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1
Scarritt, James R. "Measuring Political Change: The Quantity and Effectiveness of Electoral and Party Participation in the Zambian One-Party State, 1973–91." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 2 (April 1996): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000478.
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The introduction of a ‘one-party participatory democracy’ in Zambia in 1973 under the United National Independence Party (UNIP) of President Kenneth Kaunda made significant changes in the nature and extent of political participation, regime structure and public policy in that country. Among a number of constitutional changes, the proscription of the opposition parties – African National Congress (ANC) and United Progressive Party (UPP) – was probably the most important. There is a relatively extensive literature describing these changes and evaluating their significance. A number of further changes which affected these political variables in varying degrees occurred during the life of the one-party system, which lasted until 1991, but much less has been written about these changes, at least in part because they have been assumed to be insignificant. This Note describes the collection of a systematic events dataset on changes in electoral and political party participation (including changes in policies towards participation and changes in party structures affecting participation), regime structure (including party–government relations, central government structure and central–local government relations), and policies affecting the economy, class structure and culture in Zambia from 1973 through 1985. It then describes the use of expert judges to scale events in the dataset and evaluate their cumulative significance for dimensions of change delineated by the investigator or themselves. Finally, it presents one substantive application of this methodology: specification of the overall directions and extent of change in electoral and party participation under the one-party system. Two contradictory directions of change not so far identified in the literature on the Zambian one-party state are uncovered. It is suggested that changes in the one-party state helped to undermine its support, even among some of those Zambians who initially believed in it.
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Larmer, Miles. "“If We are Still Here Next Year”: Zambian Historical Research in the Context of Decline, 2002–2003." History in Africa 31 (2004): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003466.
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This paper addresses the challenges facing researchers seeking to explore the post-colonial history of Zambia, a country whose social infrastructure in general, and academic and research facilities in particular, are in a state of apparently perpetual decline. It describes some of the major archival resources available and their (significant) limitations. It surveys recent and ongoing attempts to document the history of nationalist movements and leaders. Finally, it explores the potential for developing a history of post-colonial Zambia which escapes the assumptions of a still dominant nationalist historiography, and which thereby contributes to a deeper understanding of the lives actually lived by Zambians since Independence.The tendency for colonial and post-colonial governments and their advisors to seek to depoliticize issues of power, inequality and control, by turning them into “technical” or developmental issues, has been noted by historians and anthropologists. The historiography of post-colonial Zambia is a prime example of the conflation of history with development, creating a discourse that assesses historical change by the achievement of supposedly neutral development goals, and conflates the ideologies and policies of nationalist politicians with those of the nation as a whole. The relatively benign judgments passed by prominent historians of the colonial era in their postscript surveys of the government of Kenneth Kaunda's United National Independence Party (UNIP) in Zambia's First Republic (1964-72) have retained an unwarranted influence. This is partly because of the dearth of post-colonial historical studies of equal importance conducted during the last 20 years. UNIP's leading historian, Henry Meebelo, while providing valuable insights into the African perspective on decolonization, played a leading role in establishing nationalism as the unquestioned norm of progressive understanding, axiomatically placing all social forces which came into conflict with it as reactionary and illegitimate.
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Musambachime, M. C. "The Archives of Zambia's United National Independence Party." History in Africa 18 (1991): 291–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172067.
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In an introduction to a University of Zambia publication entitled A Catalogue of Unpublished Materials in Zambia, published in 1978, J. K. Rennie observed that in Zambia there were “many depositories or collections of private and official papers, the extent of whose holdings are imperfectly known and the state of whose preservation was uncertain.” The Catalogue, which was supposed to be the first in a series and was intended to be a “guide to unpublished primary materials … and an aid to research in history and social sciences,” identified thirty government and non-government depositories located in various parts of Zambia. The wealth and diversity of materials held in these depositories were of immense value and benefit to researchers— academics and students interested in historical studies requiring archival research. Rennie, and others who assisted him in locating and documenting these depositories, made what they called a “humble minor beginning in a much larger enterprise. This paper is intended as a further contribution to this enterprise.In Zambia, one depository that is little known by social science researchers is the archives held by the ruling United National Independence Party (UNIP), located in Freedom House, the party headquarters at the southern end of Cairo Road, which forms part of the Research Bureau of the party. This archives holds important files formerly held by the African National Congress (ANC) formed in 1948 and disbanded in 1973 after the Chôma declaration which ushered in the one-party state and of UNIP, formed in 1960, which today is the only political party in Zambia.
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Munene, Hyden. "Mining the Past: A Report of Four Archival Repositories in Zambia." History in Africa 47 (July 18, 2019): 359–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2019.24.
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Abstract:Researchers and scholars have written on the history of mining in Zambia using a variety of sources and archives. But much of the history written from local archives has relied heavily on the National Archives of Zambia. Yet, important archival holdings for researchers of the history of Zambia’s mining industry also exist in the Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines Archive, the United National Independence Party Archive, and in the Mineworkers’ Union of Zambia Headquarters. These repositories house rich collections of data invaluable for understanding Zambia’s mining industry. Covering the period from the 1890s to the present, these archives make possible new questions and interpretations of Zambia’s mining industry.
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Goldring, Edward, and Michael Wahman. "Democracy in Reverse: The 2016 General Election in Zambia." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 3 (December 2016): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100306.
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On 11 August 2016, Zambia held elections for the presidency, National Assembly, local councillors, and mayors. Concurrently, a referendum was held on whether to enhance the Bill of Rights in the Constitution of Zambia. The elections were significant for several reasons: It was the first contest under a newly amended Constitution, which introduced important changes to the electoral framework. It also marked a break with Zambia's positive historical record of arranging generally peaceful elections. Moreover, the election featured an electoral playing field that was notably tilted in favour of the incumbent party. Ultimately, the incumbent president, Edgar Lungu of the Patriotic Front, edged out opposition challenger Hakainde Hichilema of the United Party for National Development. The election was controversial and the opposition mounted an unsuccessful legal challenge to the final results. The 2016 elections represent a reversal in the quality of Zambian democracy and raise questions about the country's prospects for democratic consolidation.
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Geisler, Gisela. "Who Is Losing Out? Structural Adjustment, Gender, and the Agricultural Sector in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 1 (March 1992): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007758.
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In Zambia's first multi-party elections for two decades, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (M.M.D.) won a landslide victory over Kenneth Kaunda's United Independence Party (U.N.I.P) on 31 October 1991. Many observers believe that the sweeping 80 per cent majority gained by Frederick Chiluba and his M.M.D. in both urban and rural areas was to a large degree due to the increasing economic hardships most Zambians have been subjected to over the last years. The opposition's slogan ‘The Hour Has Come’ captured the mood of many who had lost patience with the gross economic mismanagement and wastefulness that characterised the Government.
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Gondwe, Gregory. "Online incivility, hate speech and political violence in Zambia: Examining the role of online political campaign messages." Journal of African Media Studies 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00032_1.
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The aim of this study was to explore the relationship of online incivility and political violence in Zambia. The study used the 2018 Chilanga Constituency by-election campaign messages and those of the 2019 Sesheke constituency to examine the problem. The study drew from the simulation effects (that communication with dissimilar others can encourage incivility and hate online) to assert that political elite campaign messages contribute to incivility/hate and subsequent violence during elections in Zambia. This assumption was tested using 5844 data points collected from various social media platforms owned or purported to be owned by either the Patriotic Front (PF) or the United Party for National Development (UPND) party. The findings support the paper’s hypotheses, and additional analyses suggest that men are more likely to practice incivility online than women. Second, findings suggest that while the PF party’s online platforms exhibit higher trends of partisanship, the UPND tend to privilege tribal affiliations.
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Geisler, Gisela. "Sisters under the Skin: Women and the Women's League in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1987): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000759x.
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In March 1985 the Second National Women's Rights Conference was held on the Copperbelt. Although Betty Kaunda, wife of the President, addressed the 135 participants in her opening speech as if they were representing the Women's League of the United National Independence Party (U.N.I.P.), surprisingly only two of them, apart from the invited guests of honour, claimed to be associated with this organisation. Hardly any of the issues raised by the League entered the discussions during the three-day conference, and the recommendations were far form being a reflection of its stated aims.1
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Berman, Daniel M. "A Progressive City Fights Back." Monthly Review 69, no. 2 (June 6, 2017): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-069-02-2017-06_6.
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In 2014, after years of grassroots organizing, a coalition of progressives transformed Richmond, California into the largest city in the United States governed by a Green Party mayor. But Richmond is not just Anytown: its economy and government has been dominated for a century by a giant Chevron refinery, and by a racist political machine determined to keep the city's working-class and nonwhite majority out of power.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.
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WARE, ALAN. "Anti-Partism and Party Control of Political Reform in the United States: The Case of the Australian Ballot." British Journal of Political Science 30, no. 1 (January 2000): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000016.
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This article examines critically an explanation, first propounded by Austin Ranney, as to the causes of party reform in the United States. Ranney argued that there is an ambivalent attitude to parties in the United States; while there is evidence of popular support for parties, the political culture is also infused by anti-party values. Periodically this has facilitated the enactment of legislation, promoted by anti-party reformers, constraining parties. Focusing on the Australian Ballot, the article argues that its rapid adoption in the United States resulted from its seeming to solve problems facing party elites in the 1880s – problems that arose from the erosion of a face-to-face society. Despite opposition from anti-party reformers, parties in most states legislated for types of ballot that preserved party control of the electorate. Moreover, during the Progressive era the parties generally continued to preserve a type of ballot that favoured them. The ability of parties to defend their interests against anti-party reformers was possible when it was clear where those interests lay. With other reforms, including the direct primary, this was much less evident, and it was then far more difficult for the parties to defend themselves.
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Jongcheol Kim. "Dissolution of a Political Party in a Democratic Republic: the Case of the United Progressive Party in Korea." Public Law Journal 15, no. 1 (February 2014): 35–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31779/plj.15.1.201402.002.
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Byung-Chang Lee. "The Meaning of the Anti North Ideological Attack on the United Progressive party." MARXISM 21 11, no. 2 (May 2014): 148–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.26587/marx.11.2.201405.006.
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한상익 and 김진영. "Theoretical Approach to Dissolution of The United Progressive Party : Based on Militant Democracy." Journal of Northeast Asia Research 30, no. 2 (December 2015): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18013/jnar.2015.30.2.003.
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Milkis, Sidney M., and Daniel J. Tichenor. "“Direct Democracy” and Social Justice: The Progressive Party Campaign of 1912." Studies in American Political Development 8, no. 2 (1994): 282–340. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001267.
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During the 1992 presidential contest, the press and pundits alike characterized the challenge posed by H. Ross Perot and the political organization he created, United We Stand America, as the most significant assault on the two-party system since Theodore Roosevelt's Bull Moose Campaign. In one sense, this comparison is more penetrating than these observers imagined, for the impressive showing of Perot was emblematic of the candidate-centered, plebiscitary electoral politics that Roosevelt and the Progressive party championed in 1912. Given that Perot ran without partisan attachments and refused to cede authority to the rank and file of a new reform movement, however, the allusion has proven to be as ephemeral as the public opinion polls it relies on. The Progressive party was born during the 1912 election as more than an aegis for Roosevelt's ample desire for power; it embodied the aspirations of reformers whose quest for a vehicle of political, social, and industrial transformation was at least a dozen years old.
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COPPER, John F. "Taiwan as a Catalyst for a Sino-American Conflict." East Asian Policy 08, no. 02 (April 2016): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930516000155.
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Taiwan has long been a source of conflict between China and the United States. It has just held a critical election, won by the Democratic Progressive Party that stands for Taiwan’s independence. China is undergoing profound changes in its economy and politics. The United States is seriously at odds with China on a number of issues. All of this adds up to a China-US confrontation or worse.
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Ndambwa, Biggie Joe, and Aaron Wiza Siwale. "Reinterpreting Domestic Sources of Zambia’s Foreign Policy: The Party and the President." Journal of Contemporary Governance and Public Policy 3, no. 1 (April 17, 2022): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.46507/jcgpp.v3i1.64.
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This article examines the domestic factors that have determined and influenced Zambia’s foreign policy. While this attempt has not been as successful as one would wish, some useful insights are obtainable through analysis of the role of the governing parties from the liberation hero and founding President Kenneth Kaunda and the United National Independence Party (UNIP) and subsequent heads of state and their respective parties, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), the Patriotic Front (PF) and the United Party for National Development (UPND), that have led the country throughout this period. The article contributes to both the rational-actor model and spatial leadership model which measures differential changes in foreign policy decision-making across regimes. The model is a major contribution to the development of viable analysis in changing foreign policy in emerging nations and is an enduring contribution to the modern foreign analysis. This article is an interesting and exciting addition to this model. It also contributes to the discourse on domestic issues that determine political behavior in international affairs. In particular, it discusses the subtleties of presidential power and demonstrates that in the case of Zambia, changes in foreign policy decisions across regimes are mediated by the intervention and personal interests of the president and the influence of the governing parties.
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Scarritt, James R. "President Kenneth Kaunda's Annual Address to the Zambian National Assembly: a Contextual Content Analysis of Changing Rhetoric, 1965–83." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1987): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007655.
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Most writers on Zambia are agreed that President Kenneth Kaunda has grown more powerful over the last two decades by having learned to deal with changing circumstances, and that he has developed a unique position as an able and trusted mediator among political factions. There is also a consensus among those authors, however, that Kaunda's powers are rather severely constrained by the bourgeoisie-in-formation, by the weakening of the governing United National Independence Party (U.N.I.P.), by a declining economy, and by a difficult international environment, and that these limitations are growing stronger as time passes despite his ideological initiative in formulating what is known as ‘Zambian Humanism’.1
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Frohlich, Norman, and Irvin Boschmann. "Partisan Preference and Income Redistribution: Cross-National and Cross-Sexual Results." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 1 (March 1986): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900057978.
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AbstractThe relationships between attitudes toward income redistribution and partisan preferences are examined and contrasted in Canadian and American samples of college students. In both samples evidence is found that there is a strong relationship between the variables among males and an absence of a relationship among females. In Canada, support for income redistribution is strongly positively correlated with support for the New Democratic party, positively correlated with support for the Liberal party, and strongly negatively correlated with support for the Progressive Conservative party. In the United States support for income redistribution is strongly positively correlated with support for the Democratic party and strongly negatively correlated with support for the Republican party. Cross-national differences are also found between Canadian and American subjects, Canadian subjects having significantly lower variance among party supporters regarding this issue. Some implications of the results for research in the area of sex differences in politics and the influence of economic concerns on political behaviour are discussed briefly.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "With Friends Like These: Australia, the United States, and Southeast Asian Détente." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00876.
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A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.
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Edscorn, Steven R. "Book Review: The American Political Party System: A Reference Handbook." Reference & User Services Quarterly 57, no. 3 (March 16, 2018): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.57.3.6620.
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The American Political Party System: A Reference Handbook brings together readable, informative essays about the formation and influence of and controversies surrounding political parties in the United States; profiles of significant people and organizations; responsibly argued opinion essays from a variety of perspectives; and important primary-source documents and data. Major sections include “Background and History,” “Problems, Controversies, and Solutions,” “Perspectives,” “Profiles,” and “Data and Documents.” Examples of subsections and entries include “The Transformative Election of McKinley and the Progressive Era, 1896–1932,” “Structural Barriers or Impediments to Third-Party Candidates,” “Make America Great Again PAC,” “MoveOn.org,” “David Koch (1935–),” “Harry Reid (1939),” “Jill Stein (1950–),” “Donald Trump’s Proposed Immigration Policies,” “Election Results, 2016 Presidential Vote, by Select Group Categories,” and “Millard Fillmore’s Speech, June 26, 1856, on American Party Principles.”
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Devaney, Laura. "The Unite the Right Movement and the Brokerage of Social Conservative Voices Within the New Conservative Party of Canada." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 3, no. 2 (June 23, 2013): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora19898.
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2003 marked a year of significant change in the political landscape, particularly for the Canadian right. After ten years of division, the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada (PCs) and the Canadian Alliance united to create the Conservative Party of Canada. This union required a balancing of the interests of both of its founding parties who, on certain issues, espoused very different views. One important example of this was social conservatism. In this paper, the author examines the new party’s attempt to balance the two parties’ differing opinions on social conservatism. In order to accomplish this, the paper first examines the differences between the two parties, and then examines how conflicting interests were resolved under the banner of the ‘New Conservative Party.’ The author concludes that by deliberately declarin socially conservative issues beyond the scope of party policy, the new conservative party has been able to strike a balance between the interests of the voting population and the interests of its more socially conservative members, who are able to express their preferences by means of a free vote.
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Clark, Cal, Alexander C. Tan, and Karl Ho. "Was 2016 a Realigning Election in Taiwan?" Asian Survey 60, no. 6 (November 2020): 1006–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.6.1006.
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The January 2016 presidential and legislative elections in Taiwan produced a dramatic and unprecedented victory for the Democratic Progressive Party over its long-time rival, the Kuomintang. The party had never had a parliamentary majority before 2016. The elections indicated the potential for fundamental change in Taiwan’s party system. This is what political scientists call a critical realigning election. The problem with identifying these elections, such as the 1896 and 1932 ones in the United States, is that we can only be sure of such an interpretation after a significant amount of time has passed. Still, some of the changes in Taiwan are fundamental enough to make such an evaluation worthwhile. We summarize realigning elections; discuss the factors that may lead to a change in the partisan balance; and describe the growing role of protest parties and social movements in Taiwan politics.
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Griffen-Foley, Bridget. "The Press Proprietor and the Politician: Sir Frank Packer and Sir Robert Menzies." Media International Australia 99, no. 1 (May 2001): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0109900106.
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This article surveys the relationship between Australian's longest serving prime minister. Sir Robert Menzies, and the controversial media proprietor Sir Frank Packer. It begins by briefly discussing the progressive liberalism that characterised the Daily and Sunday Telegraphs in the 1930s and 1940s. It then considers Packer's flirtations with the affairs of the United Australia Party and the Liberal Party in the 1940s, and the way in which Menzies, as leader of the opposition, viewed the press proprietor. The main part of the article explores the value that the prime minister and the Liberal Party placed on the support of the Packer media outlets, and the form that this support took. The article goes some way to describing how media tycoons and political correspondents interacted with politicians in the days before press releases and professional lobbyists became highly sophisticated news management devices.
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Latysh, Jurij. "Could be a socalist US President: Bernie Sanders case." European Historical Studies, no. 4 (2016): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.04.161-175.
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The article deals with the campaign of Senator B. Sanders for the nomination for the post of President of the United States Democratic Party, analyzes the causes of the rapid growth in popularity of socialist ideas among young people and Democrats, highlights the challenges faced by the only senator-socialist. With the departure of the past stereotypes of the Cold War in the United States there has been a change of attitude towards socialism. Among young people aged 18-29 support socialism than capitalism support. The basis of his election program Sanders put the request “political revolution” in the US. It offers a choice between his progressive economic program that creates jobs, increases wages, protects the environment and provides medical care for all, and the conversion to US economic and political oligarchy. Despite a significant increase Sanders rating so far inferior to Clinton, who enjoys the support of the party establishment, party donors and “superdelegates”. However, in competition with Trump Sanders has a much better chance through an excellent reputation. Despite high ratings, the majority of voters do not believe Clinton Trump reliable and honest candidates. Sanders – one of the candidates who most respondents think good person.
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Enyeart, John P. "Revolution or Evolution: The Socialist Party, Western Workers, and Law in the Progressive Era." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, no. 4 (October 2003): 377–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000505.
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In 1913 Socialist Party (SP) leader Morris Hillquit contended that the United States had embarked on the path toward socialism. He argued that the “modern principle of control and regulation of industries by the government indicates the complete collapse of the purely capitalist ideal of non-interference, and signifies that the government may change from an instrument of class rule and exploitation into one of social regulation and protection.” He then asserted that like “the industries, the government is being socialized. The general tendency of both is distinctly towards a Socialist order.” This fit with his understanding of the stages a nation underwent as it progressed first from a society with little to no state involvement in the economy, to a social democracy with state regulation of corporations and protections for workers, to, finally, a socialist state where a government which the people elected managed the economy.
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MACOLA, GIACOMO. "‘IT MEANS AS IF WE ARE EXCLUDED FROM THE GOOD FREEDOM’: THWARTED EXPECTATIONS OF INDEPENDENCE IN THE LUAPULA PROVINCE OF ZAMBIA, 1964–6." Journal of African History 47, no. 1 (March 2006): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853705000848.
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Based on a close reading of new archival material, this article makes a case for the adoption of an empirical, ‘sub-systemic’ approach to the study of nationalist and postcolonial politics in Zambia. By exploring the notion of popular ‘expectations of independence’ to a much greater degree than did previous studies, the paper contends that the extent of the United National Independence Party's political hegemony in the immediate post-independence era has been grossly overrated – even in a traditional rural stronghold of the party and during a favourable economic cycle. In the second part of the paper, the diplomatic and ethnic manoeuvres of the ruler of the eastern Lunda kingdom of Kazembe are set against a background of increasing popular disillusionment with the performance of the independent government.
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Diner, Hasia. "The Encounter between Jews and America in the Gilded Age and Progressive Era." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 11, no. 1 (January 2012): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781411000442.
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The period after 1870 through the middle of the 1920s, the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, coincided with the mass migration of Jews to the United States. Nearly three million Jews, primarily from eastern Europe, overwhelmed the numerically small Jewish community already resident in America. Of the Jews who left Europe in those years, approximately 85 percent opted for the United States, a society that took some of its basic characteristics from the particular developments of this transitional historical period. This essay focuses on five aspects of Gilded Age and Progressive Era America and their impact on the Jews. These features of American society both stimulated the mass migration and made possible a relatively harmonious, although complicated, integration. Those forces included the broader contours of immigration, the nation's obsession with race, its vast industrial and economic expansion, its valorization of religion, and its two-party system in which neither the Democrats or the Republicans had any stake in demonizing the growing number of Jewish voters.
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Ki-Choon Song. "1,000 Citizens’ Declaration demanding the Repeal of the Governmental Petition for Dissolution of the United Progressive Party." Democratic Legal Studies ll, no. 54 (March 2014): 520–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15756/dls.2014..54.520.
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Newsinger, John. "War, Empire and the Attlee government 1945–1951." Race & Class 60, no. 1 (June 29, 2018): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818779864.
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In this article, adapted from a speech delivered at a conference on reparative history, the author challenges the dominant view of the progressive radicalism of the postwar Attlee government by exposing the brutality of its imperial adventures. Examining British involvement in Vietnam, Indonesia, Greece, Malaya, Kenya, India, Palestine, Iran and Korea, the piece paints a very different and bloody historical narrative from the dominant one. It argues that the welfare state was accompanied by the creation of the warfare state and that it was the Labour Party which cemented the ‘special relationship’ with the United States, which today the vast majority of the parliamentary Labour Party would still like to see hold sway in terms of foreign policy and questionable foreign interventions.
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Simabwachi, M. "Creation and Preservation of Business History: The Selection Trust and Anglo-American Corporation Archives in Zambia's Copperbelt." Historia 67, no. 2 (November 2022): 90–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2022/v67n2a4.
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Based on original archival research and oral interviews, this article examines archives creation and the preservation of the history of the multinational mining companies of Selection Trust (ST) and Anglo-American Corporation (AAC) in Zambia's Copperbelt region between 1922 and 2000. The investment of foreign capital by multinational companies in the Copperbelt mines from the 1920s, marked the genesis and formal preservation of business archives in the Copperbelt. This article argues that although the ST and ACC archives were privately owned and strictly preserved for corporate interests and administrative efficiency, these documents eventually became publicly available because of Zambia's political independence and the nationalisation of the mining industry in the 1960s. In the early 1970s, the United National Independence Party (UNIP) government nationalised the Zambian mines and merged the two multinational companies to form the Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines (ZCCM). Consequently, in 1982, the ST and ACC archives were merged. However, following the complete privatisation of the mining industry in 2000 the identity of mining archives reverted to private entities. This article provides new and significant insights into the power and role of regional and local political-economic shifts in determining the nature and identity of business archives in Zambia.
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Siachiwena, Hangala. "A silent revolution. Zambia’s 2021 General Election." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i2a3.
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This paper discusses Zambia’s 2021 election which was held in a context of democratic backsliding and poor economic performance. The election resulted in Zambia’s third alternation of power between political parties since the democratic wave of the 1990s. The ruling Patriotic Front (PF) used its incumbent advantages to control institutions that were crucial for promoting democracy and ensuring a credible election. The election was also characterised by political violence which limited the ability for the opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) to mobilise freely. Further, an Afrobarometer survey conducted in December 2020 showed that half of all citizens surveyed were unwilling to declare who they would vote for, thereby suppressing the extent of UPND’s support. Yet, the UPND won 59% in the presidential election and won the most parliamentary seats in an election that had one of the highest voter-turnouts since the advent of Zambia’s multi-party democracy. This paper argues that there was a ‘silent revolution’ in Zambia that resulted in the defeat of the PF. It also shows that Zambian citizens have not been complacent in the face of democratic backsliding.
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Siachiwena, Hangala. "A silent revolution. Zambia’s 2021 General Election." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i2a3.
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This paper discusses Zambia’s 2021 election which was held in a context of democratic backsliding and poor economic performance. The election resulted in Zambia’s third alternation of power between political parties since the democratic wave of the 1990s. The ruling Patriotic Front (PF) used its incumbent advantages to control institutions that were crucial for promoting democracy and ensuring a credible election. The election was also characterised by political violence which limited the ability for the opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) to mobilise freely. Further, an Afrobarometer survey conducted in December 2020 showed that half of all citizens surveyed were unwilling to declare who they would vote for, thereby suppressing the extent of UPND’s support. Yet, the UPND won 59% in the presidential election and won the most parliamentary seats in an election that had one of the highest voter-turnouts since the advent of Zambia’s multi-party democracy. This paper argues that there was a ‘silent revolution’ in Zambia that resulted in the defeat of the PF. It also shows that Zambian citizens have not been complacent in the face of democratic backsliding.
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McLAY, MARK. "THE REPUBLICAN PARTY AND THE LONG, HOT SUMMER OF 1967 IN THE UNITED STATES." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (March 13, 2018): 1089–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000504.
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AbstractDuring the summer of 1967, the United States experienced a series of race riots across the nation's cities as largely black neighbourhoods rebelled against the conditions in which they were living. The crisis reached its apogee in July when the worst riots since the American Civil War struck Detroit. In this atmosphere, legislators were faced with a stark choice of punishing rioters with stricter crime measures or alleviating living conditions with substantial federal spending. Despite being a minority in Congress, elected Republicans found themselves holding the balance of power in choosing whether the federal government would enforce law and order or pursue social justice for ghetto residents. While those Republicans who pursued ‘order’ have been given prominence in historiographical narratives, such politicians only represent one side of the Republican response. Indeed, moderate and progressive Republicans rallied to save Democratic President Lyndon B. Johnson's War on Poverty and a host of urban spending initiatives that had appeared politically doomed. These actions reveal that scholars have overestimated Republican conservatism during the 1960s. Nonetheless, the rioting left a long-term legacy that enabled ‘order’ eventually to triumph over ‘justice’ in the following five decades.
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Winger, Richard. "How Ballot Access Laws Affect the U.S. Party System." American Review of Politics 16 (January 1, 1996): 321–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.321-350.
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Political scientists have long been aware of the relationship between American political parties and the law. That relationship began prior to the turn of the century when states introduced the government-printed Australian ballot, an innovation which required states to determine the standards for parties to gain access to that ballot. Those early laws set the stage for the later Progressive-inspired laws imposing on officially recognized parties a variety of regulations, most notably the requirement that the parties nominate their candidates through the process of primary elections. In recent years political scientists have supplemented this traditional focus on the historical impact of state laws on party development with a new focus: the impact on parties of decisions rendered by the judiciary, especially by the United States Supreme Court. It is this later development which inspired the Political Organizations and Parties Section of the American Political Science Association to sponsor a workshop on "Parties and the Law" at the 1995 Annual Meeting of the Association. Three of the papers presented at that workshop are included in this issue of The American Review of Politics.
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Vasilopoulou, Sofia. "The party politics of Euroscepticism in times of crisis: The case of Greece." Politics 38, no. 3 (May 21, 2018): 311–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718770599.
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This article traces the trajectory of party Euroscepticism in Greece drawing upon theories of issue competition. It demonstrates that the economic dimension of the multiple crises facing the European Union (EU) contributed to a Eurosceptic shift in public opinion, the electoral success of Eurosceptic parties, new parties populating the Europhile end of the spectrum, and the formation of a coalition government united not by ideological affinity but by a common Eurosceptic and anti-austerity agenda. Mainstream parties maintained their pro-EU agendas and challenger parties offered both pro- and anti-EU policy options to the electorate. The prospect of power resulted in the progressive softening of Euroscepticism among challenger parties. EU issue salience was relatively high across the party system and remained so during the crisis. Although Greek parties justified their pro- and anti-EU attitudes using a number of frames, economic arguments were prevalent at the height of the crisis and challenger parties of the left intensified their claims of the EU interfering in national politics. The findings have implications for our understanding of the evolving nature of Euroscepticism and the ways in which it may feature in domestic party politics.
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Nilsson, Ann-Sofie. "Swedish Social Democracy in Central America: The Politics of Small State Solidarity." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 3 (1991): 169–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165937.
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Few events have captured the imagination of progressive countries and parties worldwide as did the July 1979 Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua. Many of these parties became strong supporters of the Ortega government and were thus quite taken by surprise — as were most of those involved and engaged in Central American politics — by the outcome of the Nicaraguan election in February 1991. One such party, one of the most determined in its support of the Sandinistas, was Sweden's Social Democratic Party (Socialdemokratiska Arbetare Partlet or SAP), even though Sweden may not immediately come to mind as a natural participant in Central American politics. How can this intense Swedish Social Democratic involvement and partisanship be explained? How has Swedish support been translated into practical positions? Did the election victory of Violeta Chamorro, who was supported by the United States (a country whose Central American policy came under relendess fire by the SAP), signal the end of Swedish Social Democratic engagement in Nicaraguan politics?
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BOOTH, WILLIAM A. "Hegemonic Nationalism, Subordinate Marxism: The Mexican Left, 1945–7." Journal of Latin American Studies 50, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x17000013.
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AbstractThe most significant weakness of the Marxist Left in early Cold War Mexico was that it subordinated itself to post-revolutionary nationalism. Both the Mexican Communist Party and followers of Vicente Lombardo Toledano supported the ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party, PRI), avoiding significant criticism before late 1947. Some dissident currents of Marxism did exist, but they were sparsely followed. Mexico provides an extreme case of Left subordination to popular-nationalist ideology, yet is indicative of trends visible elsewhere, e.g. among Marxist groups in post-war Cuba and the United States. Rather than promoting notions of communist political practice, the Mexican Marxist Left consistently advocated the elimination of class conflict and support for the ‘national bourgeoisie’. The Marxist Left held the Mexican government to different standards from those to which they held the governments of other countries. A near-consensus on the Mexican Left equated patriotism with progressive politics. The argument is illustrated with an important case study: the 1947 Marxist Round Table.
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Noel, S. J. R. "Cycling into Saigon: The Conservative Transition in Ontario By David R. Cameron and Graham White. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000. 224p. $75.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402254337.
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One defining feature of a constitutional democracy is that the defeat of the governing party in a general election leads to a peaceful, orderly, and more or less routine change of government. Given the inherently combative nature of electoral politics and the potential for disruptive action by the losing side, this is no small achievement, and when it happens it is justly celebrated. Transitions in constitutional regimes, moreover, provide a unique if momentary window through which to view the mainsprings of political power. This volume is a study of the 1995 transition from New Democratic Party (NDP) to Progressive Conservative (PC) rule in the province of Ontario. It makes an important contribution to the sparse literature on transitions in Canada and in parliamentary regimes generally. For students of comparative government, it usefully complements recent work on presidential transitions in the United States, particularly Charles O. Jones, Passages to the Presidency: From Campaigning to Governing (1998).
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Wooding, John, Charles Levenstein, and Beth Rosenberg. "The Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union: Refining Strategies for Labor." International Journal of Health Services 27, no. 1 (January 1997): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/wp4b-txhu-f5u7-96ge.
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In a period of declining union membership and severe economic and environmental crisis it is important that labor unions rethink their traditional roles and organizational goals. Responding to some of these problems and reflecting a history of innovative and progressive unionism, the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers Union (OCAW) has sought to address occupational and environmental health problems within the context of a political struggle. This study suggests that by joining with the environmental movement and community activists, by pursuing a strategy of coalition building, and by developing an initiative to build and advocate for a new political party, OCAW provides a model for reinvigorating trade unionism in the United States.
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Khoma, Nataliya. "EVOLUTION OF THE PARTY SYSTEM OF THE REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS: FROM BIRTH TO STABILIZATION." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.16-22.
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The process of the formation of the party system of Cyprus was considered. The period from colonial to 1981 is covered. The factors that influenced the evolution of the parties of Cyprus, in particular the internal conflict, were underlined. Emphasizes the importance of the ethnic component of the population of Cyprus. The attention was paid to the role of the Orthodox Church in shaping the political system of Cyprus. The article analyzes the norms of the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus (1960) concerning political parties, in which the focus was on the parliamentary aspect of party activity. The role of Archbishop Makarios III, the first president of Cyprus, for the further evolution of the party system in the 1960–70s was revealed. Presented chronology of the appearance of the main parties of Cyprus and their participation in elections and coalitions. The article emphasizes that after the accession of Cyprus to the EU in 2004, the party system of the state is experiencing the trend of the newest European tendencies on the national party palette: the level of people’s confidence in the parties is decreasing, the party identity is blurred, the voter turnout is gradually decreasing, new types of parties are emerging, Radicalization is notable and so on. The party system of Cyprus is special, even if only within the EU there is a pro-communist party (Progressive Party of the Labor People of Cyprus), represented in the European Parliament, among the leading political forces. It was emphasized that the political parties of Cyprus until 1974 were purely electoral mechanisms. The new stage of development began with the stabilization of the post-colonial political system of Cyprus. At this time, the church lost its past influence, and the majoritarian electoral system alienated itself. This led to a new stage in the development of the party system in the late 1970s. It is noted that the determining factor was the transition to a proportional electoral system and the introduction of mandatory participation of voters in the vote. It was emphasized that these legislative innovations became important factors in the development of the modern party system of Cyprus. Since that time, the Cypriot parties have become more independent and united in the coalition.
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Радовић, Данијел. "MИЛАН КУЈУНЏИЋ АБЕРДАР – ОД ,,БУЧНОГ БАРДА“ ОМЛАДИНЕ ДО ,,МЛАДОКОНЗЕРВАТИВЦА“ MILAN KUJUNDŽIĆ ABERDAR – FROM A “BOISTEROUS BARD” OF THE YOUTH TO THE “YOUNG CONSERVATIVE”." Историјски часопис, no. 70/2021 (December 30, 2021): 309–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.34298/ic2170309r.
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Milan Kujundžić Aberdar is a well-known person in Serbian science. However, his political activity has not been sufficiently researched. This paper tends to present his political activity in the period until 1880. The emphasis here is on his work within the United Serb Youth (1866‒1871), as well as on the political steps which he undertook during the 1870s. One of the aims of this paper is to show how Kujundžić, who had been perceived as a member of the Serbian liberal youth, became one of the ideologues of the Serbian Progressive Party, whose subsequent leaders were Milan Piroćanac, Milutin Garašаnin, and Stojan Novaković. This paper is based on the unpublished material of domestic provenance, and the relevant scientific literature.
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Hsieh, John Fuh-sheng. "Continuity and Change in the US–China–Taiwan Relations." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 2 (March 2020): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620905051.
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The relations between China and Taiwan (cross-Strait relations) have been a thorny issue for all parties concerned. These relations are one of the flashpoints in the world, which may trigger a serious military conflict. They involve not only China and Taiwan but also the United States. The purpose of this paper is to account for the trajectory of this triangular relationship with the help of opinion surveys in Taiwan. It is shown that when the Kuomintang (KMT) gains the governing power in Taiwan, Taiwan is the median voter in the cross-Strait relations game at the international level while as a non-traditional KMT or the Democratic Progressive Party is in power, it is the US that turns out to be the median voter.
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Budd, Brian. "The People’s Champ: Doug Ford and Neoliberal Right-Wing Populism in the 2018 Ontario Provincial Election." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 5, 2020): 171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2468.
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The 2018 Ontario provincial election marked a decisive shift in the political direction of Canada’s most populous province. The election brought an end to the long reign of the Ontario Liberal Party (2003–2018), whose government devolved into a series of scandals that resulted in a third-place finish. The Liberal’s defeat came at the hands of the Progressive Conservative Party led by former Toronto city councillor, Doug Ford. The Progressive Conservative’s victory was propelled on the back of Ford’s deeply populist campaign where he promised to reassert the interests of ‘the people,’ expel the influence of elites and special interests, and clean up government corruption. This campaign discourse led many political opponents and media pundits to accuse Ford of importing the nativist, xenophobic, and divisive rhetoric of other radical right-wing populist leaders. This article advances the argument that rather than representing the importation of ‘Trumpism’ or other types of radical right-wing populism, Ford’s campaign is better understood within the tradition of Canadian populism defined by an overarching ideological commitment to neoliberalism. In appealing to voters, Ford avoided the nativist and xenophobic rhetoric of populist leaders in the United States and Western Europe, offering a conception of ‘the people’ using an economic and anti-cosmopolitan discourse centred upon middle class taxpayers. This article makes a contribution to both the literatures on Canadian elections and populism, demonstrating the lineage of Ford’s ideological commitment to populism within recent Canadian electoral history, as well as Ford’s place within the international genealogy of right-wing populism.
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Gunde, Anthony M. "Online News Media, Religious Identity and Their Influence on Gendered Politics: Observations from Malawi’s 2014 Elections." Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 4, no. 1 (May 14, 2015): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21659214-90000100.
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The rise of the internet has offered the opportunity for the news media to communicate with audiences in many significant ways that may have profound consequences in the shaping of public opinion and transforming lives in the global sphere. Through a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this article examines ways in which online news media could be used to reinforce gender stereotypes by promoting patriarchal religious beliefs and how this may have huge implications on women’s empowerment with regard to political leadership roles in developing democracies. The analysis is drawn from the 2014 Malawi elections, in which a major opposition party used a campaign slogan peppered with sexist religious and cultural connotations to ridicule and vote out of office southern Africa’s first ever female President – Joyce Banda and her People Party (PP). In May 2014, Malawi held national elections and the main contestants were former President Banda representing the PP, Peter Mutharika of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Lazarus Chakwera of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and Atupele Muluzi of the United Democratic Front (UDF). Mutharika and the DPP won the elections to wrestle away the presidency from Banda and her People’s Party. This article discusses the campaign slogan – Sesa Joyce Sesa – created by the DPP to attack former President Banda in which Malawi’s significant online news media sites played a critical role in the diffusion of the gendered campaign mantra to resonate with the religious identity of majority the electorate. The article reflects on the potential of new media to consolidate deep-rooted religious and cultural beliefs that marginalise women for leadership positions and the effect this may have on bridging gender inequalities, particularly in political representation in developing democracies.
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Hermawan, Kimp Yustisiana Dewinta. "PARTICIPATION OF NON-PARTY STAKEHOLDERS IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF PARIS AGREEMENT TOWARDS COP26." Padjadjaran Journal of International Law 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.23920/pjil.v5i2.800.
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This article deals with the participation of Non-party Stakeholders (NPS) in implementing the Paris Agreement. Paris Agreement is an agreement within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) signed in 2016. The 26th Conference of the Parties (COP26) has been delayed due to pandemics and will be conducted in November 2022 in Glasgow. However, the member states have not showcased any progress in its implementation. The method of this research is normative-analytical. Despite the roles of NPS are enhanced compared to its arrangement in Kyoto Protocol, the target of the Paris Agreement is not on track where there are member states who have not submitted their updated Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC). Hence, the upcoming COP26 is expected to result progressive advancement of member states towards the implementation of Paris Agreement. The enhancement of Non-Party Stakeholders’ participation is deemed as a crucial factor in achieving the Paris Agreement’s goals. In this article, I argue that even if the agreement does not directly bind NPS, the participation of NPS can be realized and enhanced to advance the achievement of Paris Agreement’s goals, especially towards COP26 through national legislations of the member states that obliged NPS to cooperate and participate actively. Thus, the principle of cooperation is also applicable towards NPS.
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Botchwey, Brianna Scrimshaw, and Caitlin Cunningham. "The politicization of protected areas establishment in Canada." FACETS 6 (January 1, 2021): 1146–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/facets-2020-0069.
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Environmental issues and related policy instruments are becoming increasingly politicized in the Canadian context, but it is unclear whether biodiversity conservation and protected areas are similarly politicized. Here, we suggest that the political characteristics of protected areas do not lend themselves easily to politicization, but data from the Canadian Protected and Conserved Areas Database indicate that at the federal level, and provincially in Alberta, the rate of protected areas establishment is becoming increasingly tied to electoral politics, suggesting some politicization. We situate these trends within federal electoral politics between 2006 and the present, outlining the differing approaches of the Harper Conservatives and the Trudeau Liberals and showing how both administrations instrumentalized the environment and protected areas for their own electoral benefits. We find similar trends in Alberta with the Progressive Conservative, New Democratic Party, and United Conservative Party governments. However, while there is increasing polarization in practice, there has been less polarization of the electoral rhetoric surrounding protected areas. This politicization represents a barrier to conservation in Canada as it can lead to greenwashing, poor accountability, or the creation of an anti-conservation constituency. At the same time, politicization can raise the profile of conservation in public discourse, leading to greater public interest and engagement.
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Robinson, Sarah L., Clara Kulich, Cristina Aelenei, and Vincenzo Iacoviello. "Political Ideology Modifies the Effect of Glass Cliff Candidacies on Election Outcomes for Women in American State Legislative Races (2011–2016)." Psychology of Women Quarterly 45, no. 2 (March 2, 2021): 155–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0361684321992046.
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Research on glass cliff political candidacies shows that compared to men, women are more likely to run for office in districts where they are likely to lose. We examined if party differences in whether female candidates face these worse conditions in the United States could account for persistent and growing party and state variation in women’s representation. Using election data from 2011 to 2016, we compared Republican versus Democratic candidacies at the state legislative level. We found that women in both parties faced glass cliffs in House races, but not in the Senate. For Republican women, glass cliff conditions accounted for worse election outcomes, but Democratic women were more likely to win when these conditions were considered. Variation in party by state measures of glass cliff effects were also found to explain state variation in women’s office holding. We found that for Democrats, more women win when more women run, but for Republicans, more women win only when the seats they face are more winnable. These results point to the role of polarized traditional versus progressive political ideologies in structuring the motives which underlie glass cliff conditions for women in politics, suggesting that practical solutions be tailored to party. To overcome the growing gap in women’s representation, current efforts to increase the quantity of women running would be complemented by a focus on improving the quality of contests they face, with Republican women most likely to benefit. Further research attending to the multiple sources of variation which impact gendered election outcomes can inform more targeted solutions for advancing equality. Online slides for instructors who want to use this article for teaching are available on PWQ's website at http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/suppl/10.1177/0361684321992046
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Perskaya, Victoria V. "Foreign Policy of China and the United States' Imposition of a Bipolar Confrontation on China." Economic Strategies 144, no. 3 (June 25, 2021): 40–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33917/es-3.177.2021.40-49.
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The article analyzes the US policy in terms of rebuilding bipolarity in the world community, where the Communist Party of China is designated as the main enemy of progressive humanity, an attempt is made to reform alliances of supporters of confrontation with China and countries that are confidently striving to pursue sovereign foreign and domestic policies. For the United States, this positioning corresponds to the tradition of foreign policy activities in the world community. In addition, it is based on the success of the policy of counteracting the camp of socialism and the USSR, and it was proposed to implement the same course in relation to the CPC of the PRC. A study of the main conceptual provisions determining the content of the PRC’s foreign policy strategy was carried out, it was proved that China does not seek to become a hegemon in the world community, but economic leadership and its economic interests will try to promote in all possible ways, excluding military actions. The economic expansion of the PRC can only be counteracted by the countries gaining genuine national economic sovereignty and building up national competitiveness, an interstate foreign policy strategy pursued by countries on the basis of realizing national interests and reaching an agreed consensus in sensitive sectors of economic interaction.
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Yakovenko, N. "British Experience on Democratic Interaction between Power and Opposition." Problems of World History, no. 3 (May 16, 2017): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-3-4.
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The article deals with complex interactions of main political forces inside the British Parliament, activities of Her Majesty’s Opposition in different periods of historical development of Great Britain. Constructive competition between Opposition and the ruling party is stressed as a phenomenon causing progressive development of the United Kingdom and coming to proper decisions concerning its further democratic course. Both power and Opposition are mentioned to be united by the same purpose which is flourishing and common good of their state, welfare of their citizens and stable vision of the future. Relations between power and Opposition are always complex, multidimensional and sensitive to any changes in the political era. Significant influence on the nature of their relationship is made through the transformation taking place in modern society and its scientific perception. In the UK it is the active Opposition provides dynamism and fruitfulness, so that parliamentary government has the ability to predict future horizons of its reign.
Studying the many-sided British experience in the labyrinth of power seems to be extremely significant for Ukraine considering its complicated apprehension of contradictory interaction and between power structures and other political forces facing contemporary challenges.
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Ataev, A. V. "Conventional model of interaction between government and society in the Republic of South Ossetia." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 1 (March 26, 2022): 92–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-1(3)-92-107.
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The article is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the conventional model of interaction between government and society in the Republic of South Ossetia. Attention is focused on ideological meanings and processes of transformation of political reality in this Transcaucasian state. It was ideological meanings and the new political reality that radically transformed after the August 2008 war that contributed to the formation of a conventional model of interaction between government and society. The article also analyzes the role of the current President of South Ossetia A.I.Bibilov in the formation and consolidation of the conventional model of interaction.The South Ossetian conventional model of interaction between government and society has a number of features, the key of which is an obvious vision of the future and progressive movement towards it based on public consensus. The image of the future formed by the current President A.I.Bibilov and the United Ossetia party headed by him provides for the entry of South Ossetia into Russia.The model of interaction between the government and society provides for a clear regulation prescribed by the United Ossetia political party, which was outlined by the current President of South Ossetia in the framework of two election campaigns. The program of the current President of the Republic of South Ossetia A.I.Bibilov «Five steps to Russia» is part of the conventional model of interaction between government and society. Thus, the conventional model of interaction in South Ossetia also has the function of a regulator of public relations, providing an explanation of the current political reality, as well as movement towards a new political status, which provides for joining Russia.