Academic literature on the topic 'United Progressive Alliance (India)'
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Journal articles on the topic "United Progressive Alliance (India)"
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Chadda, Maya. "India in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 114–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.114.
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Abstract The year 2011 was marked by several important developments: a massive uprising of the people, spearheaded by a powerful civil society movement for the reform of India's corrupt and criminalized democracy; an attempt by the central government to reform antiquated land acquisition laws for public use; a growing disillusionment with the United Progressive Alliance government; the slowing down of India's eight-year-long run of rapid growth; and a growing convergence of interests between India and other powers in the region, except China.
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Joyprokash Mondal and Swaraj Das. "Revisiting the India’s Southeast Asia policy: An Outlook of the Comparative Study about India’s NDA-UPA Governments." Entrepreneurship and Community Development 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2023): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.58777/ecd.v1i1.44.
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From the end of Cold War India has been accelerated to review her foreign policy and also learned specially to revive neighbourhood thinking around her territories. We know, India’s Look East Policy has been accessed now as Act East Policy towards Southeast Asia to East Asia. Now here arises a question why did India need to join with Southeast Asian Association? To explain this paper, we have three objectives like: a) to investigate the roles of different government of India about foreign policy; b) try to search the different approaches from different government if any; c) to draw a layout of India’s Southeast Asian policy. So the research paper will be further search the sufficient role and strategy of United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government from then to till now
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Munshi, M. M., and Praveen M. Kulkarni. "MGNREG Scheme in Belgaum District: An appraisal of its performance." Prabhandan - Journal of Business Administration 3, no. 3 (April 30, 2014): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.58716/pjbagitmba.v2i3.27.
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Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Scheme 2005 (MGNREG) was incepted with a view to make a significant impact on the lives of the poor people in rural India. MGNREG scheme has provided alternative source of livelihood consequently reducing migration, increase in education of people and improvement of their health as well. The Act guarantees 100 days of employment to all the households in rural areas of India. Thus, it can be said that MGNREGA 2005, is one of the most important steps undertaken by the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Government to increase the rural employment.(Jandu, August 2008)
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Chakraborty, Paromita. "FDI Policy in India: With Special Reference to the Multi-Brand Retail FDI Policy." Indian Journal of Public Administration 68, no. 1 (February 8, 2022): 48–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00195561211058442.
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This article attempts to trace the FDI policy in India from India’s Independence till the economic liberalisation in 1991 and onwards. It highlights how different regimes approached the FDI policy in India, from ‘hostility’ to ‘accommodation’ to ‘collaboration’. The article then looks at the multi-brand retail FDI policy which was recently introduced in India. This policy was one of the hallmarks of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA II) regime and marked a significant push towards a more extensive economic reforms programme. It clearly stated that if this policy is operationalised, it will result in a big boost in investments in our country. However, most of the Indian states, the Left parties and various regional parties opposed the introduction of FDI in the multi-brand retail sector. They stated that this policy would harm the Indian economy in the long run. The article also focuses on two important stakeholders of this policy, namely the farming sector and the unorganised retailers. It looks at the advantages and the disadvantages of the multi-brand retail FDI policy on these two sectors along with their responses.
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Karani, Anushree, and Rasananda Panda. "‘Make in India’ Campaign: Labour Law Reform Strategy and Its Impact on Job Creation Opportunities in India." Management and Labour Studies 43, no. 1-2 (January 31, 2018): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0258042x17753177.
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The need of employment generation has never been more pressing than now when youth is occupying larger share in the pie of demographic profile of the country. There are several employment challenges such as adequate skill requirement and large-scale employment generation, flexibility of employer to cope up with turbulent global manufacturing environment and social security programme to cater to the need of employees. Development of manufacturing sector is always at the centre irrespective of NDA (National Democratic Alliance) led government or UPA (United Progressive Alliance) led government. To create jobs for the manufacturing sector is always a challenging task. This article throws some light on the manufacturing employment scenario in the pre-reform and post-reform era. This article also tries to explore the impact of recent proposed labour law reforms on the job creation opportunities. It follows exploratory—secondary data—research design. The scope of this research is limited to two major laws, namely, Factories Act, 1948 and Apprenticeship Act, 1961, and other law reforms in the country. With the support of the recent 26th Quarterly Employment Survey by labour ministry and the analysis of the labour law reforms, this article leads to the conclusion that these reforms have not had any significant impact on the job creation opportunities.
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Chandrachud, Chintan. "Anticorruption by Fiat: Structural Injunctions and Public Interest Litigation in the Supreme Court of India." Socio-Legal Review 14, no. 2 (January 2018): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.55496/arbc3995.
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Structural injunctions – where the court issues a series of interim orders over a period of time in an effort to stimulate institutional reform – are about as old in India as public interest litigation (PIL) itself. They are now virtually the default remedy in PILs at the Supreme Court. This article focuses on how structural injunctions were deployed in two politically salient cases during the United Progressive Alliance government between 2004 and 2014 – the “2G Spectrum” case and the “Coalgate” case. A close examination of these cases reveals a broader picture not just about the state of PIL and the use of structural injunctions, but also about the perception and popular legitimacy of the Supreme Court in India’s constitutional democracy.
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Goyal, Mukta. "A New Empowering India Under Leadership of PM Modi: Promises and Reality." Prosperity: Journal of Society and Empowerment 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/prosperity.2022.2.1.9467.
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According to projections made by internationally renowned consultants and the IMF, India will be one of the world's fastest-growing economies by 2025. It has been ranked as the third-largest emerging market hub and the third-largest global startup ecosystem. Million people empowerment is inevitably a process of teaching values to educate the student to live a life that is personal and congruent with the valued values and standards of society. On 30th May 2019, Shri Narendra Modi became Prime Minister of India and marked the beginning of his second term in office. Shri Modi, the first Premier born after independence, served in India formerly between 2014 and 2019. He has also distinguished himself as the longest-serving Chief Minister of Gujarat from October 2001 to May 2014. In her motto, Sitka Modi has introduced a change in governance leading to an integrated, development-focused, and corruption-free government, based on the slogan 'Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas.' New hopes developed for citizens in India in the 2014 general election following a period of instability, corruption, and fraud under the leadership of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA). After one decade of gaps, the National Democrat Alliance (NDA) II administration led by Narendra Modi of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) raised many expectations of middle-class ordinary Indian people to an elite. The governance study of the present government is quite significant in this perspective. Therefore, this paper analyzes PM Modi s vision for empowering India and the track record of PM Modi's pledges to understand the cause for the new empowerment for India. Here the research is based on data from prior studies. The study finds that development is a process fueled by resources, and what must do much more to ensure that these resources can equitably meet current needs while remaining available for future generations' development needs.
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Naveen, _______, and _____ Priti. "The Right to Information in India Implementation and Impact." International Research Journal of Management, IT & Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/irjmis.v2i1.55.
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The Right to Information Act 2005 was passed by the UPA (United Progressive Alliance) Government with a sense of pride. It flaunted the Act as a milestone in India’s democratic journey. It is five years since the RTI was passed; the performance on the implementation frontis far from perfect. Consequently, the impact on the attitude, mindset and behaviour patterns of the public authorities and the people is not as it was expected to be. Most of the people are still not aware of their newly acquired power. Among those who are aware, a major chunk either does not know how to wield it or lacks the guts and gumption to invoke the RTI. A little more stimulation by the Government, NGOs and other enlightened and empowered citizens can augment the benefits of this Act manifold. RTI will help not only in mitigating corruption in public life but also in alleviating poverty- the two monstrous maladies of India.
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Kashin, V., and T. Shaumyan. "Рarliamentary Elections in India 2014: the New Political Realities." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-104-114.
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Parliamentary elections in India were held from April 7 to May 12, 2014 and ended with a convincing victory of conservative Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), leader of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), and a crushing defeat for the Indian National Congress (INC) from the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) created in 2004. BJP won 282 seats in Parliament for the first time in 30 years which was sufficient for the formation of a single-party government, while Congress has only 44 seats – the lowest result for all years of the independence of Republic of India. The election results are natural and reflect the real balance of power in the political arena of the country at the moment. BJP victory was largely achieved thanks to the wide support its leader Narendra Modi received from the Indian electorate. The defeat of the Congress shows a deep and prolonged crisis in the party and the inability of the current representatives of the dynasty of Nehru-Gandhi to cope with it due to lack of political will and constructive ideas that meet the modern needs of the society. Numerous regional parties are still limited in scope, which narrows the chance of their political influence to the borders of one state and prevents the creation of a coalition that is ready to compete with the NDA and UPA. The key issue for Narendra Modi as Prime Minister will be the problem of development, economic growth and achievement of economic self-sufficiency – the slogan is highly attractive to the younger generation of voters. Being an explicit pragmatist, Modi is going to manage the country on the principle that if something does not serve the interests of India, especially the interests of economic growth, India would not do this. According to many experts, his government in the short and long term context will focus on such areas as agriculture, energy, law and order, administrative reform and international relations. Narendra Modi describes Russia as a "time-tested and reliable friend, who supported India in difficult periods of its history, and a major partner in building the foundations of India's defense capability." He intends to raise the Russian-Indian relations to a higher level and is looking for a meeting with V. Putin before the end of this year.
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Kumar, Rajender. "India: The Emerging Superpower of the World." Shodh Sari-An International Multidisciplinary Journal 03, no. 02 (April 5, 2024): 320–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.59231/sari7707.
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At present, India is counted among the emerging superpowers of the world. Mainly two stages can be seen in the journey of India’s economic development. The first can be considered as the period from the country’s attainment of independence on August 15, 1947 till the dissolution of the Soviet Union (1991) and the second from 1991 till the present time. The beginning of liberalization initiated in India was a bold decision which was taken in view of the then circumstances. In the National Democratic Alliance government, the then Prime Minister Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee government once again made the entire world aware of India’s military capabilities by conducting nuclear tests (Pokhran-2) for the second time in the year 1998. During the United Progressive Alliance government, Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh with great wisdom and tact gave a new direction to India’s relations with America, Russia, China, European Union, ASEAN etc. India’s civil nuclear agreement with America (123) can be considered a historic decision. In the year 2014, the (BJP-NDA) government was formed at the Center under the leadership of Shri Narendra Modi with a clear majority. After the Lok Sabha elections in the year 2019, Shri Narendra Modi again became the Prime Minister of the country. In the last decade, India has made unprecedented progress in many fields. At present India is the fifth largest economy in the world. The economies of all countries of the world were negatively affected by the Covid-19 pandemic. From the perspective of India as an emerging superpower, its large size, economic strength, military power, human capital and strategic advantages can be considered as its strengths. India is the largest democratic country in the world. India can become a bridge of peace in the present world divided into two opposing camps. India has won the trust of the countries of the world by presenting an example of human service through vaccine diplomacy in the Covid-19 pandemic. India has moved towards continuous progress and self-reliance in the fields of economic, military, food dependence, space, tourism, education, health etc. Positive results of Make-in-India and Bharat Self-reliant campaign are visible. There has been a continuous increase in foreign exchange reserves.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United Progressive Alliance (India)"
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Kundu, Apurba. "How will the return of the Congress Party affect Indian Foreign and Security Policy?" Thesis, EIAS Policy Brief, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2985.
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NoThe 2004 Indian general elections stunned observers when, contrary to expectations, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Atul Behari Vajpayee was defeated by an electoral coalition led by the Indian National Congress (INC) headed by Sonia Gandhi. A further surprise came when Gandhi declined to become India's first foreign-born prime minister, opting instead to back party stalwart Dr Manmohan Singh for this office. Dr Singh, India's first Sikh prime minister, now heads a United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government headed by a cabinet containing 19 INC members and 10 members of smaller parties. Will the return to power of the INC after eight years in opposition (during three years of Left Front then five years of BJP/NDA rule) result in a shift of India's foreign and national security policies?
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Baloch, Bilal Ali. "Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.
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Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.
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Kim, Heewon. "United Progressive Alliance (2004-14), equality of opportunity and Muslims : a paradigm shift or political pragmatism?" Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2015. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/20395/.
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This dissertation examines the record of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA, 2004-14) government in India in its efforts to promote better equality of opportunity for religious minorities with special reference to Muslims. In order to address the concerns of religious minorities, especially disadvantaged Muslims, the UPA administration introduced new policies, administrative innovations and executive actions to deliver substantive equality of opportunity in a regime of 'competing equalities' for backward and disadvantaged castes. Conventional political science explanations of the UPA's shortcomings on these policies, this thesis argues, offer only a limited understanding. A more comprehensive account needs to combine a historical reading of how minority rights have been framed within the Indian Constitution, how they have evolved in practice as a result of institutionalisation and path dependence, and a policy analysis of the UPA government's performance. Taking this as its point of departure, the thesis develops an institutional policy analysis approach which combines historical institutionalism (and path dependence) and policy analysis with a particular emphasis on the policy process. It provides detailed case studies of the policy process in three areas: Muslims and public sector employment; the provision of service delivery for Muslim communities; and the efforts to create a new legislative framework against communal violence. By drawing on extensive official sources and in-depth interviews with key policymakers, the institutional policy analysis approach, it is suggested, offers a more rounded approach to why UPA's policies were thwarted than hitherto. Although the UPA's policies on religious minorities, especially Muslims, held the promise of delivering substantive equality of opportunity, institutionalised resistance to such change from backward and disadvantaged caste lobbies, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the allied forces of Hindutva, and the civil service and the judiciary reestablished the familiar pattern of path dependence and reinforced the limited understanding of minority rights during constitution-making.
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Miyagi, Takashi. "The Changing Security Dynamics in the Indo-Pacific: The Re-Emergence of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23738.
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The recent development of the Indo-Pacific region is characterised by the changing balance of power and the emergences of new forms of security cooperation. The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD) between Japan, the United States (U.S.), Australia and India came back into existence in 2017 after their failed attempt in 2007-2008. This thesis attempts to investigate what factors explain the re-emergence of the QSD by synthesising several alignment/alliance theories in International Relations (IR). Given the previous research on the QSD and theoretical discussions, this thesis points out the two key factors that contributed to the re-emergence of the QSD: the shared threat perception towards China and the shared objectives in the Indo-Pacific region. The content analysis of a number of official policy documents and press statements revealed that Japan, the U.S., Australia and India have increasingly perceived China as a threat and coordinated their policy objectives in the Indo-Pacific region under the concept of the Free and Open-Indo Pacific.
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Ssennyonjo, Peter. "A comparative study of tax incentives for small businesses in South Africa, Australia, India and the United Kingdom." Diss., 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25981.
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This study discusses South Africa’s tax incentives for small businesses and identifies
shortcomings and areas of concern within the tax incentive regimes. A comparison of
small business tax incentives provided by Australia, India, and the United Kingdom is
made with South Africa’s small business tax incentives to identify similarities and
differences, and new lessons are learned from the approaches of other countries. As a
result of the comparison with the tax dispensations available to small businesses in
other countries, the study recommends additional tax incentives that could be
implemented by South Africa. Only those tax incentives that are available in other
countries but not in South Africa that were deemed worthwhile were recommended to
be introduced in the Republic. Recommendations were also made based on the gaps
identified in South Africa’s small business tax incentives.Taxation
M. Phil. (Accounting Sciences)
Books on the topic "United Progressive Alliance (India)"
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author, Chakrabarti Chandana joint, ed. An agenda for the nation: An untold story of the UPA government. Ahmedabad: Mapin Pub., 2014.
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India. Directorate of Advertising and Visual Publicity., ed. Achievements of the U.P.A. government, 2004-2005. [New Delhi: DAVP, 2005.
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(India), United Progressive Alliance. Report to the people, 2010-11: Government of the United Progressive Alliance. New Delhi: Directorate of Advertising and Visual Publicity, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt. of India, 2011.
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Associated Chambers of Commerce & Industry of India. UPA II, ASSOCHAM economic review report. New Delhi: The Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India, 2011.
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(India), United Progressive Alliance. Report to the people: UPA government, 2009-2010. New Delhi: Directorate of Advertising and Visual Publicity, Ministry of Information & Broadcasting, Govt. of India, 2010.
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Bureau, India Press Information, and India. Directorate of Advertising and Visual Publicity., eds. Major programmes of the UPA government: Two years of achievements. [New Delhi]: DAVP, 2006.
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Government of the United Progressive Alliance (India) and India Ministry of Textiles, eds. Indian textiles: The sunrise sector : three years of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Government. New Delhi: Ministry of Textiles, Govt. of India, 2007.
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India. Ministry of Steel and Mines., ed. Naī bulandiyoṃ kī ora. New Delhi: Ministry of Steel, Govt. of India, 2008.
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Centre for Budget and Governance Accountability. How did the UPA spend our money?: An assessment of expenditure priorities & resource mobilisation efforts of the UPA government. New Delhi: Centre for Budget and Governance Accountability, 2009.
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Centre for Budget and Governance Accountability. How did the UPA spend our money?: An assessment of expenditure priorities & resource mobilisation efforts of the UPA government. New Delhi: Centre for Budget and Governance Accountability, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "United Progressive Alliance (India)"
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Hasan, Zoya. "Collapse of the United Progressive Alliance." In Ideology and Organization in Indian Politics, 37–64. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192863416.003.0003.
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Abstract The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government that came to power in 2004 functioned well under UPA-1 (2004–9) but faced numerous challenges under UPA-2 (2009–14). This chapter seeks to understand how and why a government, which had been sufficiently popular during its first term to be re-elected in 2009 with a larger number of seats, could so rapidly decline. It examines the controversies and conflicts swirling around the UPA, culminating in Congress’s defeat in the 2014 elections. It looks at a wide range of developments to argue that UPA’s political crisis was not caused by policy paralysis alone, it was triggered by the concerted effort of powerful right-wing groups that wanted to see the end of the UPA, which was seen as Left-leaning, at least in rhetoric, if not substance. The questions the chapter addresses are: what went gone wrong, why did the UPA collapse, and why could the party’s progressive politics not be sustained.
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"United Progressive Alliance (I) and India’s Muslims: redefining equality of opportunity?" In Communalism in Postcolonial India, 284–306. Routledge India, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429457944-21.
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Lynch, Timothy J. "India-United States Relations during the United Progressive Alliance 2004–14." In Forging New Partnerships, Breaching New Frontiers, 57—C2.P134. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192868060.003.0002.
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Abstract This chapter audits India-U.S. relations under the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments at four levels of analysis: leader images, ideology and strategic culture, geopolitics, and economics and trade. The chapter finds that despite ongoing American frustration at the speed and depth of implementation of some of the agreements, the symbolic achievement of the agreements themselves—from nuclear energy and defence to trade to cultural exchange—is what is remarkable about the period. Using a neorealist lens, the chapter examines how the pursuit of national interest, of power and of security, remained the fundamental objective of both Washington and New Delhi. But also why these objectives were conditioned by the character, history, and institutions of the two states. The intervening unit-level variables—leader perceptions, ideological divisions, bureaucratic traditions, and historical experiences—impacted on how the UPA engaged with the Bush administration and the Obama administration.
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Bain, Mervyn. "India-Russia Relations during the United Progressive Alliance Governments, 2004–14." In Forging New Partnerships, Breaching New Frontiers, 116—C4.P55. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192868060.003.0004.
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Abstract This chapter analyses India-Russia relations during the period of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments led by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. The first section of the chapter examines Russian strategic thought and introduces the analytical framework (defensive realism) to be used throughout the chapter; the second section charts the Indo-Soviet relationship from the time of Indian independence in 1947 until the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991; the third section examines the relationship in the early post-Soviet period; the fourth and the fifth sections focus on the ‘Manmohan Doctrine’ and the ‘Putin Doctrine’; while the sixth section examines Indo-Russian relations during the 10-year period in which the UPA was in power. The chapter concludes that despite the apparent contradictions between the two doctrines, India-Russia relations actually strengthened during the period.
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Rather, Dr Tariq Ahmad. "COALITION POLITICS IN INDIA." In Futuristic Trends in Social Sciences Volume 2 Book 2, 1–17. Iterative International Publishers, Selfypage Developers Pvt Ltd, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.58532/v2s2ch1.
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The study reveals the concept of coalition government and its inevitability in the contemporary world of parliamentary democracy. It also reveals the reasons and circumstances in which coalition governments in India have become regular feature both at federal level as well as in the states. Furthermore, the study explores the nature, character and dominance of Indian National Congress (INC) and its replacement by non-Congress coalitions both at centre and in the states. This study delineates a brief survey of coalition governments in India and highlights the coalition culture or norm which has become an inevitable feature of contemporary Indian Politics. It highlights brief working of minority coalitions at federal level which no doubt proved short-lived and instable, however opened a new coalition chapter in Indian political history. However, Indian politics experienced durable, mature and stable coalitions in the form of National Democratic Alliance-I and United Progressive Alliance-I at Union Level. Both these coalition governments though experienced tough political weather but successfully steered the coalition wagon to a predetermined destination. The study concludes that those coalition governments survive without any hiccups which followed a path of compromise, consensus and cooperation in place of strict ideological adherence of coalition partners.
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HASAN, ZOYA. "The Die is Cast(e): The Debate on Backward Caste/Class Quotas, 1990 and 20061." In Diversity and Change in Modern India. British Academy, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264515.003.0007.
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This chapter discusses the controversy generated by the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government's decision to extend reservations for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in higher education. It looks at two issues that have dominated Indian policy debates with regards to reservations for OBCs. The first issue is about whether caste is an indicator of disadvantage, while the second issue pertains to the conception of backwardness. The chapter shows that many issues still remain unresolved, such as the position of the more affluent segments and the position of minorities.
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Sullivan de Estrada, Kate, and Babak Moussavi. "India’s Quest for Permanent Membership of the UN Security Council, 2004–14." In Forging New Partnerships, Breaching New Frontiers, 313—C12.P59. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192868060.003.0012.
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Abstract This chapter takes as its focus the diplomatic efforts that India pursued in seeking permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council under the two United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments between 2004 and 2014. This period saw India develop collective positions through the G4 from late 2004 and the L69 grouping from 2007 and cultivate individual country pledges in support of India’s candidature. It also saw India take up a two-year stint as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council from 2011 to 2012. Throughout this period, Indian representatives energized the nature and direction of the deliberations over Security Council reform within the UN. However, procedural hurdles, competing formulas for reform, concerns over the legitimacy of an expanded Council, geopolitics, and international status contests precluded any straightforward solution to the question of UNSC reform.
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Roy-Chaudhury, Rahul. "India’s Maritime Diplomacy, 2004–14." In Forging New Partnerships, Breaching New Frontiers, 327—C13.N13. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192868060.003.0013.
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Abstract India developed a robust posture towards maritime diplomacy and Indian Ocean security during the decade of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments in 2004–14. This was due to India’s dependence on seaborne imports of oil fuelling its economic growth and concern over China’s expanding influence in the Indian Ocean. The November 2008 Mumbai terror attacks, with the seaborne arrival of the terrorists, heightened the government’s security perceptions towards maritime security. But, it remained cautious of signing formal defence or logistics agreements with the United States in terms of its ‘hedging’ strategy with China and was reluctant to endorse the concept of the Indo-Pacific or revive the ‘quad’ grouping.
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Vieira, Vinícius Rodrigues. "India at the WTO Negotiations, 2004–14." In Forging New Partnerships, Breaching New Frontiers, 355–68. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192868060.003.0015.
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Abstract This chapter explores the domestic and international constraints that led India under the two United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments to find a middle ground between liberalizing interests and defensive demands as the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) negotiations of the World Trade Organization (WTO) advanced amid growing fears of economic turmoil. The chapter begins by contrasting NDA’s and UPA’s approaches on the DDA. It then explains how domestic stakeholders in three major sectors—agriculture, industry, and services—organized themselves to influence the government to incorporate their interests into the national interest. The following section adds more complexity to the analysis by unfolding the impact of international factors over the process, which in turn lays the ground for a debate on the effects of the expansion of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) upon Indian policymakers. The conclusion recasts the main arguments and discusses whether any other governing coalition but the UPA would have adopted similar positions and strategies within the same context.
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Sano, Shutaro. "Quest for Security and Stability in the Asia-Pacific." In Forging New Partnerships, Breaching New Frontiers, 130—C5.P134. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192868060.003.0005.
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Abstract The foundation for a strong security partnership between Japan and India was laid during the ten years of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments led by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. It was during this period that Japan and India were able to overcome the legacy of the Cold War. This chapter analyses the ways in which Japan and India endeavoured to stimulate their relationship during the UPA period by primarily focusing on security issues. First, it examines how Japan’s position towards India evolved, especially after the Cold War. Second, it considers the main drivers and the underlying factors that propelled and the obstacles that may have hindered the Japan-India partnership during the period. Finally, the chapter lists the issues in India-Japan relations that remained unsolved and underdeveloped during the UPA term and which have been inherited by the Abe and Modi administrations.
Conference papers on the topic "United Progressive Alliance (India)"
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Chen, Zhenyi. "Study On The Situation Between France And The South China Sea From The Perspective Of Balance Of Power Theory." In 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.011.
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ABSTRACT With the rise of China and the escalation of tension between China and the United States, European countries led by Britain, France and Germany pay increasing attention to the regional situation in the Asia-Pacific (now known as "Indo-Pacific"). Among them, the South China Sea (SCS) is one of the main areas disputed by China, the United States, Southeast Asian countries and some European countries. Western countries are worried that the rise of China's military power will break the stability of the situation in SCS and alter the balance of power among major powers. Therefore, they tried to balance China's rise through alliance. In France's Indo-Pacific strategy, France aims to build a regional order with the alliance of France, India and Australia as the core, and regularly carry out military exercises targeting SCS with the United States, Japan and Southeast Asian countries. This paper aims to study the activities and motivation of France in the South China Sea, and put the situation in SCS under the perspective of Balance of Power Theory, focusing on China, America and France. It will be argued that great powers are carefully maintaining the balance of military power in SCS, and it is highly possible that this trend would still last in the middle and long term, particularly via military deployment and strategic alliances. KEYWORDS: South China Sea, France, China, Balance of Power theory, Indo-Pacific.
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Al Asmi, Azzan, Christian Landgraf, Hilal Al Abri, Benigno Montilla, Jose Caridad, Pedro Perez, and William Wyninegar. "Improving Run Life in PCP Wells with CO2 and H2S Concentrations Using Tungsten-Alloy-Coated Rods and Couplings." In SPE Middle East Artificial Lift Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/206928-ms.
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Abstract The company Petrogas E&P was established in 1999 by acquiring onshore block 7 in Oman. Over 23 years, Petrogas E&P has continuously grown by acquiring several blocks in Oman, India, Mozambique, Egypt, Netherlands, Germany, Denmark and in the United Kingdom. The main operations are in Oman, Netherlands and in the UK. Since 2007, Petrogas is the operator of Rima Cluster small fields in southern Oman. Artificial lift, mainly rod driven Progressive Cavity Pumps (PCPs) and Beam Pumps (BPs), is required to produce oil with an average specific gravity of 21 °API to surface. Parted rods are the main reasons of well failures and rods present the weakest part of the completion. Some of the wells in Petrogas Rima show high angles of inclination, complex trajectories and certain levels of hydrogen sulfide (H2S) & carbon dioxide (CO2). Completion failures due to parted rods lead to production deferment and workover interventions because of required rod string replacement. In general, sucker rods are made of a certain grade of steel and these steels are prone to corrosion in an aggressive environment due to the presence of carbon dioxide and sulfide in the crude oil. A coating solution for sucker rods and couplings was implemented to reduce the influence of corrosive environment in some wells. The lower coefficient of friction resulting from the coating reduces the abrasion between the coupling and the tubing. In that way, the risk of tubing holes can be reduced. After a coating solution was implemented in selected problematic wells, the rod run life could in average been tripled with no failures observed as of this writing.
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Río Vázquez, Antonio Santiago. "La lección del embalse. Le Corbusier y los aprovechamientos hidroeléctricos." In LC2015 - Le Corbusier, 50 years later. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/lc2015.2015.1007.
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Resumen: El interés de Le Corbusier por los aprovechamientos hidroeléctricos es una constante a lo largo de su vida, sobre todo como inspiración y referencia para proyectar su arquitectura, dando forma a una lección del embalse que veremos enfocada de diferentes maneras y en distintos momentos, desde su descubrimiento durante el trabajo en Vienne (Francia) para la Société d’applications du bétón armé hasta el intento de materialización con la obra de Bhakra en la India, pasando por etapas sucesivas en las que se va exponiendo, publicando o compartiendo, mediante conferencias, textos teóricos o encuentros en viajes, como el realizado a los Estados Unidos en 1946, cuando visita el macroproyecto de la Tennessee Valley Authority y deja constancia en la primera edición americana de Quand les catedrales étaient blanches: voyage au pays des timides. A través de sus palabras, de sus dibujos y de sus proyectos vamos revelando las dos caras de la lección del embalse: la que se desprende de manera inmediata desde las realidades encontradas, que tendrá su impulso final paralelo a la construcción de Chandigarh con la implicación en la presa sobre el Sutlej; y la cara oculta, desvelada como aportaciones e influencias progresivas en su arquitectura. Ambas caras permanecerán como el testimonio de la fértil relación entre Le Corbusier y los aprovechamientos hidroeléctricos. Abstract: The interest of Le Corbusier on hydroelectric industry is a constant throughout his life, especially as inspiration and reference to project its architecture, shaping a lesson of the dam that we will see focused in different ways and at different times, from their discovery while working in Vienne (France) for the Société d’applications du bétón armé to the attempt to materialize the work of Bhakra in India, through successive stages in wich he will be in exposing, publishing or sharing through conferences, theoretical texts and encounters on trips, like the one made to the United States in 1946, when he visits the macro project of Tennessee Valley Authority and describes it in the first American edition of Quand les cathedrals étaient blanches: voyage au pays des timides. Through his words, his drawings and his projects we will reveal the two faces of the lesson of the dam: the one which follows immediately from the facts found, which will find the final attempt parallel to the construction of Chandigarh with the involvement at the dam on Sutlej; and the other side, unveiled as inputs and progressive influences in its architecture. Both sides remain as the testimony of the fertile relationship between Le Corbusier and hydroelectric industry. Palabras clave: Arquitectura; Siglo XX; Le Corbusier; agua; industria; embalse. Keywords: Architecture; 20th Century; Le Corbusier; water; industry; dam. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/LC2015.2015.1007