical assessment of three recent books on postwar conservatism in the United States. The broad themes of these works – anticommunism, the new class critique, and opposition to environmentalism – are used as a basis to review the extant literature and to analyse the historical trajectory of the conservative movement. Although American conservatism is generally a unified political force, important ideological divisions remain both among and between libertarians and social conservatives. These divisions are imperative for understanding the movement today and offer promising lines of future scholarship. Doody C (2013) Detroit’s Cold War: The Origins of Postwar Conservatism. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press. Horowitz RB (2013) America’s Right: Anti-Establishment Conservatism from Goldwater to the Tea Party. Cambridge: Polity Press. Layzer JA (2012) Open for Business: Conservatives’ Opposition to Environmental Regulation. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
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Lempert, David. "The President’s Mother the Anthropologist and the Anthropologist’s Son." Anthropology in Action 25, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/aia.2018.250105.
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AbstractBarack Obama was the first son of a PhD anthropologist to serve as President of the United States, and some popular press linked his political views and actions, which were allegedly in violation of international law, to failures in American anthropology to uphold international law as well as to personal failures by anthropologists to transmit the professional ethics of the discipline to their offspring. This essay examines those critiques and identifies deficiencies in anthropological presentations of ‘multiculturalism’ and in anthropology’s adherence to international law. It also reviews the cultural self-identification of President Obama, drawing attention to the sub-cultures of ‘expat’ communities like those in which President Obama was raised and in which many practising anthropologists and their children live.
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Winner, Sonya D. "Lee v. Dong-A Ilbo." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 1 (January 1989): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202795.
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In 1985 two intelligence agencies of the South Korean Government announced that they had successfully disrupted a North Korean spy ring operating in the United States. Their press release, which was widely publicized in the Korean press, named Chang-Sin Lee as a North Korean agent associated with a spy ring at Western Illinois University, where Lee had been a student. The story was picked up and reported in the United States by six Korean-American newspapers and a public television station. When Lee sued for libel, the defendants relied upon the official report privilege, which gives absolute protection to the accurate republication of official government reports. The district court, holding that the privilege applied and that Lee had not overcome it by showing malice, dismissed the case. Plaintiff appealed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, which in a two to one decision reversed (per Ervin, J.) and held: that the official report privilege does not apply to the republication of official reports of foreign governments. Judge Kaufman, sitting by designation, dissented from the majority’s reversal of the district court’s grant of summary judgment.
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Coates Ulrichsen, Kristian. "SOUTH-SOUTH COOPERATION AND THE CHANGING ROLE OF THE GULF STATES." AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2012): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.27995.
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This article assesses the role of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) in the framework of South-South Cooperation. It charts the different phases of engagement between the Gulf States and other developing countries, and the shifting dynamics that underpinned them. These phrases demonstrated profound changes that reflected policymaking calibrations in response to domestic, regional and international catalysts. When read together, the internal and external forces that press upon the GCC States shape the analytical perspective of this article. Further, these internal and external pressures shaped the Gulf States’ contributions to South-South Cooperation, and framed the intra-regional and international realignments within which GCC engagements took place.
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Keating, Tom. "Canada Among Nations 2005: Split Images." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 972–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906379966.
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Canada Among Nations 2005: Split Images, Andrew F. Cooper and Dane Rowlands, eds., Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queens University Press, 2005, pp. xiv, 295.Split Images marks the twenty-first installment of the Canada Among Nations series. It also marks a new beginning as the first collaboration between the series host institution, the Norman Patterson School of International Affairs, and the Centre for International Governance and Innovation at the University of Waterloo, editors Andrew Cooper and Dane Rowlands, and publisher, McGill-Queen's University Press. It is reassuring to see that others have come forward to assume the task of providing an annual assessment of Canadian foreign policy, its current challenges, and future prospects. The Canada Among Nations series has, through the years, provided a valuable chronicle of the pressing concerns of the day. On occasion the volume has been overshadowed by unexpected events, such as the terrorist attacks of September 11th, that give the text less urgency than it would otherwise have. Potentially, this volume could have suffered a similar fate, given the election of Stephen Harper's minority government after the collection went to press. Repeated references to the Liberal government's International Policy Statement (IPS), not to mention the image of Paul Martin, Jr., that graces the cover, seem somewhat nostalgic, in the face of the Harper government's move to put its own face on such critically important policy arenas as relations with the United States, defence spending, climate change and the Middle East, among others.
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Sunshine, Catherine A. "Cuba now." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 64, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1990): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002025.
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[First paragraph]The Cuba reader: the making of a revolutionary society. PHILIP BRENNER, WILLIAM M. LEOGRANDE, DONNA RICH, and DANIEL SIEGEL (eds.). New York: Grove Press, 1989. xxxv + 564 pp. (Paper US $14.95). Cuba: the test of time. JEAN STUBBS. London: Latin America Bureau, 1989. xvii + 142 pp. (Paper UK £3.95). Cuba: politics, economics and society. MAX AZICRI. London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1988. xxiii + 276 pp. (Cloth US $35.00, Paper US $12.50). Cuba libre: breaking the chains? PETER MARSHALL. Boston: Faber & Faber, 1987. viii + 300 pp. (Cloth US $18.95). The closest of enemies: a personal and diplomatic account of U.S.-Cuban relations since 1957. WAYNE S. SMITH. New York and London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1987. 308 pp. (Paper US $8.95). Imperial state and revolution: the United States and Cuba, 1952-1986. MORRIS H. MORLEY. New Rochelle, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987. ix + 571 pp. (Paper US $16.95, Cloth US $59.50). From confrontation to negotiation: U.S. relations with Cuba. PHILIP BRENNER. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1988. x + 118 pp. (Cloth US $30.00, Paper US $9.95).Nineteen eighty-eight marked the completion of the Cuban revolution's third decade. Several events that year suggested that Cubans might finally look forward to a lessening of the island's international isolation, if not its domestic economic woes. The revolution had survived eight years of hostility from the Reagan administration. Washington's attempts to secure international censure of Cuba on human rights grounds had culminated in the visit of a United Nations delegation, at Havana's invitation and with relatively little damage to Cuba's image. Fidel Castro's visits to Ecuador and Mexico to attend the inaugurations of two Latin American presidents underscored Cuba's reinsertion into the hemispheric community. Finally, Cuban military successes against South African troops in Angola and Cuba's role in the subsequent negotiations over Angola and Namibia were a source of pride.
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Gillin, C. T. "Educational Gerontology: International Perspectives. Frank Glendenning (Ed.). New York: St. Martin's Press, 1985, pp. 240. ($25.00 U.S.)." Canadian Journal on Aging / La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 5, no. 2 (1986): 135–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0714980800016275.
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Summary AbstractThe book identifies the three distinct but related aspects of Educational Gerontology, specifically, educational opportunities for older people, education about aging for the general population, and education of professionals and para-professionals who work with the elderly. The first aspect, education for older people—including pre-retirement preparation—is emphasized. The volume has an international character with contributions from Britain, the United States, Denmark and Canada.
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Haron, Hafidz Hakimi, and Farid Sufian Shuaib. "The Malaysian Media Council: Will Self-Regulation Work?" Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law 23, no. 3 (November 16, 2022): 354–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718158-23030003.
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Abstract After the 2018 General Election, the incoming coalition made numerous institutional reform pledges, including the establishment of a Malaysian media council to self-govern the press. Nevertheless, the concept is not new as it was initially proposed in 1973. Following stakeholders’ discussions over the past few years, it was decided that a self-regulatory media council should be formed. This is a critical step towards restoring the country’s long-suffering press freedom that had been stifled by press regulations. Hence, it is necessary to study the self-regulatory paradigm as Malaysia is moving towards the formation of a self-regulatory media council to govern its press. The United Kingdom’s vast experience with media self-regulation may help Malaysian policymakers decide whether to adopt a self-regulatory approach to governance or not. The authors in this study used textual analysis of legislation and case law and secondary data from existing works to examine the proposal of establishing a self-regulatory Malaysian media council.
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Keenleyside, T. A., B. E. Burton, and W. C. Soderlund. "La presse et la politique étrangère canadienne." Études internationales 18, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 501–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702208ar.
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This article reports on the findings of what appears to be the first content analysis of all aspects of Canadian press coverage of Canadian foreign relations. Six major/newspapers were chosen on the basis of national significance and linguistic and regional considerations: the Halifax Chronicle-Herald, Le Devoir (Montréal), La Presse (Montréal), the Ottawa Citizen, the Toronto Globe and Mail and the Vancouver Sun. During the period studied (the last quarter of 1982), these newspapers averaged nearly nine items per issue on Canadian foreign relations and relied predominantly on Canadian sources for their material. However, there was a relative lack of analytic coverage and only a limited number of items that adopted supportive or critical positions on the various issues in Canadian foreign policy. Commercial matters received both the most extensive and the most sophisticated treatment, while the reporting of political subjects was generally less detailed and often superficial. In terms of relationships, that with the United States was arguably the only one to receive adequate coverage, while from the standpoint of issues there were several that received insufficient attention, such an environmental problems in relations with the United States, Canadian concerns at the United Nations, and international developmental matters. One of the most notable differences in coverage among the papers studied was the variation found in the attention paid to the international role of Quebec, which received only scant attention in the English-language press but was the single most frequently coded theme in the Quebec newspapers. While analytic coverage was found to be more extensive and profound in the Globe and Mail, Le Devoir and La Presse than in the other three papers, the authors in general agree with De Montigny Marchand that Canadian newspapers are "an uncertain intellectual force in the definition and interpretation of Canadian foreign policy".
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Schler, Lynn, and Itamar Dubinsky. "Green Eagle Nation: The Politicization of Sports Journalism in the Post-Independence Nigerian Press." African Studies Review 63, no. 4 (May 5, 2020): 883–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2020.3.
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AbstractThe sports pages of the postcolonial press provide a vantage point for viewing the tensions surrounding nation-building in Nigeria. Following independence, coverage of the Green Eagles national football team reflected aspirations for a united Nigeria, but it was also an outlet for the deep political tensions plaguing Nigeria at this time. From 1960 to 1961, contentious games against Ghanaian rivals, disputes around the choice of a national coach, and clashes with referees in international matches all enabled sports journalists to become mouthpieces for both cohesion and discord. Schler and Dubinsky demonstrate that sports pages provide opportunities for viewing the links between postcolonial sports and politics.
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Chester, D. K. "The Theodicy of Natural Disasters." Scottish Journal of Theology 51, no. 4 (January 1998): 485–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600056866.
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In 1993 Frank Press, President of the United States Academy of Sciences estimated that in a typical year ie. one without a major catastrophe on the scale of the Kobe earthquake or Sahel droughts, some 250,000 people will die and losses of US$40 billion will result from natural disasters (Press 1993). In recent years much has been written about the physical causes of and human responses to natural disasters (see: Hewitt, 1983a, 1983b; Alexander, 1993; Chester 1993; Blaikie et al. 1994 and Chester et al. 1996, for extensive bibliographies), and this vast literature reflects increasing concern over disaster losses and a growing realization that most losses are preventable. Prompted by this concern the United Nations has designated the nineteen-nineties the International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction, or IDNDR. With the exception of a training manual for foreign mission workers published by the Evangelical Interchurch Relief and Development Alliance (Davis and Wall 1992), trenchant reflections by Austin Farrer (1966) and limited treatment in works focusing on wider ecotheological issues (eg. Russell 1994: 35–50), theologians have been conspicuous by their absence from what is now a global debate on natural disasters and their mitigation.
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Darden, Keith A. "Russian Revanche: External Threats & Regime Reactions." Daedalus 146, no. 2 (April 2017): 128–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00440.
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Has the development of post-Soviet Russia in an international system dominated by a democracy-promoting United States bred an authoritarian reaction in Russia as a response to perceived threats from the West? Beginning with the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999, Russian elites have increasingly seen the United States as a distinctively threatening power, one with a strategy to exploit civic organizations, ethnic groups, and other forms of domestic pluralism as “fifth columns” in an effort to overthrow unfriendly regimes. With each new crisis in U.S.-Russian relations – Ukraine 2004, Georgia 2008, Ukraine 2014 – the Russian leadership has tightened controls over society, the press, and the state. The result is that the United States’ muscular promotion of democracy abroad has produced the opposite of its intended effect on Russia, leading successive Russian governments to balance the perceived threat from the United States by pursuing greater military and intelligence capacity to intervene abroad, and by tightening internal authoritarian controls at home to prevent foreign exploitation of the nascent internal pluralism that emerged in the wake of Communism.
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BABSON, S. GORHAM. "Mortality Rates." Pediatrics 84, no. 2 (August 1, 1989): 402–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.84.2.402a.
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We are fortunate to receive Myron Wegman's annual summary of vital statistics in the December issue of Pediatrics. This valuable information is not readily available to the pediatrician. I am somewhat discomforted by the emphasis continually made by health authorities and lay press on the United States' unfavorable international position in its infant mortality rate of 10.4 per 1000 live-born infants—now 19th in relation to other advanced countries for 1986. However, eight of these countries have less than 100 000 births each year, and most of them have relative ethnic homogeneity.
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Brooks, Stephen. "American Power and World Order." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (June 2006): 471–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906459989.
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American Power and World Order, Christian Reus-Smit, Themes for the 21st Century; Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2004, pp. xii, 184.This book begins and ends with analogies between the United States and Rome. The analogies are familiar ones. The remarkable military, economic and technological preponderance of America are acknowledged. The fatal flaws of hubris and “immoderate greatness” are asserted and warned against. In between, Christian Reus-Smit weaves a narrative of decline, in which he attempts to explain why America is unable to exercise international influence commensurate with its material preponderance in the world.
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Pearson, Jessica Lynne. "The French Empire Goes to San Francisco." French Politics, Culture & Society 38, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2020.380203.
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This article explores the French delegation’s approach to debates about colonial oversight and accountability that took place at the Conference on International Organization in San Francisco in 1945, where delegates from fifty nations gathered to draft the United Nations (UN) Charter. Drawing on documents from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the UN, and the American press, it argues that while French officials at home and in the empire were eagerly negotiating a new French Union that would put metropolitan France and the colonies on unprecedently equal footing, French delegates to the San Francisco conference were unwilling to take a stand for these reforms-in-progress. Ultimately, French delegates to the conference lacked confidence that the incipient French Union would stand up to international scrutiny as these delegates worked to establish new international standards for what constituted “self-government.”