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1
Martin, Guy. "Dream of Unity: From the United States of Africa to the Federation of African States." African and Asian Studies 12, no. 3 (2013): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341261.
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Abstract The Pan-Africanists leaders’ dream of unity was deferred in favor of the gradualist/functionalist perspective embodied in a weak and loosely-structured Organization of African Unity (OAU) created on 25 May 1963 in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia). This article analyses the reasons for this failure, namely: the reluctance of newly-independent African leaders to abandon their newly-won sovereignty in favor of a broader political unity; suspicion on the part of many African leaders that Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana intended to become the super-president of a united Africa; and divide and rule strategies on the part of major Western powers (including the United States and France) meant to sabotage any attempt at African unity. The African Union which, on 26 May 2001, formally replaced the OAU, is also bound to fail because it is modeled on the European Union. The article then briefly surveys proposals for a re-configuration of the African states and a revision of the political map of Africa put forth by various authors, namely: Cheikh Anta Diop’s Federal African State; Marc-Louis Ropivia’s geopolitics of African regional integration; Makau wa Mutua’s and Arthur Gakwandi’s new political maps of Africa; Joseph Ki-Zerbo’s Federal African State; Daniel Osabu-Kle’s United States of Africa; Godfrey Mwakikagile’s African Federal Government; and Pelle Danabo’s pan-African Federal State. The article concludes with an overview of Mueni wa Muiu’s Fundi wa Afrika paradigm advocating the creation of a Federation of African States (FAS) based on five sub-regional states with a federal capital (Napata) and a rotating presidency, eventually leading to total political and economic integration.
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"UNITED STATES OF AFRICA? AFRICAN UNION LAUNCHES ALL-AFRICA PASSPORT." Indonesian Journal of International Law 13, no. 2 (January 2, 2016): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.17304/ijil.vol13.2.653.
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Rich, Paul. "United States containment policy, South Africa and the apartheid dilemma." Review of International Studies 14, no. 3 (July 1988): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113257.
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Since the early 1970s, South Africa has become an increasingly important issue within US foreign policy after a long period of benign neglect. For a considerable part of the post-war period, US decision-makers felt it possible to avoid a direct confrontation with the moral and ethical issues involved in the South African government's policy of apartheid; the relative geographical isolation of the country from many central theatres of East–West conflict in central Europe, the Middle East and South East Asia ensured that South Africa was not in the front line of strategically vital states. Furthermore, South Africa's membership of the Commonwealth until 1960 meant that, for many US policy makers, South Africa could be seen as an issue within Commonwealth relations and thus not one for direct US involvement.
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Aubrey, Lisa Asili. "African Americans in the United States and African Studies." African Issues 30, no. 2 (2002): 19–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006442.
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That there is a strong historical intellectual tradition of African Americans studying Africa is news to some. That there remains a demand among African Americans in the United States to study Africa is also a surprise. That these ideas are challenging to some is ludicrous to others. For many African Americans in African studies, affirming our engagement with Africa over and over is not only a nuisance but also a waste of precious time and intellectual energy. After countless efforts, many African Americans have simply disengaged, refusing to have these futile conversations. Others bear witness in perpetuity to the defense of Black nationality and global Pan-Africanism for themselves, the race, and the enlightenment of disbelievers. Both groups act with calculated rationality, yet denials of African Americans’ interest in, engagement with, and effect on African studies abound. The denial within the community of scholars comes mostly from White Americans but also from continental Africans and other African Americans.
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Obraztsova, Margarita. "Economic relations between the United States and South Africa." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 2 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760015880-5.
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The article analyses the role of the South African mining sector in the development of long-term relations between the United States and South Africa. Largely with the help of American investments the South African mining industry was formed. Thereby America provided its firms with access to South Africa’s rich resource potential. The increasing dependence of the United States on those types of minerals that are of strategic importance for its defense industry makes relations with South Africa a priority. Therefore, US policy is primarily aimed at ensuring the access of American companies to the South African market.
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Segal, Aaron. "The United States and South Africa: Human Investment." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 16, no. 1 (1987): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700008878.
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The impassioned debate between those who support sanctions in order to bring about change in South Africa and those who favor “constructive engagement” misses the point. Each side assumes that the problem is to exercise U.S. leverage and pressure on the South African government. It is not. Instead the opportunity is for the U.S. to assist in human investment to help South Africans to acquire the education, skills and training to build their own future. Pressure may or may not contribute to the South African government changing its policies and practices. Investment in human resources has a more reliable payoff in terms of individuals capable of participating in building a new South Africa.
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Mills, Greg. "South Africa, the United States and Africa." South African Journal of International Affairs 6, no. 1 (June 1998): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220469809545237.
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Schraeder, Peter. "Sapphire anniversary reflections on the study of United States foreign policy towards Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 1 (March 2003): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004184.
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The creation in 1958 of a separate Bureau of African Affairs within the United States State Department served as a turning point in US foreign policy towards Africa, in that it signalled Africa's growing significance within the US policymaking establishment. This historical event has served as a point of reference for Africanists, as demonstrated by Crawford Young's (1984) ‘silver’ (25-year) anniversary reflections on the state of US Africa policies as president of the African Studies Association. The primary purpose of this essay is to provide ‘sapphire’ (45-year) anniversary reflections on US foreign policy towards Africa, by offering a select review of forty books that have been published on this topic during the last decade (1993–2002). It is important to note, however, that this essay does not provide a comprehensive review of all the books published since 1993, nor does it offer a comprehensive review of the literature published prior to that date. The intention is rather to illuminate trends in scholarship.
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Wiley, David S. "The United States Congress and Africanist Scholars." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 19, no. 2 (1991): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501279.
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Linking scholars to the Congress is difficult primarily because of the weakness of Congressional interest in Africa, but also due to the low levels of interest among academics in both Congress and its Africa foreign policy and the poor resources of African studies in the U.S. to build a foundation of knowledge useful to the Congress.
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Glazewski, Jan. "South Africa/United States." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 29, no. 1 (March 19, 2014): 173–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718085-12341302.
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Redcliffe, Quinton P., and Lesley Y. Shackleton. "The Southern Gateway to Africa." African Issues 28, no. 1-2 (2000): 108–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006971.
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Prior to South Africa’s first democratic elections in 1994, South African tertiary education institutions were relatively isolated from the growing global flow of students around the world. Over the past five years this has changed significantly. For example, between 1996 and 1997 the number of students from the United States spending a semester abroad in South Africa increased by 49 percent to a total of 617 students, making South Africa the most popular destination in Africa. By 1999, the University of Cape Town (UCT) alone, one of 21 universities in South Africa, welcomed 205 semester-study-abroad students, 145 of them from the United States.
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Shinn, David. "Extended Ground for U.S.-China Competition?" China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 02, no. 01 (January 2016): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740016500020.
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This article identifies the respective interests of China and the United States in Africa — both Sub-Saharan and North Africa. By comparing the general strategies toward Africa and recent policy statements of the two countries, the article notes the important institutional differences in each country that impacts the implementation of policy in Africa and identifies the tools and tactics they use to achieve their respective goals. Subsequently, it evaluates the relative success that China and the United States have had in developing ties with African countries, indicating the countries with which China and the United States has each done especially well with respectively. Finally, the article identifies areas of China-U.S. cooperation and competition in Africa and suggests ways the two countries can further cooperate in a manner that will benefit Africa. It is concluded that China and the United States share very similar interests in Africa, and that their competition has been largely confined to economic arenas. Although the United States remains cautious of China’s growing military presence in Africa, there is much room for their cooperation in promoting peace and development of the continent.
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Wang, Lei. "China and the United States in Africa." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 06, no. 01 (January 2020): 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500037.
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China and the United States are among the most important external stakeholders in Africa’s peace, security, and prosperity. The African continent, with some of the world’s fastest-growing economies, an expanding consumer base, and an exploding youth population, has recently witnessed intensifying China-U.S. competition. In economic and trade terms, the United States is playing catch-up as Beijing has long ago overtaken Washington as the continent’s largest trading partner and investor. While China regards Africa’s adherence to the “One China” principle as the only political prerequisite for its engagement with the continent, the United States views greater democracy and rule of law in Africa as in the best interests of both. China’s security presence in Africa pales in comparison with that of the United States, as Washington boasts an extensive network of military bases on the continent while Beijing’s peace and security engagement mainly involves multilateral UN peacekeeping operations and bilateral security cooperation, such as arms sales and training programs. However, growing China-U.S. competition does not necessarily crowd out shared interests or preclude closer coordination in specific areas, for example, market development, infrastructure building, anti-piracy, health capacity-building, and so on. By fending off a senseless ideological contest, respecting each other’s core interests in Africa, accommodating Africans’ development aspirations and security concerns, Beijing and Washington can find more common ground than many believe.
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Joseph, James A. "UNITED STATES—SOUTH AFRICA RELATION." African Security Review 6, no. 3 (January 1997): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.1997.9627718.
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Zeleza, Paul Tiyambe. "Obama’s Africa Policy: The Limits of Symbolic Power." African Studies Review 56, no. 2 (August 8, 2013): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2013.48.
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Abstract:The election of Barack Obama as the first African-descended president of the United States in 2008 was greeted with euphoria in the U.S. and around the world, including Africa. Little, however, changed in the substance of U.S.–Africa relations. This underscores the limits of the symbolic politics of race and presidential personalities in the face of the structural imperatives of U.S. power and foreign policy in which African interests remain marginal and subordinate to U.S. interests. The article explores the structural contexts of foreign policy-making in the United States and what might be expected from the second Obama administration.
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Hibbert, Liesel. "English in South Africa: parallels with African American vernacular English." English Today 18, no. 1 (January 2002): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078402001037.
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A comparison between Black English usage in South Africa and the United StatesThere has been a long tradition of resistance in South African politics, as there has been for African-Americans in the United States. The historical links between African Americans and their counterparts on the African continent prompt one to draw a comparison between the groups in terms of linguistic and social status. This comparison demonstrates that Black South African English (BSAfE) is a distinctive form with its own stable conventions, as representative in its own context as African American Vernacular English (AAVE) is in the United States.
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Lande, Stephen, and Dennis Matanda. "Defining and Redefining U.S.-Africa Trade Relations During the Trump Presidency." AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 389–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.95.
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In an era in which multilateral trade arrangements have garnered more public notoriety than ever before, the suboptimal trade and investment relationship between America and Africa, as underpinned by the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), is one of the less controversial ones. AGOA could nevertheless use some adjustments or augmentations to facilitate deeper U.S.-Africa commercial relations. For instance, adjusting AGOA's origin rules could nudge the private sector on both sides of the Atlantic towards gains for U.S. and African employment and the reduction of trade deficits. Africa must leverage the period before AGOA expires to redefine its trade relationship with the United States in innovative ways. The United States should welcome these measures, since the type of value that Africa would add to the global supply chain would not replace the high-quality jobs that the Trump Administration would like to see in the United States. In fact, this type of production would make U.S. manufacturing more competitive.
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Alpers, Edward A. "Reflections on the Studying and Teaching About Africa in America." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 1 (1995): 9–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700008945.
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Is there an African Studies establishment in the United States? Of course there is. The academic study of Africa has mushroomed since the end of the Second World War as federal dollars were invested in graduate training programs so that the United States would be able to cope with the challenges posed by the coming to independence of former colonial territories in Africa from 1956 onward. Most of this money went to major research universities. Accordingly, the training in African Studies that evolved at these centers was rooted in the historical development of western academic disciplines, the history of race and power in America, and hegemonic control over the discourse on Africa in America.
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Malisa, Mark, and Phillippa Nhengeze. "Pan-Africanism: A Quest for Liberation and the Pursuit of a United Africa." Genealogy 2, no. 3 (August 14, 2018): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy2030028.
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Our paper examines the place of Pan-Africanism as an educational, political, and cultural movement which had a lasting impact on the on the relationship between liberation and people of African descent, in the continent of Africa and the Diaspora. We also show its evolution, beginning with formerly enslaved Africans in the Americas, to the colonial borders of the 1884 Berlin Conference, and conclude with the independence movements in Africa. For formerly enslaved Africans, Pan-Africanism was an idea that helped them see their commonalities as victims of racism. That is, they realized that they were enslaved because they came from the same continent and shared the same racial heritage. They associated the continent of Africa with freedom. The partitioning of Africa at the Berlin Conference (colonialism) created pseudo-nation states out of what was initially seen as an undivided continent. Pan-Africanism provided an ideology for rallying Africans at home and abroad against colonialism, and the creation of colonial nation-states did not erase the idea of a united Africa. As different African nations gained political independence, they took it upon themselves to support those countries fighting for their independence. The belief, then, was that as long as one African nation was not free, the continent could not be viewed as free. The existence of nation-states did not imply the negation of Pan-Africanism. The political ideas we examine include those of Marcus Garvey, W.E.B. Du Bois, Kwame Nkrumah, Maya Angelou, and Thabo Mbeki. Pan-Africanism, as it were, has shaped how many people understand the history of Africa and of African people.
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Zeleza, Paul Tiyambe. "Building intellectual bridges: from African studies and African American studies to Africana studies in the United States." Afrika Focus 24, no. 2 (February 25, 2011): 9–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02402003.
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The study of Africa and its peoples in the United States has a complex history. It has involved the study of both an external and internal other, of social realities in Africa and the condition of people• of African descent in the United States. This paper traces and examines the complex intellectual, institutional, and ideological histories and intersections of African studies and African American studies. It argues that the two fields were founded by African American scholar activists as part of a Pan-African project before their divergence in the historically white universities after World War II in the maelstrom of decolonization in Africa and civil rights struggles in the United States. However, from the late 1980s and 1990s, the two fields began to converge, a process captured in the development of what has been called Africana studies. The factors behind this are attributed to both demographic shifts in American society and the academy including increased African migrations in general and of African academics in particular fleeing structural adjustment programs that devastated African universities, as well as the emergence of new scholarly paradigms especially the field of diaspora studies. The paper concludes with an examination of the likely impact of the Obama era on Africana studies.
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Wallerstein, Immanuel. "Africa in the Shuffle." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 1 (1995): 22–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700008994.
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Once upon a time, not so very long ago, the study of Africa in the United States was a very rare and obscure practice, engaged in almost exclusively by African-American (then called Negro) intellectuals. They published scholarly articles primarily in quite specialized journals, notably Phylon, and their books were never reviewed in the New York Times. As a matter of fact, at this time (that is, before 1945) there weren't even very many books written about African-Americans in the U.S., although the library acquisitions were not quite as rare as those for books about Africa.
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Oppong, Richard Frimpong. "BOOK REVIEW – CRITIQUE BIBLIOGRAPHIQUE." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 16, no. 1 (March 2008): 115–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0954889008000091.
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Economic integration has been promoted as essential for the development of Africa. Currently, the principal vehicle for integration in the West Africa sub-region is the Economic Community of West African States [ECOWAS]. A lot has been written on ECOWAS from socio-economic and political perspectives. What has so far been missing is a comprehensive study of ECOWAS from a legal or institutional perspective. It is a defining characteristic of Africa's integration processes that the role of law, rules or institutions has not been emphasised. The process has been a political construct fortified by economic theory with the central role of law or institutions missing. Indeed, a 2006 report of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa found the existing legal framework for Africa's integration ‘ambiguous and imprecise’. It is against this background that Dr. Kofi Oteng Kufuor's book The Institutional Transformation of the Economic Community of West African States is timely and welcomed. It is the singular contribution of Kufuor's work that while not ignoring the importance of the socio-economic and political perspectives, he brings to bear on the study of ECOWAS a legal and institutional perspective that is at once critical and rigorous.
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Dunkle, Larry D., and Morris Levy. "Genetic Relatedness of African and United States Populations of Cercospora zeae-maydis." Phytopathology® 90, no. 5 (May 2000): 486–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/phyto.2000.90.5.486.
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Two taxonomically identical but genetically distinct sibling species, designated groups I and II, of Cercospora zeae-maydis cause gray leaf spot of maize in the United States. Isolates of the gray leaf spot pathogen from Africa were compared with isolates from the United States by amplified fragment length polymorphism (AFLP) analysis and restriction digests of internal transcribed spacer (ITS) regions and 5.8S ribosomal DNA (rDNA), as well as by morphological and cultural characteristics. The isolates from Africa were morphologically indistinguishable from the U.S. isolates in both groups, but like isolates of group II, they grew more slowly and failed to produce detectable amounts of cercosporin in culture. Analysis of restriction fragments from the ITS and rDNA regions digested with five endonucleases indicated that all of the African isolates shared the profile of the C. zeae-maydis group II population from the eastern United States and, thus, are distinct from the group I population, which is more prevalent in the United States and other parts of the world. Cluster analysis of 85 AFLP loci confirmed that the African and U.S. group II populations were conspecific (greater than 97% average similarity) with limited variability. Among all group II isolates, only 8 of 57 AFLP loci were polymorphic, and none was specific to either population. Thus, although gray leaf spot was reported in the United States several decades prior to the first record in Africa, the relative age of the two populations on their respective continents could not be ascertained with confidence. The absence of C. zeae-maydis group I in our samples from four countries in the major maize-producing region of Africa as well as the greater AFLP haplotype diversity found in the African group II population, however, suggest that Africa was the source of C. zeae-maydis group II in the United States. The overall paucity of AFLP variation in this sibling species further suggests that its origin is recent or that the ancestral population experienced a severe bottleneck prior to secondary migration.
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Clarizio, Lynda M., Bradley Clements, and Erika Geetter. "United States Policy toward South Africa." Human Rights Quarterly 11, no. 2 (May 1989): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/761958.
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Cason, Jim, and Mike Fleshman. "The United States and South Africa." Monthly Review 37, no. 11 (April 5, 1986): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-037-11-1986-04_5.
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Humphries, Jill. "Cyberorganizing United States Constituencies for Africa." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 5, no. 3 (2006): 163–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915006778620115.
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AbstractThis case study examines how state level constituencies for Africa used advanced communication technology to organize and mobilize state delegations to the National Summit on Africa with the intent of effecting United States foreign policy toward Africa. More specifically, it focuses on the application of information communication technology (ICT) usage as a communication and coordination tool by the National Summit Secretariat. Secondly, it examines the extent to which state delegations used advanced communication technology to complete the relevant task of developing a national policy planof-action. I hypothesize that ICTs might assist the National Summit by reducing costs of attracting and maintaining membership and facilitating coordination and communication both horizontally (among membership) and vertically (to policymakers). Primary data collection methods included administering a survey to state chairs, conducting semi-structured interviews, and reviewing state web-pages and e-groups. Preliminary results indicate that information technology to some extent can reduce coordination problems and barriers to participation; however, other factors, such as computer literacy, access to computers, and the ability to use alternative institutional resources, mediate the effectiveness of information technology usage. Implications for implementing information technology as a more effective tool for collective organizing are explored.
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Moroke, Ntebogang Dinah. "A pairwise unit-root-test based approach to investigating convergence of household debts in South Africa and the United States." Journal of Governance and Regulation 4, no. 2 (2015): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgr_v4_i2_c1_p7.
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The purpose of this paper was to test convergence of household debts in the United States and South Africa taking a pairwise unit root tests based approaches into account. Substantial number of studies dealt with convergence of several macroeconomic variables but to my knowledge no study considered this subject with respect to household debts of the identified countries. Quarterly data on household debts consisting of 88 observations in the South Africa and United States spanning the period 1990 to 2013 was collected from the South African and St. Louis Federal Reserve Banks. Focused on the absolute value of household debts, this study proved that South Africa is far from catching-up with the United States in terms of overcoming household debts for the selected period. The findings of this study can be used by relevant authorities to help improve ways and means of dealing with household debts South Africa.
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Williams, Joy. "Daisaku Ikeda’s Philosophy of Value Creating Global Citizenship Education and Africana Humanism." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies in Education 9, SI (July 16, 2020): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jise.v9isi.1877.
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Daisaku Ikeda proclaimed that Africa would be the beacon of hope for the world in the twenty-first century. Contemporaneously, Kwame Nkrumah was excited about the potentially galvanizing role a united Africa might play on the world scene. Nkrumah envisioned the reawakening of an African personality, which would provide the foundational essence for the United States of Africa and accelerate African psychological, political, and economic decolonization. Nkrumah’s conceptualizations of unity mesh with Ikeda’s paradigms of global citizenship. This paper shows how Ikeda’s philosophy of value-creating education for global citizenship could amalgamate Africana educational models toward global citizenship as a unifying factor in Africa and the diaspora and as an instrument for making Africana Humanism the spirit of the 21st century.
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Huliaras, Asteris. "EurAfrica: Strengthening the Special Relationship." European View 9, no. 1 (June 2010): 59–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12290-010-0109-3.
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The increasing number of agreements between the EU and African states reveals a trend toward a ‘One Europe, One Africa’ policy. The EU has gained from the Lisbon Treaty new competencies for independent external action, and coordination on Africa policy has increased in the Council, mainly due to convergence between France, Germany and the United Kingdom. However, EU policy towards Africa still lacks coherence and direction and many EU Member States still privilege bilateral links with African countries. There is still an opportunity for the EU to increase its ‘actorness’ in Africa. First, the EU should take advantage of the economic crisis to create new institutional links between the EU and Africa. Second, the EU should focus on its visibility and act to strengthen private and civil society ties. Despite weaknesses, there are clear indications that the coherence of the EU's Africa policy is improving.
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WYSS, MARCO. "THE UNITED STATES, BRITAIN, AND MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO NIGERIA." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (February 26, 2018): 1065–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000498.
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AbstractIn Nigeria, Britain asserted its post-colonial security role during and immediately after the transfer of power, and remained responsible for assisting the Nigerian armed forces. While the Americans recognized Nigeria's potential as an important partner in the Cold War, they preferred to focus on development aid. Washington was thus supposed to complement British assistance, while leaving the responsibility for the security sector to London. But with the escalation of the Cold War in Africa, the Nigerians’ efforts to reduce their dependency on the United Kingdom, and Nigeria's growing significance for the United States in African affairs, this Anglo-American burden-sharing was increasingly questioned in Washington. The United States thus eventually decided to militarize its aid policy towards Nigeria. In analysing the militarization of US aid policy towards Nigeria, this article will, first, assess the Anglo-American relationship in the early 1960s; secondly, position Nigeria in American Cold War policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa; thirdly, question the role of military assistance in Washington's policy towards Nigeria and Africa; and fourthly, discover the regional and local factors that influenced policy-makers in Washington and London.
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Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.
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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.
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Pooler*, Margaret R., and Thomas S. Elias. "The Identity of the African Firebush (Hamelia) in the Ornamental Nursery Trade." HortScience 39, no. 4 (July 2004): 772C—772. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.39.4.772c.
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The neotropical shrub Hamelia patens Jacq. has been cultivated as an ornamental in the United States, Great Britain, and South Africa for many years, although only in limited numbers and as a minor element in the trade. In recent years, other taxa of Hamelia have been grown and evaluated as new flowering shrubs. The relatively recent introduction of a superior ornamental species of Hamelia called the “African firebush” has propelled this genus to greater prominence as an excellent small flowering shrub or container plant, especially throughout the southeastern United States and in other countries such as South Africa. Initially, this firebush was sold as an African plant. Data from field studies, herbarium specimens, and from DNA analysis of several taxa and populations of Hamelia show that the African firebush in southern Florida may have originated from populations of Hamelia patens var. glabra native to southern Mexico. The original plants were taken to Europe, southern Africa, and southeastern Asia probably in the mid to late 1800s and then recently re-introduced to New World markets as a new African ornamental plant.
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Elias, Thomas S., and Margaret R. Pooler. "The Identity of the African Firebush (Hamelia) in the Ornamental Nursery Trade." HortScience 39, no. 6 (October 2004): 1224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.39.6.1224.
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The neotropical shrub Hamelia patens Jacq. has been cultivated as an ornamental in the United States, Great Britain, and South Africa for many years, although only in limited numbers and as a minor element in the trade. Recently, other taxa of Hamelia have been grown and evaluated as new flowering shrubs. The relatively recent introduction of a superior ornamental taxon of Hamelia, called the african firebush, has propelled this genus to greater prominence as an excellent small flowering shrub or container plant, especially throughout the southeastern United States and in other countries such as South Africa. Initially, this firebush was sold as an African plant. Data from field studies, herbarium specimens, and from DNA analysis of several taxa and populations of Hamelia show that the african firebush in southern Florida may have originated from populations of H. patens var. glabra native to southern Mexico. The original plants were taken to Europe, southern Africa, and southeastern Asia probably in the middle to late 1800s and then recently reintroduced to New World markets as a new African ornamental plant.
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Xiao Xu, Divya A. Patel, Vanessa K. Dalton, Mark D. Pearlman, and Timothy R. B. Johnson. "Can Routine Neonatal Circumcision Help Prevent Human Immunodeficiency Virus Transmission in the United States?" American Journal of Men's Health 3, no. 1 (September 23, 2008): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557988308323616.
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Primary prevention of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) continues to pose an important challenge in the United States. Recent clinical trials conducted in Kenya, South Africa, and Uganda have demonstrated considerable benefit of male circumcision in reducing HIV seroincidence in males. These results have ignited debate over the appropriateness of implementing routine provision of neonatal circumcision in the United States for HIV prevention. This article discusses major contextual differences between the United States and the three African countries where the clinical trials were conducted, and cautions that the applicability of the scientific data from Africa to this country must be carefully considered before rational policy recommendations regarding routine neonatal circumcision can be made as a strategy to prevent the spread of HIV in the United States.
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Zeleza, Paul Tiyambe. "Transnational Scholarship: Building Linkages between the U.S. Africanist Community and Africa." African Issues 30, no. 2 (2002): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006521.
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Relations between the U.S. Africanist community and Africa are marked by complex connections, contestation, and challenges engendered by the intellectual, institutional, and ideological diversity of scholarly cultures, capacities, and commitments both in the United States and on the African continent. As we enter the new century, the scholarly enterprise on both sides of the Atlantic faces many perils and possibilities, both old and new, requiring innovative forms of engagement. Historically, as I have argued elsewhere, the patterns of academic exchange between the United States and Africa have been unbalanced. They are patterns that contemporary processes of globalization have helped reinforce and recast.
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Bradley, Curtis A., and Laurence R. Helfer. "Treaty Exit in the United States: Insights from the United Kingdom or South Africa?" AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 428–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.96.
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Courts in the United Kingdom and South Africa have recently issued important rulings that have constrained the executive's authority to withdraw from treaties in those countries. This essay considers whether these rulings might offer insights for treaty exit issues in the United States. We first provide an overview of U.S. law and practice regarding the termination of international agreements. We next summarize the U.K. and South African decisions, which required parliamentary approval for pulling out of treaties establishing the European Union and the International Criminal Court (ICC), respectively. Finally, we consider the relevance of these rulings for treaty withdrawals in the United States. We conclude that they are unlikely to offer much guidance, both because of differences in the three countries' constitutions and because the reasoning of the U.K. and South African courts do not engage with the central arguments made in the United States concerning the President's unilateral authority to withdraw from treaties.
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McCann, James C. "Title VI and African Studies: Prospects in a Poly centric Academic Landscape." African Issues 30, no. 2 (2002): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006466.
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In 1996, the Ford Foundation and the African Studies Association published African Studies in the United States: A Perspective by Jane Guyer, a noted economic anthropologist and then-program director at Northwestern University. In that commissioned volume, Guyer outlined, as she saw them, three distinct eras of African studies in the United States. She also collected and analyzed data about the production of knowledge concerning Africa, specifically numbers of doctorates in key disciplines, linkages to African institutions, and intellectual trends in scholarship. The data and perspectives she presented reflected the situation in African studies in the first half of the 1990s and sought to endorse the Ford Foundation funding initiative “Strengthening African Studies.” The purpose of this article is to revisit the question almost a decade later and in particular to reflect upon the specific role of federally funded area studies programs (i.e., Title VI) in the study of Africa.
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Khlopov, O. "The Role of AFRICOM in Solving Security Problems on the African Continent (2001-2020)." Bulletin of Science and Practice 7, no. 9 (September 15, 2021): 619–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/70/63.
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The article analyzes the US’s security relations with Africa, including the “war on terror”, as well as the role of the US African Military Command (AFRICOM) in resolving regional conflicts. After the end of the Cold War and a failed mission in Somalia, the United States ended major military operations in Africa. However, in the past few years, the strategic interests of the United States in the region have increased due to the threats of the activities of international terrorist groups. The article reveals the goals of Presidents George Bush, Jr., Barack Obama, and Donald Trump in relation to Africa in the context of regional security challenges and the main results of US foreign policy under three administrations.
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Sundiata, Ibrahim K., and Milfred C. Fierce. "The Pan-African Idea in the United States, 1900-1919: African-American Interest in Africa and Interaction with West Africa." Journal of American History 81, no. 4 (March 1995): 1775. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081785.
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Pirie, Gordon H. "Southern African Air Transport After Apartheid." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 2 (June 1992): 341–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010752.
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Aviation in Southern Africa was subject throughout the 1980s to increasingly intense political pressures. As ever, the cause was protests about apartheid. The severe blow that black African countries dealt to South African Airways (S.A.A.), the Republic's state-owned national airline, in the 1960s by withdrawing overflying rights was magnified by similar action from a wider spectrum of non-African governments. In the mid-1980s, Australia and the United States of America, for example, revoked S.A.A.'s landing rights, and forbad airlines registered in their countries from flying to South Africa. Other carriers, such as Air Canada, closed their offices and then terminated representation in South Africa.
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Forere, Malebakeng. "Is Discussion of the “United States of Africa” Premature? Analysis of ECOWAS and SADC Integration Efforts." Journal of African Law 56, no. 1 (February 13, 2012): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855311000234.
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AbstractFor integration to succeed, the intending bloc of nations must begin with integration efforts that are based on gradual, continuous and concrete achievements, to create de facto solidarity among community members. This is the theoretical premise on which this article is based. This perspective is also drawn from the normative framework of both the Constitutive Act of the African Union (AU) and the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community. According to its objectives, the AU aims to form a union government, to be preceded by successful economic integration through regional economic communities (RECs). While there are several RECs in Africa, this article examines those in west and southern Africa, being among the more developed. The article discusses whether the RECs have achieved their objectives to the extent that would warrant discussion of, and efforts towards, the imminent formation of the “United States of Africa”.
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Sillah, Mohammed Bassiru. "Islam in the United States of America." American Journal of Islam and Society 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2000): 111–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v17i1.2078.
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Although Islam is the youngest of the three Abrahamic religions, it bas succeededin making breakthroughs in all comers of the globe. Today, it is thefastest growing religion in the world. and its presence has become a recognizedfact in rich industrialized nations like the United States. In the book underreview, Professor Sulayman Nyang examines the arrival and development ofIslam in America and asserts that it will stand permanently side-by-side withChristianity and Judaism and that these religions will co-exist peacefully.In the first chapter. the author tells the story of the African Muslim slaves inNorth America. The discovery of the New World by Columbus resulted in thetransplantation of millions of African slaves to work in the plantations of whitesettler farmers. A large number of slaves were captured in West Africa - aregion where Islam had already become firmly rooted. However, the nature of slavery itself (as it was practiced in America) and the separation of the childrenfrom their Muslim parents impeded the take-off process of Islam in America.These were also critical times for the African Muslim slaves, as they were notallowed to practice their religion freely. This lack of religious tolerance forcedmany of the slaves to convert to Christianity, which was the faith of their "masters."The author also mentions the wave of Muslim immigrants that occurredduring the frrst quarter of the twentieth century and involved people from theMiddle East, North Africa, southern and central Asia, and southern and centralEurope. Some of these immigrants returned home after the war, but manydecided to stay in the United States in order to pursue the American Dream.The next turning point for Islam was the Islamic Revolution, which broke outin Iran in 1979 and had a very strong impact in the United States due to thecountry's close alliance with the ousted Shah ...
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Isike, Christopher, Ufo Okeke Uzodike, and Lysias Gilbert. "The United States Africa Command: Enhancing American security or fostering African development?" African Security Review 17, no. 1 (March 2008): 20–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2008.9627457.
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Coetzee, Vinet, and David I. Perrett. "African and Caucasian body ideals in South Africa and the United States." Eating Behaviors 12, no. 1 (January 2011): 72–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eatbeh.2010.09.006.
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Gilbert, Jérémie. "III. INDIGENOUS PEOPLES' HUMAN RIGHTS IN AFRICA: THE PRAGMATIC REVOLUTION OF THE AFRICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES' RIGHTS." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 60, no. 1 (January 2011): 245–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589310000746.
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The definition and scope of indigenous peoples' human rights are usually contentious in the context of Africa.2While in recent years indigenous peoples' human rights have expanded immensely internationally, in Africa indigenous peoples' rights are still perceived to be in their infancy.3At the United Nations, the group of African States delayed the process that finally led to the adoption of the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007 (UNDRIP).4At a national level, most of the States in Africa are still reluctant to recognize the specific rights of indigenous peoples.5Until recently, the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Commission), the leading human rights institution for the continent,6had kept a low profile on the issue and had ‘not always interpreted indigenous peoples’ rights favourably'.7From this perspective Commission regarding the communication submitted by the indigenous Endorois community against Kenya casts new light on the rights of indigenous peoples in Africa.8The decision, which has already been hailed as a ‘landmark,’9touches on several crucial issues regarding the development of indigenous peoples' human rights in Africa. This groundbreaking decision did not materialize unexpectedly but is part of a wider evolution of the Commission regarding indigenous peoples' human rights in Africa. It echoes the work of the Commission's own Working Group of Experts on Indigenous Populations/Communities (Working Group) which was established in 2001 with the mandate to focus specifically on the promotion and protection of the rights of indigenous peoples in Africa.10The mandate of the Working Group is to examine the concept of indigenous communities in Africa, as well as to analyse their rights under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (African Charter).11In 2003 the Commission adopted the report of the Working Group which proposes several avenues for the recognition and promotion of indigenous rights in Africa.12The adoption of an Advisory Opinion by the Commission to support the adoption of UNDRIP marked another step toward the affirmation of indigenous peoples' rights in Africa.13The Advisory Opinion not only participated in unlocking the reluctance of the group of African States to adopt the UNDRIP, but also reflected developments taking place at the international level on the rights of indigenous peoples as well as their connection to the continent. Remarkably, in recent years, the Commission has started to refer to indigenous peoples' rights in its examination of States' periodic reports.14All these factors and the recent decision of the Commission in the Endorois case indicate the emergence of a consistent jurisprudence on indigenous peoples' rights in Africa.
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van Wyk, Anna-Mart. "Apartheid's Bomb and Regional Liberation: Cold War Perspectives." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (April 2019): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00855.
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South Africa had a small, highly classified nuclear weapons program that produced a small but potent nuclear arsenal. At the end of the 1980s, as South Africa was nearing a transition to black majority rule, the South African government destroyed its nuclear arsenal and its research facilities connected with nuclear armaments and ballistic missiles. This article, based on archival research in the United States and South Africa, shows that the South African nuclear weapons program has to be understood in the context of the Cold War battlefield that southern Africa became in the mid-1970s. The article illuminates the complex U.S.–South African relationship and explains why the apartheid government in Pretoria sought nuclear weapons as a deterrent in the face of extensive Soviet-bloc aid to black liberation movements in southern Africa, the escalating conflict with Cuban forces and Soviet-backed guerrillas on Namibia's northern frontier, and the attacks waged by the African National Congress from exile. A clear link can be drawn between the apartheid government's quest for a nuclear deterrent, liberation in southern Africa, and the Cold War.
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Odedina, Folakemi T., Delva Shamley, Ifeoma Okoye, Adaora Ezeani, Ntokozo Ndlovu, Yvonne Dei-Adomakoh, Kimberly Meza, Ruth Agaba, Parisa Fathi, and Nissa Askins. "Landscape of Oncology Clinical Trials in Africa." JCO Global Oncology, no. 6 (September 2020): 932–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jgo.19.00189.
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PURPOSE The burden of cancer in Africa is of significant concern for several reasons, including that incidence of cancer in Africa continues to rise while Africa is also dealing with communicable diseases. To combat cancer in Africa, oncology clinical trials are needed to develop innovative interventions for cancer prevention, screening, diagnosis, treatment, and survivorship. Unfortunately, there is a paucity of clinical trials in Africa and it is difficult for African clinicians to get information on open oncology clinical trials and impossible for African patients with cancer to access this information. The primary objective of this study was to identify open oncology clinical trials in Africa. METHODS This project was part of a large-scale study to develop an African Virtual Platform for Oncology Clinical Trials Registry. The study was a quantitative, web-based, retrospective review of clinical trials registries. RESULTS A total of 109 open oncology clinical trials were identified. Most of the trials were in Egypt, South Africa, Algeria, and Kenya. The top cancer types for oncology clinical trials in Africa were breast, cervical, and lung cancers. The top sponsor of oncology clinical trials in Africa was academic institutions, especially institutions in the United States. CONCLUSION The paucity of clinical trials in Africa will continue to magnify the global disparities of cancer in the African population. Clinical trials are needed to ensure therapeutic interventions are safe and effective in the African population. In the era of personalized and precision health, it no longer suffices to assume that drugs developed in North America, Europe, or Asia will be effective in the African population.
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Mboowa, Gerald, Ivan Sserwadda, and Dickson Aruhomukama. "Genomics and bioinformatics capacity in Africa: no continent is left behind." Genome 64, no. 5 (May 2021): 503–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/gen-2020-0013.
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Despite the poor genomics research capacity in Africa, efforts have been made to empower African scientists to get involved in genomics research, particularly that involving African populations. As part of the Human Heredity and Health in Africa (H3Africa) Consortium, an initiative was set to make genomics research in Africa an African endeavor and was developed through funding from the United States’ National Institutes of Health Common Fund and the Wellcome Trust. H3Africa is intended to encourage a contemporary research approach by African investigators and to stimulate the study of genomic and environmental determinants of common diseases. The goal of these endeavors is to improve the health of African populations. To build capacity for bioinformatics and genomics research, organizations such as the African Society for Bioinformatics and Computational Biology have been established. In this article, we discuss the current status of the bioinformatics infrastructure in Africa as well as the training challenges and opportunities.
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Wiley, David S. "Academic Analysis and U.S. Policy-Making on Africa: Reflections and Conclusions." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 19, no. 2 (1991): 38–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501309.
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Late in the 1980s, several major U.S. private foundations concluded that the concern for Africa in the country was weak. This weakness was reflected in the faint focus on U.S. foreign policy toward Africa in all three branches of government, in the halting voice for Africa or for U.S. interests there in the non-governmental organizations (think-tanks, religious organizations, lobbies), and in the small concern for U.S. policy or for affecting it in the African studies scholarly community. Indeed, the voice for Africa in the United States was neither strong nor effective.
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Manguvo, Angellar. "Emancipating the “Kin beyond the Sea”: Reciprocity between Continental and Diasporic Africans’ Struggles for Freedom." Genealogy 3, no. 1 (March 20, 2019): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3010012.
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While the African Diaspora’s relentless commitment to the liberation of Africa from colonial bondage is well documented, the literature has, arguably, obscured the profound inspirations that Continental African people have had on Black Americans’ struggles against racism. Unfortunately, the downplaying of the pivotal role of the forces from Continental Africa divorces the understanding of the interconnectedness of transnational black consciousness. This paper contributes a greater balance to the understanding of black racial solidarity by discussing the formation and sustenance of the interrelationships between Continental African people and the African Diaspora, particularly in the United States, during the struggles of anti-colonialism in Africa and anti-racism in the United States, dating back to the turn of the 19th century. The paper conceptualizes the interconnectedness of the twin struggles from the Cross-national Diffusion theoretical framework. The theory offers appealing explanations and insights to the apparent mutuality regarding the formation, processes, outcomes, and consequences of the twin struggles. Galvanized by the common vision of emancipating the black race, the two movements were inspired by the exchange of ideological and organizational tactics, of which the exchange itself constituted another solid ideological tactic.