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1
Chadda, Maya. "India in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 114–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.114.
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Abstract The year 2011 was marked by several important developments: a massive uprising of the people, spearheaded by a powerful civil society movement for the reform of India's corrupt and criminalized democracy; an attempt by the central government to reform antiquated land acquisition laws for public use; a growing disillusionment with the United Progressive Alliance government; the slowing down of India's eight-year-long run of rapid growth; and a growing convergence of interests between India and other powers in the region, except China.
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Joyprokash Mondal and Swaraj Das. "Revisiting the India’s Southeast Asia policy: An Outlook of the Comparative Study about India’s NDA-UPA Governments." Entrepreneurship and Community Development 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2023): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.58777/ecd.v1i1.44.
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From the end of Cold War India has been accelerated to review her foreign policy and also learned specially to revive neighbourhood thinking around her territories. We know, India’s Look East Policy has been accessed now as Act East Policy towards Southeast Asia to East Asia. Now here arises a question why did India need to join with Southeast Asian Association? To explain this paper, we have three objectives like: a) to investigate the roles of different government of India about foreign policy; b) try to search the different approaches from different government if any; c) to draw a layout of India’s Southeast Asian policy. So the research paper will be further search the sufficient role and strategy of United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government from then to till now
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Munshi, M. M., and Praveen M. Kulkarni. "MGNREG Scheme in Belgaum District: An appraisal of its performance." Prabhandan - Journal of Business Administration 3, no. 3 (April 30, 2014): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.58716/pjbagitmba.v2i3.27.
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Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Scheme 2005 (MGNREG) was incepted with a view to make a significant impact on the lives of the poor people in rural India. MGNREG scheme has provided alternative source of livelihood consequently reducing migration, increase in education of people and improvement of their health as well. The Act guarantees 100 days of employment to all the households in rural areas of India. Thus, it can be said that MGNREGA 2005, is one of the most important steps undertaken by the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Government to increase the rural employment.(Jandu, August 2008)
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Chakraborty, Paromita. "FDI Policy in India: With Special Reference to the Multi-Brand Retail FDI Policy." Indian Journal of Public Administration 68, no. 1 (February 8, 2022): 48–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00195561211058442.
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This article attempts to trace the FDI policy in India from India’s Independence till the economic liberalisation in 1991 and onwards. It highlights how different regimes approached the FDI policy in India, from ‘hostility’ to ‘accommodation’ to ‘collaboration’. The article then looks at the multi-brand retail FDI policy which was recently introduced in India. This policy was one of the hallmarks of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA II) regime and marked a significant push towards a more extensive economic reforms programme. It clearly stated that if this policy is operationalised, it will result in a big boost in investments in our country. However, most of the Indian states, the Left parties and various regional parties opposed the introduction of FDI in the multi-brand retail sector. They stated that this policy would harm the Indian economy in the long run. The article also focuses on two important stakeholders of this policy, namely the farming sector and the unorganised retailers. It looks at the advantages and the disadvantages of the multi-brand retail FDI policy on these two sectors along with their responses.
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Karani, Anushree, and Rasananda Panda. "‘Make in India’ Campaign: Labour Law Reform Strategy and Its Impact on Job Creation Opportunities in India." Management and Labour Studies 43, no. 1-2 (January 31, 2018): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0258042x17753177.
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The need of employment generation has never been more pressing than now when youth is occupying larger share in the pie of demographic profile of the country. There are several employment challenges such as adequate skill requirement and large-scale employment generation, flexibility of employer to cope up with turbulent global manufacturing environment and social security programme to cater to the need of employees. Development of manufacturing sector is always at the centre irrespective of NDA (National Democratic Alliance) led government or UPA (United Progressive Alliance) led government. To create jobs for the manufacturing sector is always a challenging task. This article throws some light on the manufacturing employment scenario in the pre-reform and post-reform era. This article also tries to explore the impact of recent proposed labour law reforms on the job creation opportunities. It follows exploratory—secondary data—research design. The scope of this research is limited to two major laws, namely, Factories Act, 1948 and Apprenticeship Act, 1961, and other law reforms in the country. With the support of the recent 26th Quarterly Employment Survey by labour ministry and the analysis of the labour law reforms, this article leads to the conclusion that these reforms have not had any significant impact on the job creation opportunities.
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Chandrachud, Chintan. "Anticorruption by Fiat: Structural Injunctions and Public Interest Litigation in the Supreme Court of India." Socio-Legal Review 14, no. 2 (January 2018): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.55496/arbc3995.
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Structural injunctions – where the court issues a series of interim orders over a period of time in an effort to stimulate institutional reform – are about as old in India as public interest litigation (PIL) itself. They are now virtually the default remedy in PILs at the Supreme Court. This article focuses on how structural injunctions were deployed in two politically salient cases during the United Progressive Alliance government between 2004 and 2014 – the “2G Spectrum” case and the “Coalgate” case. A close examination of these cases reveals a broader picture not just about the state of PIL and the use of structural injunctions, but also about the perception and popular legitimacy of the Supreme Court in India’s constitutional democracy.
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Goyal, Mukta. "A New Empowering India Under Leadership of PM Modi: Promises and Reality." Prosperity: Journal of Society and Empowerment 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/prosperity.2022.2.1.9467.
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According to projections made by internationally renowned consultants and the IMF, India will be one of the world's fastest-growing economies by 2025. It has been ranked as the third-largest emerging market hub and the third-largest global startup ecosystem. Million people empowerment is inevitably a process of teaching values to educate the student to live a life that is personal and congruent with the valued values and standards of society. On 30th May 2019, Shri Narendra Modi became Prime Minister of India and marked the beginning of his second term in office. Shri Modi, the first Premier born after independence, served in India formerly between 2014 and 2019. He has also distinguished himself as the longest-serving Chief Minister of Gujarat from October 2001 to May 2014. In her motto, Sitka Modi has introduced a change in governance leading to an integrated, development-focused, and corruption-free government, based on the slogan 'Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas.' New hopes developed for citizens in India in the 2014 general election following a period of instability, corruption, and fraud under the leadership of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA). After one decade of gaps, the National Democrat Alliance (NDA) II administration led by Narendra Modi of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) raised many expectations of middle-class ordinary Indian people to an elite. The governance study of the present government is quite significant in this perspective. Therefore, this paper analyzes PM Modi s vision for empowering India and the track record of PM Modi's pledges to understand the cause for the new empowerment for India. Here the research is based on data from prior studies. The study finds that development is a process fueled by resources, and what must do much more to ensure that these resources can equitably meet current needs while remaining available for future generations' development needs.
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Naveen, _______, and _____ Priti. "The Right to Information in India Implementation and Impact." International Research Journal of Management, IT & Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/irjmis.v2i1.55.
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The Right to Information Act 2005 was passed by the UPA (United Progressive Alliance) Government with a sense of pride. It flaunted the Act as a milestone in India’s democratic journey. It is five years since the RTI was passed; the performance on the implementation frontis far from perfect. Consequently, the impact on the attitude, mindset and behaviour patterns of the public authorities and the people is not as it was expected to be. Most of the people are still not aware of their newly acquired power. Among those who are aware, a major chunk either does not know how to wield it or lacks the guts and gumption to invoke the RTI. A little more stimulation by the Government, NGOs and other enlightened and empowered citizens can augment the benefits of this Act manifold. RTI will help not only in mitigating corruption in public life but also in alleviating poverty- the two monstrous maladies of India.
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Kashin, V., and T. Shaumyan. "Рarliamentary Elections in India 2014: the New Political Realities." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-104-114.
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Parliamentary elections in India were held from April 7 to May 12, 2014 and ended with a convincing victory of conservative Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), leader of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), and a crushing defeat for the Indian National Congress (INC) from the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) created in 2004. BJP won 282 seats in Parliament for the first time in 30 years which was sufficient for the formation of a single-party government, while Congress has only 44 seats – the lowest result for all years of the independence of Republic of India. The election results are natural and reflect the real balance of power in the political arena of the country at the moment. BJP victory was largely achieved thanks to the wide support its leader Narendra Modi received from the Indian electorate. The defeat of the Congress shows a deep and prolonged crisis in the party and the inability of the current representatives of the dynasty of Nehru-Gandhi to cope with it due to lack of political will and constructive ideas that meet the modern needs of the society. Numerous regional parties are still limited in scope, which narrows the chance of their political influence to the borders of one state and prevents the creation of a coalition that is ready to compete with the NDA and UPA. The key issue for Narendra Modi as Prime Minister will be the problem of development, economic growth and achievement of economic self-sufficiency – the slogan is highly attractive to the younger generation of voters. Being an explicit pragmatist, Modi is going to manage the country on the principle that if something does not serve the interests of India, especially the interests of economic growth, India would not do this. According to many experts, his government in the short and long term context will focus on such areas as agriculture, energy, law and order, administrative reform and international relations. Narendra Modi describes Russia as a "time-tested and reliable friend, who supported India in difficult periods of its history, and a major partner in building the foundations of India's defense capability." He intends to raise the Russian-Indian relations to a higher level and is looking for a meeting with V. Putin before the end of this year.
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Kumar, Rajender. "India: The Emerging Superpower of the World." Shodh Sari-An International Multidisciplinary Journal 03, no. 02 (April 5, 2024): 320–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.59231/sari7707.
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At present, India is counted among the emerging superpowers of the world. Mainly two stages can be seen in the journey of India’s economic development. The first can be considered as the period from the country’s attainment of independence on August 15, 1947 till the dissolution of the Soviet Union (1991) and the second from 1991 till the present time. The beginning of liberalization initiated in India was a bold decision which was taken in view of the then circumstances. In the National Democratic Alliance government, the then Prime Minister Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee government once again made the entire world aware of India’s military capabilities by conducting nuclear tests (Pokhran-2) for the second time in the year 1998. During the United Progressive Alliance government, Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh with great wisdom and tact gave a new direction to India’s relations with America, Russia, China, European Union, ASEAN etc. India’s civil nuclear agreement with America (123) can be considered a historic decision. In the year 2014, the (BJP-NDA) government was formed at the Center under the leadership of Shri Narendra Modi with a clear majority. After the Lok Sabha elections in the year 2019, Shri Narendra Modi again became the Prime Minister of the country. In the last decade, India has made unprecedented progress in many fields. At present India is the fifth largest economy in the world. The economies of all countries of the world were negatively affected by the Covid-19 pandemic. From the perspective of India as an emerging superpower, its large size, economic strength, military power, human capital and strategic advantages can be considered as its strengths. India is the largest democratic country in the world. India can become a bridge of peace in the present world divided into two opposing camps. India has won the trust of the countries of the world by presenting an example of human service through vaccine diplomacy in the Covid-19 pandemic. India has moved towards continuous progress and self-reliance in the fields of economic, military, food dependence, space, tourism, education, health etc. Positive results of Make-in-India and Bharat Self-reliant campaign are visible. There has been a continuous increase in foreign exchange reserves.
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Anderson, E., H. Banks, M. Brown, J. Bonilla, I. Chitwood, D. Flores, J. Facer, et al. "China’s Increasing Influence: What This Means for American Security." Journal of International Relations 4, no. 2 (March 20, 2024): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/jir.2410.
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Purpose: With its growing domestic and international interest, China has solidified itself as a significant player in international relations, shaking up traditional geopolitics through its military and economic expansion and shifting focus in diplomatic relations. Consequently, it is crucial to understand China’s importance and effect on the United States’ own development in order to react to it correctly and efficiently.
Methodology: This paper will detail the military, diplomatic, and economic aspects of the modern rise of China, respectively, including our recommendations for how the United States should respond to these three key areas in its relations with China. To do so, the International Relations Organization at Virginia Tech split into three initiatives, focusing on the three aspects of the modern rise of China as listed above. The Organization then spent several weeks conducting research using open-source intelligence and information from experts on the subject to understand the methods and strategies employed by China to expand its influence and power in other nations. After conducting research, the Organization began discussing the implications that the findings would have on U.S. national security and started synthesizing the research into our paper and recommendations.
Findings: From our research, it is clear that China is seeking to build a strong military presence in Africa to expand their influence and reach in areas outside of Asia. Additionally, their maintenance of diplomacy with Russian and alliance with President Vladimir Putin makes it evident that they are desiring to position themselves as a contrasting force to the United States in terms of global military dominance. China’s goal of reunification with Taiwan furthers this notion, as in doing so they intend to increase its presence in the South Pacific arena. In terms of China’s diplomacy, we find their creation of the BRICS trade agreement to significantly increase their ties with the countries involved. We find China to be progressively focusing on their diplomatic relations with the BRICS countries, which in turn threatens the U.S. diplomatic relations with these countries and undermines their power and strength as a global superpower among the Eastern sphere. Lastly, China’s influence on the BRICS countries has lasting economic repercussions on the U.S. through the creation of BRICS itself, which we find to clearly be done to oppose the U.S.’ G7 trade agreement. We conclude that this, along with their Belt and Road Initiative and new presence in South American trade, is done as a method for China to compete with the trade dominance of the United States and widen the gap between these countries and the U.S. economically.
Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: To combat China’s military involvement in Africa, we recommend for the United States to lean on its international allies to formulate an arms deal with other countries in order to formulate a better long-term arms deal, dismissing possible transactions with China. In terms of dealing with military expansion in the South Pacific, we recommend the U.S. to undertake policies to put an end to China’s maritime power in the Pacific and increase funding for the Air Force and Navy to invest in new technologies to deal with such power. We also recommend for the United States to promote diplomatic cooperation with Brazil, Russia, India, and South America to combat China’s increasing influence with these countries in BRICS. The United States must also focus on better positioning their diplomatic stance to be allied with nations continuing to push for bilateral issues and human rights conferences in Brazil and India, as well as support India in their push for UN Security Council membership. On the economic side, the United States must respond to China’s infrastructure plan for their economy by investing in other forms of development, such as agriculture, medicine, and digital infrastructure. This paper contributed to the theory of International Affairs and U.S.-China relations through analyzing various diplomatic, economic, and militaristic outlooks with the aims of providing a cohesive study on the level of threat towards American security. The theory of International Relations was augmented via the research and delineation of applicable studies and global conflicts. Thorough examination of included sources contributed to this theory and the practice of IR.
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Ullrich, Helen E. "Culture, Empathy, and the Therapeutic Alliance." Psychodynamic Psychiatry 50, no. 1 (March 2022): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/pdps.2022.50.1.151.
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When the therapist and patient are from different cultures, there may be impediments to the development of empathy and a therapeutic alliance. South India culture provides an example of contrasting values and customs about which patients may be reluctant to discuss. The initial case history is of a South Indian who sought treatment in the United States. The remaining cases, drawn from a village in South India with which the author has had a 55-year history of research, illustrate cultural factors potentially inhibiting or facilitating the development of empathy and a therapeutic alliance.
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Davydov, A. A., and A. V. Kupriyanov. "US–Indian Relations: Formation of an Alliance or a Temporary Partnership?" Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S4 (September 2022): S285—S292. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622100069.
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Abstract This article analyzes bilateral relations between India and the United States in the context of a new round of confrontational bipolarity between Washington and Beijing. The analysis of the historical dynamics of relations between the United States and India demonstrate that the US policy towards New Delhi has always been of an opportunistic nature and depended primarily on the events in southern Asia and the Indian Ocean, and on the dynamics of US relations with key Asian powers—the Soviet Union and China. India has never had an independent value for the United States. The existence of common values has always been used by both parties only to justify the next rapprochement between them and has always been determined by purely pragmatic considerations. At the same time, maintaining close relations with the United States is a strategic necessity for India, since the development of the Indian economy and the ability of New Delhi to balance between great powers depend on them. The authors come to the conclusion that today the imperatives of Washington and New Delhi have not changed significantly; therefore, there is no need to talk about a deep transformation of American–Indian relations.
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Bauer, Melissa E., Catherine Albright, Malavika Prabhu, R. Phillips Heine, Chelsea Lennox, Christie Allen, Carol Burke, et al. "Alliance for Innovation on Maternal Health." Obstetrics & Gynecology 142, no. 3 (August 3, 2023): 481–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/aog.0000000000005304.
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Sepsis in obstetric care is one of the leading causes of maternal death in the United States, with Black, Asian/Pacific Islander, and American Indian/Alaska Native obstetric patients experiencing sepsis at disproportionately higher rates. State maternal mortality review committees have determined that deaths are preventable much of the time and are caused by delays in recognition, treatment, and escalation of care. The “Sepsis in Obstetric Care” patient safety bundle provides guidance for health care teams to develop coordinated, multidisciplinary care for pregnant and postpartum people by preventing infection and recognizing and treating infection early to prevent progression to sepsis. This is one of several core patient safety bundles developed by AIM (the Alliance for Innovation on Maternal Health) to provide condition- or event-specific clinical practices that should be implemented in all appropriate care settings. As with other bundles developed by AIM, the “Sepsis in Obstetric Care” patient safety bundle is organized into five domains: Readiness, Recognition and Prevention, Response, Reporting and Systems Learning, and Respectful, Equitable, and Supportive Care. The Respectful, Equitable, and Supportive Care domain provides essential best practices to support respectful, equitable, and supportive care to all patients. Further health equity considerations are integrated into the elements of each domain.
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SAHA, Premesha. "India and the Quad." East Asian Policy 14, no. 03 (July 2022): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000186.
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Given that there is no overarching regional organisation for the Indo-Pacific, there has been a proliferation of minilateral and plurilateral groupings focussing on ensuring a free, open and a rules-based Indo-Pacific. The Quadrilateral alliance comprising India, the United States, Australia and Japan falls into this category. India has always maintained a non- aligned foreign policy position. In recent times, however, with the mushrooming of these groupings, “issue-based partnerships’ partnerships” is the foreign policy road that India has embarked upon.
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Zhang, Yushi, Duyou Liu, Shiyu Liu, Yang Zhao, and Yanrong Pan. "The Trend of China-ROK Strategic Cooperation and China's Response under the Competition Pattern between China and the US." Frontiers in Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 11 (November 22, 2023): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/fhss.v3i11.5760.
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Since the Biden administration came to power, the United States has pursued the policy of alliance first, and the alliance between the US and South Korea has been further strengthened. Under the competition pattern between China and the United States, South Korea is facing increasing pressure to choose sides, and there are challenges in the strategic cooperation between China and South Korea. However, based on the close economic ties between China and South Korea, the advantages of the progressive camp in the National Assembly and the long-held pragmatic diplomatic tradition of South Korea, the impetus and possibility of maintaining the stable development of China-ROK strategic cooperation still exist. China should do its best to ease the asymmetric dilemma between the US-South Korea alliance and China-South Korea relations, promote the establishment of a security mechanism in Northeast Asia, and maintain regional security and stability.
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Poppendieck, Janet Elizabeth. "Reformist, progressive, radical: The case for an inclusive alliance." Canadian Food Studies / La Revue canadienne des études sur l'alimentation 9, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cfs-rcea.v9i2.534.
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Scholars of food regimes and food movements have argued that the capacity of the contemporary food movement to achieve significant change is dependent upon the nature of the alliances formed by the progressive, food justice component of the broader array of food change organizations. They have urged alliances primarily with the more radical food sovereignty branch of the food movement. I argue that in the United States, which provides far more assistance to poor people as food assistance than as cash welfare, alliances with reformist food security organizations, and specifically the anti-hunger organizations focused on protecting and expanding federal food assistance, must be an essential part of any significant food justice agenda. These programs are essential to the survival of millions of Americans in the present while we are trying to build a better world for the future. Mobilized and informed public policy advocacy has an impressive track record of successful defense and incremental improvement of food programs. Several of these programs are entitlements that actually create justiciable rights. The collective procurement associated with school food and other public meal programs creates levers for fundamental food system change. And the network of federal, state and local anti-hunger organizations is potentially a portal through which people can enter the movement for a just food future. Food justice activists should include anti-hunger advocates among their allies and partners.
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Rahman, Md Sayedur, and Shakila Tul-Kubra. "Economic dimension of India’s foreign policy towards Russia: Late 20th- early 21st century." Contemporary Research: An Interdisciplinary Academic Journal 4, no. 1 (November 8, 2020): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/craiaj.v4i1.32757.
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In the international framework India is finding a larger position for itself. This hope is focused on the belief that India is a prosperous democracy with substantial human and material resources; it is an increasingly strong economic power; it has a proven record as a responsible and law-abiding regime, and as a member of the non-aligned party it has consistently shared the interests of the developing nations. Indian foreign policy makers argue that India wants to re-invent itself at this point of 'take-off' as a great force. India needs new alliance for the proposed new position, including the dominant superpower, the United States of America (US). The US has said it would turn India into a great force. This essay attempts to examine the old pattern of relations with Russia that India had enjoyed. There's an Indo-US triangular alliance taking its place. How is this current type of strategic partnership distinct from that of the Indo Soviet/ Russian alliance? However, both countries' natural desire to strive towards multi polarity in world politics has helped restore the relationship, particularly over the past decade. Remarkably, ties with the US no longer stand in the way of stronger relations between India and Russia. The turbulent security climate marked by what is frequently assumed to be the state-sponsored insurgency invulnerable Asian areas, the war in Afghanistan, and the political turmoil in both Afghanistan and Central Asian countries has paved the way for a strategic alliance between India and Russia.
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Sarmad, Khwaja. "Dennis Kux. Estranged Democracies: India and the United States 1941-1991. New Delhi: Sage Publications. 1993. Hardbound. Indian Rupees 375.00." Pakistan Development Review 33, no. 2 (June 1, 1994): 200–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v33i2pp.200-201.
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Cold war US-Soviet relations were characterised by a large gap between hostile talk and cautious action, though both countries backed and armed rival sides in wars in the third world. During the cold war US foreign policy was detennined by the sole objective of containing Soviet territorial and ideological 'expansionism'. This was also the defining element in US-Indian subcontinent relations in the coldwar period. Thus the main reason for the estrangement in US-India relations is not hard to discern-while the US aggressively sought partners in its anti-Soviet alliance system, India nurtured its economic and military supplies relationship with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, while there persisted a fundamental conflict between Pakistan and India over the Kashmir issue, Pakistan participated in the US sponsored anti-Soviet alliance system and gained from US military and economic assistance.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "With Friends Like These: Australia, the United States, and Southeast Asian Détente." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00876.
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A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.
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Ishaque, Waseem. "UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS SOUTH ASIA; ANALYZING IMPLICATIONS FOR PAKISTAN." Global Political Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).03.
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The US foreign policy for South Asia has generally remained zero-sum for India and Pakistan. While Pakistan joined US camp immediately after independence and during the period of cold war remained part of the US alliance system and frontline state in the defeat of communism and now War on Terrorism. On the contrary, the US adopted a different approach towards India in terms of strategic partnership and different nuclear-related cooperation. US National Security Strategy of January 2018 has reprioritized national security preferences where India has been granted great status as a potential competitor of China and Pakistan has been marginalized to terrorist-related issues. The US foreign policy in its current form is perceived to be a destabilizing factor as it gives leverage to India at the cost of Pakistan. This article unveils the cardinal aspects of US foreign policy towards South Asia and its potential implications of Pakistan.
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Krishna, Ujjwal, and Chris Roche. "Article Locating Leadership and Political Will in Social Policy: The Story of India’s MGNREGA." Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (November 25, 2020): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3342.
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The term ‘political will’ is often conveniently used to explain the success or failure of any policy or programme. It has emerged as the “sine qua non of policy success which is never defined except by its absence” (Hammergren, 1998, p. 12). Therefore, a structured examination of the term is necessary to analyse social policy and programming. The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), enacted by India’s United Progressive Alliance government in 2005, offers a compelling case to examine the role of ‘political will’ in the formulation of a major programme. The evolution of the MGNREGA, which has been described by the World Bank as the largest antipoverty state-run employment-generation scheme anywhere in the world (Dutta, Murgai, Ravallion, & van de Walle, 2014), depended significantly on leadership and political commitment in the legislature and the executive, as well as their coordination and substantive engagement with civil society, represented through non-governmental organisations and activists. We explore the complex power relations between the diverse range of actors involved in the MGNREGA, and gauge the role of leadership and political will in the formulation of the MGNREGA, as carried out by the United Progressive Alliance government between 2005 and 2014, in contrast to the manner in which it was reframed and retained by its successor dispensation, the National Democratic Alliance from 2014 onwards. We then examine the MGNREGA, utilising a framework which expands our understanding of political will as being contingent upon leadership at the individual, collective and societal levels (Hudson, Mcloughlin, Roche, & Marquette, 2018), thereby providing us with greater explanatory power.
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Park, Yong Soo. "An Appraisal of Power Balancing between India and China." International Journal of Social Science Studies 11, no. 1 (December 21, 2022): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v11i1.5641.
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According to the realist logic of the balance of power theory, if China emerges as a superpower and builds a powerful military force through strong economic power, neighboring countries will ultimately seek to balance against China by aligning with a military coalition led by the United States to contain China in the same way that Western European countries, Japan, South Korea, and even China joined the security alliance led by the United States to contain the Soviet Union during the Cold War. If so, is India, China’s neighbor, also shifting to a balancing strategy against China? This study argues that India’s various strategic actions toward China can be regarded as typical characteristics of a balancing strategy, suggesting that the neorealist balance of power theory remains able to explain the relationship between India and China in the 21st century.
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Chaminda K, Wijekoon Herath Mudiyanselage. "SRI LANKA’S STRATEGIC LOCATION AND FOREIGN POLICY RESPONSE TOWARDS INDIA AND US ON CHINESE INVESTMENTS IN SRI LANKA." Jurnal Diplomasi Pertahanan 8, no. 2 (June 6, 2022): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jdp.v8i2.1009.
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Sri Lanka is a small state strategically placed between two powerful States India and China, the island nation is significant for India as its closest maritime neighbor and on the other hand China has become an all-weather friend to Sri Lanka who has not interfered into the internal political issues and a supporting character in international politics. Sri Lanka has been sandwiched between the great power politics of these powerful nations since the U.S. is carrying out its strategy using the strategic alliance of the United States, India, UK, Japan, and Australia to counter the growing influence of China. Most importantly, Sri Lanka being a small state, having balanced relations with the big powers is effective to foster the development goals of the countries. Having understood this paper discusses Sri Lanka’s strategic location and foreign policy response towards India and United States on Chinese investments in Sri Lanka. This paper further discusses external and internal factors, core issues, and intentions of above mentioned powerful nations and Sri Lankan foreign policy towards these powerful nations by fostering closer ties in world politics with two regional giants and the United States.
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Ahmad, Ashfaq. "Nature of INDO-US Maritime Cooperation." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review IX, no. I (March 30, 2024): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2024(ix-i).02.
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Indo-US maritime cooperation is a symbol of a strategic alliance built on shared geopolitical interests and a commitment to preserving peace and security in the Indo-Pacific region. Two major maritime powers, India and the United States, have come to understand the value of cooperating to find solutions to pressing problems including disaster assistance, freedom of navigation, maritime security, and counterterrorism. This cooperation is exemplified by joint naval drills, intelligence exchange, and technology transfer, all of which are indicative of a common understanding of the significance of the maritime domain in global affairs. The alliance aims to safeguard maritime commons, promote economic expansion, and advance a norm-based international order. Combining their naval force allows both nations to respond to emerging threats and preserve regional peace.
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Rodriguez, Abelardo. "Imperial Nostalgia and Bitter Reality: The United Kingdom, the United States and Brexit, Implications for Regional Integration." Journal of Strategic Security 13, no. 2 (July 2020): 19–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.13.2.1779.
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Brexit and America First are undeniable examples of a return to state-based politics. This article examines the dichotomy of identity and the state, which has given rise to imperial nostalgia. Nevertheless, the decisions of the elites and the dominant majorities may lead to the fragmentation of the United Kingdom. London has shown itself to be weak in the face of China, Russia, and India and it is not clear if, over the long term, it will be influential in the global political struggles in which the latter countries are challenging the power of the United States. There are even doubts as to whether the United Kingdom can articulate a strategic alliance with the United States, due to their respective differences over relations with China and Russia. The dispute for world hegemony is also being challenged by the forces of surveillance capitalism, which not only threatens regional cooperation and immigration, but also the ecosystem and the very future of the species.
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Azmat, Muhammad, Muhammad Ahsan, and Sana Asghar. "Indo-US Nuclear Deal: Implications for Pakistan." Fall 2023 VI, no. IV (December 30, 2022): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(vi-iv).02.
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Indo-US nuclear deal a critical understanding between America and India, was signed in 2008. Even though India wasn’t a member of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), this agreement granted essential autonomy to India for obtaining nuclear technology and fuel for peaceful reasons. The development of India's nuclear capabilities has dramatically enhanced the nation's energy security and permitted the use of atomic energy in various industries, including agriculture, healthcare, and power production. The Indo-U.S.nuclear deal significantly impacted the worldwide non-nuclear regime. The pact's unintended message was feared to weaken the non-proliferation system. This article examines the present alliance between the United States and India and their cooperation in nuclear technologies. Furthermore, this research is based on qualitative data; this article will discuss how the Indo-US strategic collaboration directly impacts Pakistan and other global nuclear regimes.
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Tiwary, Bipin K., and Anubhav Roy. "Soviet Tanks, American Sedans: Traces of India’s Cold War-era Hedging Towards the United States, 1966–1971." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 1 (February 11, 2021): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420983093.
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Having fought its third war and staring at food shortages, independent India needed to get its act together both militarily and economically by the mid-1960s. With the United States revoking its military assistance and delaying its food aid despite New Delhi’s devaluation of the rupee, India’s newly elected Indira Gandhi government turned to deepen its ties with the Soviet Union in 1966 with the aim of balancing the United States internally through a rearmament campaign and externally through a formal alliance with Moscow. The US formation of a triumvirate with Pakistan and China in India’s neighbourhood only bolstered its intent. Yet India consciously limited the extent of both its balancing strategies and allowed adequate space to simultaneously adopt the contradictory sustenance of its complex interdependence with the United States economically. Did this contrasting choice of strategies constitute India’s recourse to hedging after 1966 until 1971, when it liberated Bangladesh by militarily defeating a US-aligned Pakistan? Utilising a historical-evaluative study of archival data and the contents of a few Bollywood films from the period, this paper seeks to address the question by empirically establishing the extents of India’s balancing of, and complex interdependence with, the United States.
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Moss, David A. "Kindling a Flame under Federalism: Progressive Reformers, Corporate Elites, and the Phosphorus Match Campaign of 1909–1912." Business History Review 68, no. 2 (1994): 244–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3117443.
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In 1909, the leaders of the American Association for Labor Legislation launched a campaign to eradicate phosphorus matches from the American market. Because phosphorus match workers often contracted a hideous disease called phosphorus necrosis (or “phossy jaw”), many European countries had already prohibited the poison matches from their markets. In the United States, nearly all interested parties supported legal abolition but found that the nation's federal system constituted a formidable obstacle. No state wanted to be the first to act (for fear of driving industry from its borders), and the federal government lacked the power to regulate intrastate economic activity. This article examines how, in order to circumvent the federalism obstacle, an alliance of academic reformers and business leaders worked to tax phosphorus matches out of existence—that is, to use the federal taxing power as a regulatory instrument.
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CHEN, PING-KUEI. "The Prospects of the US Alliance System in Asia: Managing from the Hub." Issues & Studies 56, no. 03 (September 2020): 2040012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251120400123.
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This paper examines the implications of the United States’ “hub-and-spoke” alliance system in Asia. It argues that the US enjoys a bargaining advantage in the current bilateral security relations with its Asian allies. In contrast to a multilateral alliance, the US can better prevent free riders and joint resistance in its bilateral relations. It can effectively restrain the behavior of its allies and compel them to accommodate American interests. The hub-and-spoke system helps the US consolidate its policy influence over the Asian allies, supervise inter-alliance cooperation, and increase defense cooperation between allies and non-allies. This paper uses episodes of defense cooperation between the US, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and India to illustrate the American alliance management techniques since 2016. During this time, the US allies have increasingly participated in regional security affairs due to US demands and guidance rather than autonomous decisions. Facing strong US pressure, allies have found it hard to challenge the US under the hub-and-spoke system despite common grievances. This leads to two implications for the future: First, the US allies may have less autonomy in their foreign policies, restraining their ability to pursue neutral positions and policies in regional affairs such as the South China Sea dispute. Second, the US may discourage or even undermine the emergence of multilateral security institutions in Asia. The US is likely to maintain the “hub-and-spoke” system to safeguard its strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific.
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Smith, Paul, and Tara Kartha. "Strategic partners or an emerging alliance? India and the United States in an era of global power transition." Comparative Strategy 37, no. 5 (October 20, 2018): 442–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2018.1526574.
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SRINIVASAN, Vasanthi, and Parvathy VENKATACHALAM. "A Decade of the UNGPs in India: Progressive Policy Shifts, Contested Implementation." Business and Human Rights Journal 6, no. 2 (June 2021): 279–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bhj.2021.22.
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AbstractThe decade of the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs) coincides with India’s National Voluntary Guidelines on businesses’ social, environmental, and economic responsibilities (NVGs) and the National Guidelines on Responsible Business Conduct (NGRBC) – an updated version of the NVGs. Human rights are one of the core principles in both guidelines and they draw upon the ‘Protect–Respect–Remedy’ framework of the UNGPs. The NVGs and NGRBC go beyond the UNGPs by requiring organizations not only to respect human rights, but also to promote them in their spheres of influence. Several factors, however, derailed the implementation of this progressive policy shift. This article explores the challenges in implementation and calls for the multiple actors involved to work together and shape a collaborative action plan for effective implementation of the NGRBC in the next decade. The authors reiterate the need for alternative lenses to frame the responsible business agenda within developing countries through positive obligations.
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Leonova, O., and J. Khatri. "Strategic Partnership between India and the United States: Examining Driving and Restraining Forces." MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, no. 3 (July 2, 2023): 180–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-180-198.
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This article aims to analyze the historical trajectory and current state of relations between India and the United States, spanning from India's independence in 1947 to the present, with a focus on identifying key stages of development, outcomes, and prospects. The establishment of a strategic partnership between the two countries has evolved through various phases, driven by economic, political, and ideological factors. However, certain limitations hinder the further deepening of this partnership, including disagreements on international political issues, India's pursuit of an independent foreign policy and reluctance to assume a subordinate role, inadequate US support on critical matters, and India's continued cooperation with Russia. Conversely, factors stimulating the growth of the strategic partnership encompass India's robust economic growth, its potential role as a counterbalance to China's expanding influence in Asia, shared interests in maintaining peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region, mutual concerns about regional security, recent progress in nuclear policy agreements, and expanding avenues for cooperation in diverse domains. The article further examines the unique characteristics of India's relationship with the United States, which shape the nature of their existing strategic partnership, such as the shifting focus from the political and strategic realm to economic interactions, India's commitment to maintaining "strategic autonomy" and non-alignment in its deepening cooperation, its ability to differentiate between political partnership and economic collaboration, and the preservation of a multi-vector foreign policy approach. Based on the analysis, the authors assert that while a strategic military and political alliance between the two powers is unlikely in the near future, their relationship will continue to evolve within the framework of a strategic partnership. The findings of this study will provide insights for policymakers in the South and Southeast Asia region to anticipate developments and adjust their policies accordingly.
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Lukin, A. "The Cooperation of Russia and China in Central Asia." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2015): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-4-47-58.
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The article analyses the process of Sino-Russian rapprochement which has significantly intensified since the worsening of Russia’s relations with the West in 2014. This process is studied as a part of the emerging of Greater Eurasia in place of Greater Europe which was envisioned in late 1980s. The states of Greater Eurasia, will not be tied by alliance relations, as are the United States and its European satellites. Some of them may turn to different centers of power; however, on the whole, they will form a unity, brought together by core interests. Precisely, this kind of democratic unity of Greater Europe could not be established by the United States and its allies. Attempting to subordinate every state to their dictates, they have united allies from most of Eastern Europe but lost Russia and Central Asia, and are increasingly antagonizing China and India, forcing them to draw closer to each other even in spite of significant contradictions. Only the future will tell who will succeed and who will not.
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Hayat, Muhammad Umer, Syeda Aqsa Sajjad, and Farrukh Shahzad. "GREAT POWERPLAY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE REGION." Global Political Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iv).08.
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The Indian Ocean is important due to its strategic location, geopolitical significance and trade activities being performed through it. The United States of America is attaining energy, and other resources have a deep interest in the region. China, through its "string of pearls strategy", is encountering the American goals in the regional by the promotion of its economic activities, securing its dominance in the region, thus posing a constant challenge to the later as well as a regional power i.e. India. Contending interests of regional and international powers in the Indian Ocean Region has led to power projection, affected the security environment, fuelling the issues. The necessity to preserve the available energy resources for survival and to meet future needs is attracting great powers to the Indian Ocean Region. The close alliance between the US and India and dwindling relations between the US and Pakistan are leading towards close ties between Pakistan and China.
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Brastianos, Priscilla Kaliopi, Erin Twohy, Carey K. Anders, A. John Iafrate, Peter A. Kaufman, Justine Vanessa Cohen, Rebecca Suk Heist, et al. "Alliance A071701: Genomically guided treatment trial in brain metastases." Journal of Clinical Oncology 38, no. 15_suppl (May 20, 2020): TPS2573. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2020.38.15_suppl.tps2573.
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TPS2573 Background: Brain metastases, most commonly derived from melanoma, lung and breast cancers, are the most common brain tumor, with approximately 200,000 cases diagnosed annually in the United States. Median survival is on the order of months. For patients with clinically symptomatic brain metastases, approximately half succumb due to intracranial progression. In preclinical work, we demonstrated that brain metastases and primary tumors are often genetically distinct with frequent alterations in the CDK and PI3K pathway (Brastianos, Carter et al. Cancer Discovery 2015). Methods: We are currently accruing to a prospective multi-arm phase II study of CDK, PI3K/mTOR, and NTRK/ROS1 inhibitors in patients with brain metastases harboring alterations associated with sensitivity to these inhibitors (abemaciclib, paxalisib and entrectinib), respectively. Patients with new, recurrent or progressive brain metastases are eligible for this trial. Previously obtained tissue from brain metastases and extracranial sites (primary or extracranial metastases) are screened for the presence of these alterations, and if present in both tumor sites, patients will receive the appropriate corresponding targeted treatment. Screening is carried out with the SNaPshot NGS assay, which is a fully validated clinical test designed and developed at the MGH Center for Integrated Diagnostics. The primary endpoint of response rate (RR) in the central nervous system as per RANO criteria will be evaluated separately for each inhibitor, stratified by histology within each arm. There will be 21 evaluable patients assigned to each of the CDK and PI3K inhibitor and tumor type cohorts (breast, lung and other) and 10 patients assigned to the NTRK/ROS1 inhibitor cohort (lung) for a total of 136 evaluable patients. Although current systemic therapy for brain metastases is often ineffective, we hypothesize that targeted therapies will demonstrate efficacy in patients harboring the appropriate mutations. This study represents a novel individualized therapeutic approach in brain metastases, a disease with a critical need for effective therapy. Support: U10CA180821, U10CA180882, https://acknowledgments.alliancefound.org ; Genentech, Kazia Therapeutics Limited, Eli Lilly; Clinical trial information: NCT03994796 .
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Krylov, Alexander V., and Arman A. Mikaelian. "Israel in the Context of the “New Bipolarity”." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 24, no. 1 (March 15, 2024): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2024-24-1-23-39.
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The study is dedicated to the main guidelines of the foreign policy of the State of Israel in the context of the current transformation of the world order. Before the start of the special military operation, despite a fairly strong strategic alliance with the United States, Israel pursued a pragmatic foreign policy and maintained mutually beneficial bilateral relations with the leading powers of the non-Western world - especially Russia, China and India. However, the sharp escalation of the situation in the Palestinian territories in October 2023 put Israel in front of an existential choice under the conditions of the emerging new bipolarity, and this choice was made in favor of the United States and its NATO allies. Now the official rhetoric in Israel has become consonant with the one that prevailed during the period of the severed relations between Russia and Israel. Nevertheless, in formulating policies where Russian and Israeli positions do not coincide, both sides continue to coordinate all actions within the framework of a joint dialogue. The article focuses on the main issues on which Russia and Israel differ: Ukrainian, Iranian, and Palestinian factors. China and India occupy a special place among Israel’s foreign policy priorities. The importance of these countries for the Jewish state will be increasing due to the inevitable isolationist tendencies in the region, which are growing against the backdrop of the worsening Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The article examines the main trends in Israel’s relations with some Arab countries, China and India.
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Barry, Margaret. "Clinical Legal Education in the Law University: Goals and Challenges." International Journal of Clinical Legal Education 11 (July 18, 2014): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijcle.v11i0.76.
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<p>Calls for reform of legal education in India have focused on preparation and relevance. The route to achieving both has consistently been linked to clinical legal education. In 1999, I heard one of the leaders of legal education in India, Dr. Madhava Menon, discuss his goals for clinical legal education in at the first Global Alliance for Justice Education Conference in Trivandrum. I learned at the time that he had been invited to lead a new law school in the country, and he made it clear that clinical legal education would be central to the new law school model that he intended to pursue, a model based on recommendations that grew out of prior assessments of legal education in India. Under this model, law students would be trained to be productive members of a community of lawyers that had refined the skills needed to develop and implement creative strategies for addressing the pressing demand for social justice in the country. The approach reflected a connection between responsibility for the underserved and goals for clinical legal education in India that dates back to collaboration with academics from the United States in the late 1960’s.</p>
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Asaturov, Sergey, and Andrei Martynov. "Trends in international relations in the Indo-Pacific region." ScienceRise: Juridical Science, no. 1(19) (March 31, 2022): 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15587/2523-4153.2022.254248.
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The global Indian and Pacific region is playing an increasing role in modern international relations. At the beginning of the XXI century, this region is a crossroads of different interests of great powers. The United States continues to play a leading role. The Pentagon introduced the concept of the Indo-Pacific region. From a military-strategic point of view, this concept is a symbol of American-Chinese competition. This process intensified under the Trump administration in 2017-2020. The Biden administration is consolidating regional democracies. Australia, India and Japan play a key role in this process. The European Union promotes the values and ideas of democracy in the Indo-Pacific region. China is an important trading partner of the EU. The intensification of the Sino-US confrontation in early 2022 has blocked the entry into force of the China-EU Free Trade and Investment Agreement. In early 2022, the United States, Great Britain and Australia announced the creation of a military alliance. India and Japan are concerned about China's growing military power. The Republic of Korea has a similar position. Hotspots of confrontation in the region are Taiwan, the Korean Peninsula, the disputed Spratly Islands. The Indo-Pakistani conflict around Kashmir destabilizes regional security. The Indo-Pacific region is an example of a complex multipolar system of international relations. This system is more risky in terms of security. The functioning of internal regional and interregional communication networks is complicated by military-technical, environmental, demographic, socio-cultural, interstate contradictions. The formation of a regional security system is limited by political problems. Post-modern democracies, such as Australia, India, Japan and the modernized Chinese autocracy and the North Korean Stalinist dictatorship, coexist in the Indo-Pacific region. The balance of interests is maintained by the United States and the European Union. This balance is volatile and unpredictable
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Toyoda, Tetsuya, Ekaterina Vaseneva, and Ryo Takahama. "Security Policy Options for Japan in Three Time Frameworks." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 410–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-4-410-426.
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This paper examines security policy options for Japan at the present stage that may be worth considering in the short term, the midterm, and the long term, respectively. Hence, the aim of the paper is to examine foreign policy security options for Japan in the foreseeable future. While providing a comprehensive overview of the Japanese foreign and security policy at the present stage, the article employs the case study methodological framework to analyze Japan’s foreign policy objectives in case of Tokyo’s relations with the most critical partners in the Asia-Pacific Region - namely, the United States, China, Russia, ASEAN, and Taiwan. Examining the origin and further development of the QUAD, the authors highlight the absence of ASEAN members and India’s hesitation to institutionalize the grouping, while analyzing the Russia-Japan relations they focus on common interests in security cooperation, as well on its limitations. As a result, in the short term, the expansion of the Japan-US alliance to the Indo-Pacific region is the most plausible option. However, without involving the ASEAN countries, the Free and Open IndoPacific (FOIP) strategy can only add Australia and India to the existing Japan-US alliance. In the midterm, an alliance with Russia may be, with some serious limitations, geographically a natural option. In the long term, Japan might need to find a proper place in a China-centered order in East Asia. Therefore, the authors conclude that the relative decline of US influence in East Asia is unavoidable in the coming decades, Japan must adjust or even reconsider its security policy.
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Johnson, Val Marie. "“The Half Has Never Been Told”: Maritcha Lyons’ Community, Black Women Educators, the Woman’s Loyal Union, and “the Color Line” in Progressive Era Brooklyn and New York." Journal of Urban History 44, no. 5 (February 1, 2017): 835–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217692931.
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Schoolteacher Maritcha Lyons was among the pioneering African American women who, in 1892, built one of the first women’s rights and racial justice organizations in the United States, the Woman’s Loyal Union of New York and Brooklyn (WLU). The WLU is recognized for its antilynching work in alliance with Ida B. Wells, and as an organizational springboard to the National Association of Colored Women. This essay examines struggles on “the color line” by Lyons, other WLU members, and women educators, through their community’s engagement in 1880s and 1890s Brooklyn and New York contention over school integration, and a 1903 debate on the founding of the Brooklyn Colored Young Women’s Christian Association. These women’s and their community’s battles against segregation and for separate institutions reveal lesser known aspects of WLU women’s activism, and the complexities of urban racism and Black resistance in the “Progressive Era” that witnessed Reconstruction’s dismantling, lynching, and “Jim Crow.”
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Gathron, Erika L. "Strategically Positioned: Breastfeeding, Advocacy, and the Hands-On Nurse." Creative Nursing 23, no. 3 (2017): 192–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1078-4535.23.3.192.
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Breastfeeding, a health behavior that provides well-known benefits for mothers, infants, and children, is an essential strategy to improve public health. Breastfeeding can reduce the incidence of infant illness and death and provides both short- and long-term physiological benefits to mothers. National and international government agencies and grassroots organizations supporting breastfeeding include the World Health Organization, the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund, the World Alliance for Breastfeeding Action, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the La Leche League. In the United States, breastfeeding of infants was the norm until the late 1890s when the Progressive Era’s emphasis on science and modernity led to the transition of childbirth from residential in-home births to community-based hospital births and the aggressive rise of the baby formula industry. By 1966, only 18% of mothers were exclusively breastfeeding their infants at hospital discharge. This drastic decrease in breastfeeding reduced the percentage of mothers and grandmothers who could share their breastfeeding knowledge and experience. Nurses who provide care for women and infants are essential stakeholders in bridging the breastfeeding knowledge gap by offering education on the short- and long-term health benefits of breastfeeding to both mother and baby and timely encouragement to mothers during the most significant time for establishing lactation.
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Currens, John, Patricia S. Hutcheson, Raymond G. Slavin, and Martin J. Citardi. "Primary Paranasal Aspergillus Granuloma: Case Report and Review of the Literature." American Journal of Rhinology 16, no. 3 (May 2002): 165–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194589240201600308.
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Background Primary paranasal aspergillus granuloma (PPAG) is a slowly progressive chronic infection of the sinus extending beyond the confines of the sinus. It has been reported only in patients from the Sudan and India. Microscopically, it differs from chronic invasive fungal sinusitis in that there are pseudotubercles containing giant cells, histiocytes, lymphocytes, plasma cells, newly formed capillaries, eosinophils, and Aspergillus fungal elements. Conclusion We describe the first case of PPAG in the United States in an immunocompetent nonatopic woman who had never left Missouri.
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Gill, Lesley. "Intellectual labor in dark times." Focaal 2019, no. 84 (July 1, 2019): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2019.840109.
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The post–Great Recession, zombielike resurrection of neoliberalism has taken much of Europe and the United States on a hard-right detour into a twilight zone of populist nationalism, where far-right critiques of the status quo resonate more deeply with the white working class than leftist analyses. As rising fears of cultural eclipse, economic decline, and elite resentment drive the appeal of right-wing nationalists in the United States, Europe, India, and beyond, what role should intellectuals, and especially anthropologists, play in countering the creeping authoritarianism and growing inequality of our times? What kind of leverage can intellectual labor have on social reality? How can intellectuals broaden the boundaries of political possibility so that progressive, transformative collective action becomes imaginable?
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Wang, Rui, and Linwei Wang. "Changes and Features of Indian Diplomacy in the Context of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy." Asia Social Science Academy 10, no. 2 (April 30, 2023): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/jass.2023.10.2.103.
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During the Trump administration (January 2017 to December 2020), the United States formulated the “Indo-Pacific Strategy” and officially established a strategic competition with China throughout the government. The strategy aimed to woo allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region and accelerate the construction and promotion of the “Quadrilateral Security Dialogue”. India, as the “world's largest democracy”, has unresolved border issues with China, making it a key target for the United States to woo, and thus forcing India to change its foreign policy. On February 11, 2022, the Biden administration introduced a new version of the “Indo-Pacific Strategy”, which further clarified the overall framework of strategic competition with China, continued to deepen the strategic setting with the prominent features of wooing allies and confronting China, emphasized the core role of the Quad and the central position of ASEAN countries, highlighted the military deterrence of the US-UKAustralia alliance, and created an “anti-China circle” in multiple fields such as biosecurity, science and technology, economic finance, and climate change. Although India is the founding country of the Non-Aligned Movement and has long relied on “independent and autonomous” foreign policy, the current new geopolitical environment where Sino-Indian relations are at a low point due to the border issue, Russia-Ukraine conflicts continue due to NATO's eastward expansion, and the rapid development of the Quad, signifies the power balance in the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean regions. This also indirectly reflects the progress of India's own “Indo-Pacific Strategy” and the implementation of the US “Indo-Pacific Strategy”, thus providing a dimension for predicting the development trend of the strategic competition between China and the US.
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Peart, Nicola. "Dispute in Climate Change Adaptation Finance – Towards a convergent outcome for the COP-15." European Energy and Environmental Law Review 18, Issue 6 (December 1, 2009): 307–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eelr2009025.
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Given that the challenges resulting from climate change arise from transboundary harm, the global community must come together to address both causes and consequences. Furthermore, because there are multiple and different sovereign interests and needs at stake, it is essential that Parties are able to firstly approach the problems and solutions using a common terminology and understanding, and secondly arrive at solutions that give rise to effective results. This article looks at the current negotiations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change that brings sovereign states together to address transboundary harm caused by anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions. In particular, it focuses on the negotiation of a financial architecture required to support adaptation to climate change impacts, and discusses the positions of five Parties selected to capture a range of interests, economic development, vulnerability and responsibility for climate change (namely, the European Union, the United States of America, India, China and the Alliance of Small Island States). This article presents a commentary on the trends in Party positions, and provides some historical and current context for explaining why Parties take certain positions on elements of an adaptation finance package.
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Devaney, Laura. "The Unite the Right Movement and the Brokerage of Social Conservative Voices Within the New Conservative Party of Canada." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 3, no. 2 (June 23, 2013): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora19898.
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2003 marked a year of significant change in the political landscape, particularly for the Canadian right. After ten years of division, the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada (PCs) and the Canadian Alliance united to create the Conservative Party of Canada. This union required a balancing of the interests of both of its founding parties who, on certain issues, espoused very different views. One important example of this was social conservatism. In this paper, the author examines the new party’s attempt to balance the two parties’ differing opinions on social conservatism. In order to accomplish this, the paper first examines the differences between the two parties, and then examines how conflicting interests were resolved under the banner of the ‘New Conservative Party.’ The author concludes that by deliberately declarin socially conservative issues beyond the scope of party policy, the new conservative party has been able to strike a balance between the interests of the voting population and the interests of its more socially conservative members, who are able to express their preferences by means of a free vote.
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Strnad, Grażyna. "Wyzwania i kierunki nowej administracji prezydenta Yoon Suk Yeola." Azja-Pacyfik 25, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ap2022.1.03.
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The purpose of the article is to describe the 2022 South Korean presidential election against the backdrop of a paradigm shift and to show the challenges and directions of Yoon Suk Yeol’s new administration. The author focuses on the research problems present in the new South Korean politics. Elements of change and continuity, which were also present in previous administrations are highlighted. In May 2022, Yoon Suk Yeol was sworn into the South Korea’s highest office. Yoon’s win in the presidential election ended a trend in which a decade of progressive rule was followed by a change to conservative rule. Since 1998, progressive and conservative presidents have alternated every two terms. The minimal difference in votes in favor of the conservative candidate reflected the divisions and social preferences of Koreans who favored a change from progressive to conservative government. The results of the 2022 presidential election revealed the polarization of South Korean society. Yoon will face a series of difficult challenges. In domestic politics, he must confront the housing crisis, widespread dissatisfaction with economic inequality, and generational tensions, among other issues. Yoon will also be challenged by the parliamentary majority currently held by the Democratic Party in the National Assembly. In foreign policy, South Korea’s new president advocates strengthening the alliance with the United States and cooperation with the Quad countries; he promises to improve relations with Japan, and to take steps toward South Korea playing a greater role in the world. In his inter-Korean policy, on the other hand, Yoon follows the traditional position of the conservatives, pledging to strengthen a policy of deterrence against acts of aggression and provocation by North Korea.
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Glauben, Thomas, and Ivan Duric. "BRICS: World Heavyweight in Agricultural Trade." Intereconomics 59, no. 3 (June 1, 2024): 160–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ie-2024-0033.
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Abstract BRICS, the 15-year-old alliance of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, has emerged as an important actor on the global political and economic stage, not least by expanding its membership to include middle-power states Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in early 2024. Much like the countries of the G7 and the EU, BRICS members are among the major players in international agri-food markets. BRICS and the G7 have accounted for around one-seventh of each other’s agricultural exports in the past decade. However, excessive protectionism and mounting sanctions as well as ideology-driven de-risking strategies are a high-risk venture that could ultimately lead to isolationism and the formation of blocs. Food insecurity is growing, primarily at the expense of poorer people in the Global South. Against this background, it seems advisable to balance geopolitical and geoeconomic interests by turning away from confrontational Stone Age politics and towards more cooperative approaches, such as more diplomacy.
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AKDUMAN, Birol. "NATO’s Southern Flank: The Evolution of Turkey’s Strategic Role and Its Implications for Regional Security." İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi 12, no. 5 (December 28, 2023): 2951–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15869/itobiad.1293582.
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This article delves into the progressive development of Turkey's strategic function within NATO, and what it signifies for regional security along the Alliance's Southern Flank. Turkey, as a crucial NATO member since 1952, has steadfastly assumed a considerable part in the organization's collective defense, thereby bolstering the stability of the region. The article offers a historical review of Turkey's involvement in NATO, tracking its journey from joining the Alliance during the initial Cold War years to navigating the more intricate security milieu of the post-Cold War era. The focus then shifts to the geopolitical challenges faced by NATO on its Southern Flank, particularly in the Middle East, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Black Sea region. Within this context, the article analyzes Turkey's evolving strategic role, including its military capabilities and growing defense industry, diplomacy, and soft power initiatives, as well as its efforts to balance relations with NATO, Russia, and other regional actors. The article also scrutinizes Turkey's procurement of the Russian S-400 missile defense system, and how it impacts the unity and efficacy of NATO. Subsequently, it discusses the possible advantages and hurdles that could arise from Turkey's dynamic strategic role in regional security and on NATO's Southern Flank. Key topics addressed include the reinforcement of NATO's defense capabilities, the enhancement of regional security cooperation, and potential strains within the Alliance. The piece wraps up with an evaluation of future prospects for Turkey's strategic function in NATO and the implications for regional security. This underlines the significance of maintaining a united and adaptable NATO that can adeptly respond to the evolving security challenges in the region.