Journal articles: 'United States' Civil War'

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Hall, Mitchell. "United States Civil War." Michigan Historical Review 25, no. 2 (1999): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20173831.

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Chumburidze, Tea. "Native Americans in the United States Civil War." Journal in Humanities 4, no. 1 (September 28, 2015): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/hum.v4i1.292.

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Native Americans played a vital role in the history of the United States of America. During the upheaval of the Civil War (1861-1865), many American Indians expressed their commitment to the Union or Confederacy. They assembled armies and participated in battles. Their alliance was important for both sides of the war (the Union and the Confederacy) as they recognized that American Indians’ involvement in this conflict could influence the outcome of the bloody conflict. At the same time, Native Americans were affected by the Civil War, because during this period they faced division among their tribes, and after the war they struggled to exist without slavery and to cope with broken treaties and territorial growth despite promises by the United States government. This article examines the role of American Indians during the Civil War and their condition after the war. The research explains how slavery affected the American Indians’ commitment and how their decision shaped the American experience in the Civil War.

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Aceves, William. "The Civil Redress and Historical Memory Act of 2029: A Legislative Proposal." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 51.1 (2017): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.51.1.civil.

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During the extant “War on Terror,” U.S. and foreign nationals who did not engage in hostilities were detained and mistreated abroad by the United States or by other countries with the acquiescence of the United States. These individuals were accused of being terrorists or were suspected of associating with terror groups, but they were, in fact, innocent. They were eventually released and were never charged by the United States with any crime. Despite their innocence, the United States has failed to provide them with any form of redress for their mistreatment. The Bush, Obama, and Trump administrations refused to apologize or provide any reparations to these individuals. The federal courts have consistently dismissed their efforts to seek redress through legal process. And, to date, Congress has remained silent. To remedy these acts of injustice, this Article offers a legislative proposal based on the Civil Liberties Act of 1988, which Congress adopted to address the discrimination and detention of Japanese Americans during the Second World War. Based on this historical analog, this Article proposes the adoption of the Civil Redress and Historical Memory Act of 2029, which would establish a commission of inquiry to investigate these cases of arbitrary detention and mistreatment perpetrated by the United States during the War on Terror. The Act would offer an apology and provide restitution to individuals who were wrongfully detained and mistreated by the United States or by other countries with U.S. complicity during the War on Terror. The Act would also establish a public education program that would publicize the commission’s findings and promote awareness of human rights in the United States and abroad.

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Efford, Alison Clark. "Civil War–Era Immigration and the Imperial United States." Journal of the Civil War Era 10, no. 2 (2020): 233–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2020.0027.

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García-Osuna, Alfonso J. "U.S. Civil War Redux? A Prevue." IAFOR Journal of Arts & Humanities 10, no. 1 (August 16, 2023): 171–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/ijah.10.1.13.

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The thought that the United States could engage in a second civil war is disturbing, as it represents a significant threat to the stability not only of one nation, but also of the world. Harbouring the idea of such a conflict is not as outlandish as it might seem at first glance: Several movements that have gained attention in recent years seem to be preparing for such a scenario. The two that are most interesting, essentially because they come with territorial claims, are the Greater Idaho Movement, which advocates for the secession of rural counties in eastern Oregon and northern California to join the state of Idaho and create a super-state, and the American Redoubt, which supports the establishment of a territorial entity that would include most of Greater Idaho plus Montana and Wyoming. Significantly, northern Colorado, along with North and South Dakota, while ideologically in tune with American Redoubt political and cultural philosophies, are specifically excluded in the territorial plan for this super state, as they are mainly flat and therefore difficult to defend against a modern mechanised military. It is obvious that the American Redoubt’s hypothetical defensive operations are being calculated to thwart United States Army advances in case of conflict. I will argue here that these movements’ ideology is secessionist, and that they may cause armed conflict in the United States, the likelihood and scale of which is difficult to determine.

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Hirota, Hidetaka. "Transpacific Connections in the Civil War Era." Journal of the Civil War Era 13, no. 4 (December 2023): 431–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2023.a912396.

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Abstract: This essay introduces the special forum on transpacific connections in the Civil War era. The forum investigates how US interaction with Asia and the Pacific shaped race relations, gender ideology, diplomacy, and legal rights in the United States during the second half of the nineteenth century. By examining the first Japanese diplomatic mission to the United States, the experience of Black migrants in Japan, Chinese women's habeas corpus litigations, and the naturalized citizenship of Chinese Americans, the forum integrates Asia and the Pacific into Civil War–era scholarship. Conceptually, the forum is informed by three strands of historiography: the international history of the Civil War era, the American West during the Civil War era, and the history of the Pacific World.

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Carroll, Francis M. "Civil War Diplomacy: A Fresh Look." Canadian Review of American Studies 52, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-2021-003.

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The American Civil War had a serious impact in Europe because the United States supplied vital raw materials for both Britain and France and was also a major market for their manufactured goods. The prospect of intervention in the war raised difficult issues—morally repugnant support of slavery on the one hand, but on the other, in the aftermath of the rebellions of 1848 in Europe, the possibility to weaken democratic republicanism. Mediation remained elusive. Britain, being the leading economic, naval, and colonial power, was the most threatening and most involved with both the Union and Confederate sides in the war. Britain’s diplomatic and maritime policy is the most extensively studied, augmented by fresh examinations of the British minister to the United States, Lord Lyons. New research also examines possible French involvement in the war and the complications arising from France’s invasion of Mexico.

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Bridges, Karl. "United States Civil War Center0040United States Civil War Center. United States Civil War Center . Raphael Semmes Drive, Baton Rouge, LA 70803, USA: Louisiana State University 2000; updated frequently. http://www.cwc.Isu.edu/ No charge." Electronic Resources Review 4, no. 5 (April 2000): 43–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/err.2000.4.5.43.40.

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FLORES-MACÍAS, GUSTAVO A., and SARAH E. KREPS. "Political Parties at War: A Study of American War Finance, 1789–2010." American Political Science Review 107, no. 4 (October 18, 2013): 833–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000476.

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What determines when states adopt war taxes to finance the cost of conflict? We address this question with a study of war taxes in the United States between 1789 and 2010. Using logit estimation of the determinants of war taxes, an analysis of roll-call votes on war tax legislation, and a historical case study of the Civil War, we provide evidence that partisan fiscal differences account for whether the United States finances its conflicts through war taxes or opts for alternatives such as borrowing or expanding the money supply. Because the fiscal policies implemented to raise the revenues for war have considerable and often enduring redistributive impacts, war finance—in particular, war taxation—becomes a high-stakes political opportunity to advance the fiscal interests of core constituencies. Insofar as the alternatives to taxation shroud the actual costs of war, the findings have important implications for democratic accountability and the conduct of conflict.

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Keyes, Sarah. "Civil War Wests: Testing the Limits of the United States." American Nineteenth Century History 17, no. 3 (September 2016): 355–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664658.2016.1243305.

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Watson, James R. "Resuscitation and Surgery for Soldiers of the American Civil War (1861–1865)." Journal of the World Association for Emergency and Disaster Medicine 1, no. 1 (1985): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00032830.

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On June 2, 1862, William A. Hammond, Surgeon General of the United States Army, announced the intention of his office to collect material for the publication of a “Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion (1861–1865)” (1), usually called the Civil War of the United States of America, or the War Between the Union (the North; the Federal Government) and the Confederacy of the Southern States. Forms for the monthly “Returns of Sick and Wounded” were reviewed, corrected and useful data compiled from these “Returns” and from statistics of the offices of the Adjutant General (payroll) and Quartermaster General (burial of decreased soldiers).

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Kassimeris, Christos. "United States Intervention in Post-War Greek Elections: From Civil War to Dictatorship." Diplomacy & Statecraft 20, no. 4 (December 10, 2009): 679–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290903455790.

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McCurry, Stephanie. "Enemy Women and the Laws of War in the American Civil War." Law and History Review 35, no. 3 (August 2017): 667–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000244.

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One of the most important legacies of the American Civil War, not just in the re-united States of America but also in the nineteenth and twentieth century world, were the new laws of war that the conflict introduced. “Lieber's Code,” named after the man who authored it for the Lincoln administration, was a set of instructions written and issued in April 1863 to govern the conduct of “the armies of the United States in the field.” It became a template for all subsequent codes, including the Hague and Geneva conventions. Widely understood as a radical revision of the laws of war and a complete break with the Enlightenment tradition, the code, like the war that gave rise to it, reflected the new post-Napoleonic age of “people's wars.” As such, it pointed forward, if not as the expression of the first total war, then at least as an expression of the first modern one, with all the blurring of boundaries that involved.

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Parkhomenko, Valentin. "The USA and the Formation of South Sudan." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 4 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760017905-2.

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The United States played a key role in South Sudanese independence, which was decided in a 2011 referendum, and provided diplomatic support and humanitarian aid. Prior to the outbreak of the civil war in 2013, the United States supported and advocated for the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), which became the new country’s government. Though largely taking a back seat in meditation efforts run by the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD) and neighboring countries in, its internal stabilization the United States and its international partners have an interest in ensuring a lasting settlement to the present conflict in South Sudan, addressing the humanitarian crisis caused by the civil war, and preventing destabilizing regional spillover.

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Guéhenno, Jean-Marie. "The United Nations & Civil Wars." Daedalus 147, no. 1 (January 2018): 185–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00483.

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The UN engagement in civil wars was almost nonexistent until the end of the Cold War, but recent experience brings some important lessons: the traditional principles of peacekeeping are ill-suited for civil war, as demands on peacekeepers, in particular the protection of civilians, are expanding. But military force is there to support a political strategy. The UN must focus on politics, using its comparative advantage–its independence–to win the confidence of the parties, while preserving its access to big powers to put pressure on them. However, it is challenged by the growing divisions in the Security Council, the changing nature of conflict, and a crisis of states that reflects long-term trends. This is not a reason for the UN to abandon its role in ending civil wars, but it needs to recalibrate its ambitions and adapt its approach: be less state-centric and more inclusive; more robust militarily; and more disciplined in its priorities.

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MacKenzie, Simon P. "A forgotten war: World War I in the United States." Comillas Journal of International Relations, no. 2 (February 13, 2015): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/cir.i02.y2015.004.

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Este artículo pretende explicar cómo y por qué la Primera Guerra Mundial se convirtió en, y aún permanece hasta este día como, la guerra olvidada en los Estados Unidos de América. Esto lo haremos sobre todo a través de la lente de la cultura popular, examinando diversos modos de memoria histórica que abarcan desde monumentos conmemorativos y museos hasta películas de Hollywood y asociaciones de recreación histórica, aunque también se examinarán artículos académicos y generales. La premisa principal es que mientras los americanos escribían y conmemoraban la Gran Guerra sobre piedra y carrete tanto como el resto del mundo anglosajón en las décadas entre guerras, durante los últimos setenta años en EE.UU. la Primera Guerra Mundial se ha visto eclipsada por la Segunda Guerra Mundial; un conflicto mucho mayor en escala y alcance en términos de la implicación americana, sobre todo en relación a las bajas militares. También se señalará la competición con la Guerra Civil por la atención popular a lo largo del siglo anterior, junto al modo en que la Primera Guerra Mundial tiende a abordarse en las aulas. Para terminar, el porvenir de la Primera Guerra Mundial en la conciencia americana popular se examinará dentro del contexto del próximo centenario de la entrada de EE.UU. en el conflicto.

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Patrick, Stewart. "Civil Wars & Transnational Threats: Mapping the Terrain, Assessing the Links." Daedalus 146, no. 4 (October 2017): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00458.

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Among the primary strategic rationales for U.S. policy engagement in war-torn states has been the assumption that internal violence generates cross-border spillovers with negative consequences for U.S. and global security, among these transnational terrorism, organized crime, and infectious disease. Closer examination suggests that the connection between internal disorder and transnational threats is situation-specific, contingent on an array of intervening factors and contextual conditions. Taken as a cohort, war-torn states are not the primary drivers of cross-border terrorism, crime, and epidemics, nor do they pose a first-tier, much less existential, threat to the United States. Of greater concern are relatively functional states that maintain certain trappings of sovereignty but are institutionally anemic, thanks to endemic corruption and winner-take-all politics. Ultimately, the most important U.S. stakes in war-torn countries are moral and humanitarian: namely, the imperative of reducing suffering among fellow members of our species.

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Mattiacci, Eleonora, and Benjamin T. Jones. "Restoring Legitimacy: Public Diplomacy Campaigns during Civil Wars." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 4 (September 17, 2020): 867–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa065.

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Abstract Governments involved in civil wars often gain a strategic advantage from intentionally killing civilians. However, targeting civilians might also tarnish perceptions of the government’s legitimacy abroad, increasing the risk of foreign actors punishing the government. How can governments attempt to navigate this dilemma? Focusing on the United States as one of the most frequent interveners in civil wars after the Cold War, we examine one particular strategy governments might employ: public diplomacy campaigns (PDCs) targeting both the public and elites in the United States. PDCs can help governments restore perceptions of their legitimacy abroad in the face of civilian targeting by mobilizing coalitions of support and undermining critics. When governments can achieve plausible deniability for civilian deaths via militias, PDCs enable governments to reduce the damage to foreign perceptions of their legitimacy. When rebels engage in civilian targeting, PDCs allow governments to publicize these actions. We compile data PDCs in the United States by governments engaged in civil wars. Our results have important implications for current understandings of civil war combatant foreign policies, foreign interventions, and international human rights laws and norms.

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Octavio Tirado de Salazar, Rodrigo. "A narrativa de Hemingway na Espanha da Guerra Civil e suas implicações históricas e políticas a partir da teoria de Edward Said." Revista de Historia, no. 89 (February 19, 2024): 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/rh.89.1.

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This article consists in an historical analysis of three works by Ernest Hemingway that are set in the Spanish Civil War. The analysis is complemented by Edward Said’s theory called Orientalism to extract the narrative that the author proposes to be contrasted with the historical events to see how it is that the narrative that sought to unite the United States with the USSR to go together against fascism contributed to the illusion in which republican and democratic Spain of has being seen as a satellite state of the Soviet Union and, therefore, an enemy of the United States in the framework of the recently begun Cold War.

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Pavlov, Yu A. "THE US ENVIRONMENTAL WAR IN VIETNAM (1961–1975): RESULTS AND LESSONS." Humanities And Social Studies In The Far East 18, no. 3 (2021): 89–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31079/1992-2868-2021-18-3-89-93.

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In 1961-1975, the government of the United States performs an aggressive environmental war against Vietnam. Herbicides containing dioxins ("Orange agent", etc.) were used. The natural landscape of Vietnam was severely damaged. The flora and fauna of South Vietnam suffered greatly, and in some places were completely destroyed. The victims were many civil inhabitants. War veterans from the United States and Vietnam were injured, became disabled, and acquired chronic diseases. The reckless foreign policy of the United States led to the deterioration of the environmental situation on the Indochina Peninsula for many decades. Even today, the consequences of that war have not been completely overcome.

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Verhoeven, Tim. "In Defense of Civil and Religious Liberty: Anti-Sabbatarianism in the United States before the Civil War." Church History 82, no. 2 (May 20, 2013): 293–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640713000097.

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The decades before the Civil War witnessed a series of battles over the meaning and legal status of the American Sabbath. Scholarship has focused on the Sabbatarian movement, a cluster of evangelical churches that sought to institutionalize the Sunday Sabbath. This article takes a new approach by investigating the anti-Sabbatarian movement. In a series of controversies, from Sunday mail in the Jacksonian era to the running of Sunday streetcars on the eve of the Civil War, anti-Sabbatarians rallied against Sabbath laws as an infringement of civil and religious liberty. Though diverse in orientation, anti-Sabbatarians agreed that religion and politics should be kept apart, and that the United States was not, in constitutional terms, a Christian nation. A study of anti-Sabbatarianism is thus of rich significance for the history of Church-State relations in the United States.

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ŞEN, Osman, and Mehmet ŞAHİN. "Miscalculation in Proxy War: The United States and Russia in Syrian Civil War from the Neoclassical Realist Perspective." Gazi Akademik Bakış 14, no. 27 (December 10, 2020): 243–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.19060/gav.839015.

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This article aims to puzzle why the leading military power of the world, namely the United States, was pushed back from the negotiating table in the Syrian Civil War, and conversely, how and why the world’s declining power, namely Russia, became the sole actor in that conflict. The article will try to answer this question from the neoclassical realist perspective. In this perspective, states do not always act rationally. Instead, they can fail because of miscalculations. The United States, in this respect, miscalculated on the Syrian Civil War as well as its domestic politics. In contrast, Russia behaved in accordance with its strategic culture, which resulted in its dominance both in the field and in diplomacy. The systemic stimulus, which is the independent variable, forces both countries to form alliances in the civil war. The domestic actors of both countries, which are the intervening variables, diversified the systemic stimuli in opposite directions. While the US political elite was misguided due to the divided structure, the Russian elite was more unified, which resulted in outcomes in favor of the latter.

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Cordy, Ann E., and Kwan-Nan Yeh. "Investigation of Thread Colour Change in United States Civil War Uniforms." Textile History 17, no. 1 (January 1986): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/004049686793701033.

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Slawson, Robert G. "Medical Training in the United States Prior to the Civil War*." Journal of Evidence-Based Complementary & Alternative Medicine 17, no. 1 (January 2012): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2156587211427404.

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Early medical school development in the United States was considerably more robust than is usually appreciated. Most histories include only that portion of medicine known as regular or allopathic medicine. To fully understand developments in the country, it is necessary to include the various medical sects that developed in the country in the early 19th century. It is also important to realize that the impetus for medical school development came not from established academic institutions but from the medical community itself. Medical schools in the United States developed at a time and place that hospitals, as we know them, did not exist. The melding together of the preceptorship (apprenticeship), didactic lectures, demonstrations, and clinical/hospital experience evolved slowly. The move from heroic medicine occurred somewhat reluctantly as in Europe. In the United States, in contrast to the situation in Europe, the majority of medical practitioners were called “doctor.” The development of medicine and medical education is usually discussed as a progression of knowledge. It has been fashionable to ignore the development of the various medical sects. Even within regular medicine, no uniformity of thought existed by this time. The American Medical Association was born of this. Change within a segment of society always reflects, and is reflected by, change in society at large. The rapid increases in geographic area and the huge population growth must be understood. Times changed as the character of the population changed. Perception of gender and freedom were important aspects of this change. A number of prominent African American physicians also emerged.

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Heitz, Jesse A. "British Reaction to American Civil War Ironclads." Vulcan 1, no. 1 (2013): 56–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134603-00101004.

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By the 1840’s the era of the wooden ship of the line was coming to a close. As early as the 1820’s and 1830’s, ships of war were outfitted with increasingly heavy guns. Naval guns such as the increasingly popular 68 pounder could quickly damage the best wooden hulled ships of the line. Yet, by the 1840’s, explosive shells were in use by the British, French, and Imperial Russian navies. It was the explosive shell that could with great ease, cripple a standard wooden hulled warship, this truth was exposed at the Battle of Sinope in 1853. For this reason, warships had to be armored. By 1856, Great Britain drafted a design for an armored corvette. In 1857, France began construction on the first ocean going ironclad, La Gloire, which was launched in 1859. This development quickly caused Great Britain to begin construction on HMS Warrior and HMS Black Prince. By the time HMS Warrior was commissioned in 1861, the Royal Navy had decided that its entire battle fleet needed to be armored. While the British and the French naval arms race was intensifying, the United States was entering into its greatest crisis, the United States Civil War. After the outbreak of the Civil War, the majority of the United States Navy remained loyal to the Union. The Confederacy, therefore, gained inspiration from the ironclads across the Atlantic, quickly obtaining its own ironclads. CSS Manassas was the first to enter service, but was eventually brought down by a hail of Union broadside fire. The CSS Virginia, however, made an impact. Meanwhile, the Union began stockpiling City Class ironclads and in 1862, the USS Monitor was completed. After the veritable stalemate between the CSS Virginia and USS Monitor, the Union utilized its superior production capabilities to mass produce ironclads and enter them into service in the Union Navy. As the Union began armoring its increasingly large navy, the world’s foremost naval power certainly took notice. Therefore, this paper will utilize British newspapers, government documents, Royal Naval Reviews, and various personal documents from the 1860’s in order to examine the British public and naval reaction to the Union buildup of ironclad warships.

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Lewis, Collins. "National Prohibition in the United States: A Cognitive-Behavioral Perspective: Part 1: 19th Century Temperance and Prohibition." Journal of Addiction Medicine and Therapy 1, no. 1 (September 23, 2013): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.47739/2333-665x.addiction.1004.

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Aim: This is the first of a two part paper that illustrates how cognitive-behavioral factors, the disregard of prior epidemiological data, and misfortunate timing contributed to the failure of National Prohibition in the United States. Methods: This first paper gives a detailed historical and cultural review of the early colonial, the post-revolutionary war, pre-civil war, and post-Civil-War, drinking patterns in the United States. It addresses the origins of the temperance movement, its evolution into a prohibition movement, and the post–civil war, prohibition in Kansas. Findings: Attribution theory shows a cognitive bias in the early 19th century temperance and late 19th century prohibition thinking. Scapegoat theory pointed out that the 19th century reformers targeted alcohol itself as the main source of social suffering and, by and large, neglected the context in which it was consumed. Conclusion: Nineteenth century attribution bias, cognitive errors, and failure to evaluate prior experience set the stage for 20th century, National Prohibition, a disastrous, preventive intervention.

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Lippman, Ellen, and Martin McMahon. "Professionalism and Politics in the Procurement Process: United States Civil War Early Years." Accounting Historians Journal 44, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/aahj-10524.

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ABSTRACT The start of the United States Civil War in 1861 necessitated an increase in the U.S. military force from a population of approximately 16,000 men just prior to the beginning of the war to 700,000 men in less than one year. By the completion of the war four years later, an estimated 2,000,000 soldiers fought for the Union. The dramatic increase in manpower required a rapid response to supply the soldiers with clothing, equipment, and food. This paper analyzes the procurement process and its challenges during the early years of the war, from the initial rush to obtain a large number of supplies when established purchasing procedures were ignored, to the implementation of formalized internal controls and the adoption of the False Claims Act that was used to punish frauds carried out by procurement officers and outside contractors. This paper considers the political influences affecting procurement and finds that politics played only a small role in procurement, although a greater role in oversight of the procurement department.

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Alvarez, José E. "The UN's ‘War’ on Terrorism." International Journal of Legal Information 31, no. 2 (2003): 238–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500010581.

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While those of us in the United States have become accustomed to talking aboutourwar on terrorism and its consequences, including its effects on civil rights, we should not ignore the fact that the international community, and specifically the United Nations, is conducting its own ‘war’ on terrorism. I will be addressing the General Assembly's and especially the Security Council's war on terrorism and the challenges these efforts present, including to international human rights.

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Martynov, Andrii. "FOREIGN POLICY OF THE USA: BETWEEN POLITICAL REALISM AND LIBERAL VALUES." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 17 (2024): 111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2024.17.10.

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The author of the reviewed monograph showed the mutual influence of the domestic and foreign policy of the United States. The reviewed book is interesting for its conceptual generalizations and establishment of causal relationships between different stages of the political history of the United States in the context of the history of Americanforeign policy. The independence of the United States marked the emergence of a potential world power. The North’s victory in the Civil War eliminated external threats to the United States. The author considers the period of the two world wars to be a continuation of the process of the United States entering the forefront of the world. During World War I, the United States turned from a debtor country into the world’s largest creditor. The author indirectly considers isolationism to be relevant to that time in the history of U.S. foreign policy. The policy of neutrality was based on American public sentiment. The author of the monograph considers the lack of a common vision of the post-war world, insufficient understanding of the culture of the USSR and the USA, the loss of hopes for the liberalization of the Stalinist regime, and the politics of fear for one’s security to be the prerequisites of the Cold War. After World War II, the United States supported the independence of former European colonies. The Korean War and the Vietnam War were attempts to defend the American vision of international relations. The collapse of the USSR created the prerequisites for the rise of a new world power, communist China. The author of the monograph criticizes Trump’s imperial isolationism. The balance between political realism and liberal values is the key to effective U.S. foreign policy. On the ideological scale between liberal, revisionist, and conservative paradigms of conceptual understanding of the history of U.S. foreign policy, Warren Cohen’s monograph takes a position on the left of the liberal flank with its anti-colonial discourse, criticism of interventionism, hopes for a balance between realism and idealism.

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Zhang, Weizhen, and Tao Peng. "The Qingdao Pattern and U.S.-Chinese Crisis Management: The KMT, the CCP, and the U.S. Marines in Qingdao during the Chinese Civil War (1945–1949)." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 2 (2023): 150–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01145.

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Abstract After the Second World War ended in 1945, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tried to seize Qingdao, a major port city on the Shandong Peninsula. The landing of U.S. Marines there foiled the CCP's attempt. With the support of the Kuomintang (KMT)—the CCP's main enemy—the U.S. Marines stayed in Qingdao throughout the civil war in China, from late 1945 to mid-1949. Drawing on archival sources from China, the United States, the former Soviet Union, Great Britain, and Japan, this article explores CCP-KMT-U.S. interactions regarding the presence of U.S. Marines in Qingdao. The KMT-CCP civil war influenced—and was influenced by—the presence of the Marines in Qingdao. The KMT government depended on the U.S. Marines for security, whereas the CCP, opposing the U.S. presence, took a tough propaganda stance but remained cautious in its actions. The United States ultimately decided to withdraw the Marines to avoid overt involvement in the Chinese civil war. This type of triangular engagement influenced the future pattern of Cold War confrontations among the three parties.

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Anderson, Kevin B. "Marx’s intertwining of race and class during the Civil War in the United States." Journal of Classical Sociology 17, no. 1 (February 2017): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468795x17691387.

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Marx wrote extensively on race and class in the American Civil War. These writings, developed during the time he founded the First International and was completing Capital, argue that capitalism was grounded in slavery and that racism attenuated class-consciousness among workers from dominant racial groups. At the same time, the Civil War unleashed new forms of democratic and revolutionary consciousness and action, in which Black slaves seeking freedom, Black and White northern soldiers, British workers, and abolitionist and socialist intellectuals expressed solidarity with each other across racial and national lines. The Civil War had revolutionary implications, not only in terms of bodily and political freedom for four million human beings but also in terms of large-scale economic changes that uprooted a centuries-old agrarian system and that posed – in the end unsuccessfully – the question of radical land reform on behalf of the former slaves. These Marx writings, which have been discussed only sporadically over the past century, are especially timely today.

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ROSS, DOROTHY. "“ARE WE A NATION?”: THE CONJUNCTURE OF NATIONHOOD AND RACE IN THE UNITED STATES, 1850–1876." Modern Intellectual History 2, no. 3 (October 10, 2005): 327–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244305000533.

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While popular nationalism flourished in the United States from the time of the Revolution onward, reflective treatments of what it meant to be, specifically, a “nation” were rarely produced until the Civil War era. Historians have generally treated northern Civil War theorists of the nation as importers of European ideas of organic nationhood to serve conservative and statist purposes. The most notable mid-century theorists—Francis Lieber, Elisha Mulford, Orestes Brownson, John William Draper, Frederick Douglass, and Charles Sumner—were a more diverse set, however. They brought to the subject different theoretical and political assumptions and produced different models of the American nation, and they accommodated their borrowed conceptions to native materials. If their initial aim was to strengthen the authority and unity of the wartime nation, they soon struggled with the multiracial nation that was emerging from the war. The unity they posited in the nation contended with invidious racial, ethnic, and religious distinctions. In the end, Lieber, Brownson, Mulford, and Draper found diversity difficult or impossible to reconcile with their visions of national unity. Only Sumner and Douglass managed to construct models of the nation that were both heterogeneous and united: their postwar views serve as counterpoint to the tortured efforts of the other writers. In the language of current theory, these writers divided over whether the United States was a civic or an ethnic nation, although not all their exclusions and inequalities emanated from an ethnic model of the nation, nor all their inclusions and liberties from a civic one.

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Nicoletti, Cynthia. "The American Civil War as a Trial by Battle." Law and History Review 28, no. 1 (February 2010): 71–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248009990046.

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Confined alone in a cell in New York's Fort Lafayette in the heat of the summer of 1865, former Confederate naval secretary Stephen R. Mallory had little to do but reflect on the fate of the defeated Confederacy. Convinced that his life might be forfeit if the United States government made good on its threat to try him for treason, Mallory composed a lengthy letter to President Andrew Johnson petitioning for a pardon and seeking to explain his views on the demise of the Confederacy and the fate of the states' right to secede from the Union. While Mallory stressed his opposition to disunion in 1861, on the grounds of its inexpediency, he admitted that he had placed loyalty to his state above his duty as a citizen of the United States. He had “regarded the commands of my state as decisive of my path of duty; and I followed where she led.” Nonetheless, Mallory went on to disclaim his belief in the principle of secession in very striking terms, describing the death of secession in the crucible of the Civil War as the result of a trial by battle. Mallory never specifically denied secession's constitutionality; instead, he told Johnson that because he “recognize[ed] the death [of the Confederacy] as the will of Almighty God, I regard and accept His dispensation as decisive of the questions of slavery and secession.”

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Leeman, William P. "George Bancroft's Civil War: Slavery, Abraham Lincoln, and the Course of History." New England Quarterly 81, no. 3 (September 2008): 462–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2008.81.3.462.

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The Civil War challenged historian George Bancroft's faith in the United States as a beacon of freedom for the world. Interpreting the war as a trial inflicted by God for the purpose of purging slavery from American society, Bancroft took it upon himself to spur Abraham Lincoln toward emancipation.

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Pertiwi, Ayu, Wahyu Gusriandari, and Guntur Eko Saputro. "Social and Economic Conditions of The United States of America During the Civil War 1861-1865." Journal of Social Work and Science Education 4, no. 2 (July 11, 2023): 500–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.52690/jswse.v4i2.397.

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In the long history of struggle of the Indonesian nation, at a certain period of time during the Dutch colonization, there was a war that made colonialists experience difficulties. The war was caused by the resistance of a Javanese nobleman named Prince Diponegoro, this war was called the Diponegoro War or known as the Java War. Because of the unprecedented amount of popular resistance, the losses suffered by both the colonizers and the Javanese people were very large, both human and material casualties, this was closely related to economic conditions during the war and after the end of the war. This paper aims to analyze and describe the consequences of the war that occurred at that time on the Dutch colonial as well as on the Javanese people themselves, from an economic aspect. Research through a qualitative approach with a descriptive method, namely literature study and usually historical research using heuristic methods. The results of the study stated that the consequences of the Java War were very significant in affecting the lives of Javanese people and the Dutch colonial after the war.

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Wright-Maley, Cory. "American Partition." Canadian Social Studies 54, no. 1 (December 12, 2023): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/css31.

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The current assessment of the state of political division in the United States is foreboding. Americans are more divided than any time since the Civil War, leaving some to opine that these differences may be irreconcilable. This speculative analysis takes seriously as its point of departure the position of a growing number of American commentators and policy experts who argue that the United States exhibits many of the risk factors that could lead down the path toward another civil war. Some of these commentators have advocated breaking up the union to pre-empt this outcome. The critical analysis within this article draws upon historical analogues from states partitioned during the 20th century such as such as the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Palestine, and India. These comparisons are used to evaluate proposals for a geographical sundering of the United States into Red and Blue Americas. My analysis highlights the ways in which any kind of national dissolution, though appealing to some at first glance, would be more politically complex, demographically fraught, and possibly no-less violent than the alternative of civil conflict. The most promising alternative appears to be that of learning to live and work together through difference.

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Desch, Michael C. "America's Liberal Illiberalism: The Ideological Origins of Overreaction in U.S. Foreign Policy." International Security 32, no. 3 (January 2008): 7–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2008.32.3.7.

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Why has the United States, with its long-standing Liberal tradition, come to embrace the illiberal policies it has in recent years? The conventional wisdom is that al-Qaida's attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001, and the subsequent war on terrorism have made America less Liberal. The logic of this argument is straightforward: interstate war has historically undermined domestic liberties, and the war on terrorism is causing the United States to follow this well-worn path. This explanation confronts a puzzle, however: illiberal U.S. policies—including the pursuit of global hegemony, launching of a preventive war, imposition of restrictions on civil liberties in the name of national security, and support for torture under certain circumstances—manifested themselves even before the September 11 terrorist attacks and were embraced across the political spectrum. Indeed, it is precisely American Liberalism that makes the United States so illiberal today. Under certain circumstances, Liberalism itself impels Americans to spread their values around the world and leads them to see the war on terrorism as a particularly deadly type of conflict that can be won only by employing illiberal tactics.

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Luo, Shan. "The Influence of American Slavery on American Economy." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 8, no. 1 (September 14, 2023): 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/8/20230095.

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The only time in American history that the United States has ever fought against each other was the Civil War. How did the Civil War start? Why did the North abolish slavery? What impact did the Civil War have on the American economy? This paper analyzes the background of the American Civil War and the measures taken by the North and South during the war, and puts forward some opinions about the influence of the Civil War on the American economy. The Civil War was a watershed or a turning point in the development of American capitalist economy. However, the success of American economy in the 19th century was not decided by the sudden change brought by a "war" or a "revolution". It was actually the result of the long-term development of a variety of factors that could not be covered by the civil War, this study offers some references for the research of American economy.

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Churgin, Michael J. "Mass Exoduses: The Response of the United States." International Migration Review 30, no. 1 (March 1996): 310–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839603000120.

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The focus of this article is on mass immigration to the United States and the country's response to various groups of immigrants. After presenting historical background dating back to the pre-Civil War era, attention is given to the Cuban and Haitian mass movements of recent years and to the refugees coming from Vietnam, the former Soviet Union, and Latin American countries. The article concludes that the United States has utilized international agreements regarding the settlement of large numbers of people only when they facilitate government action.

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Noyalas, Jonathan A. "Civil War Memories: Contesting the Past in the United States Since 1865." History: Reviews of New Books 46, no. 5 (September 3, 2018): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2018.1489683.

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Astor, Aaron. "Civil War Memories: Contesting the Past in the United States since 1865." Journal of American History 105, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 681–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jay335.

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Anderson, David. "Civil War Memories: Contesting the Past in the United States Since 1865." American Nineteenth Century History 20, no. 2 (May 4, 2019): 226–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664658.2019.1638061.

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Lago, E. D. "Uncommonly Savage: Civil War and Remembrance in Spain and the United States." Journal of American History 101, no. 4 (March 1, 2015): 1279. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jav034.

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Dabney, Emmanuel, Beth Parnicza, and Kevin M. Levin. "Interpreting Race, Slavery, and United States Colored Troops at Civil War Battlefields." Civil War History 62, no. 2 (2016): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2016.0046.

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Watson, Robert. "Britain, the United States and the civil war in China, 1946–47." Civil Wars 1, no. 2 (June 1998): 52–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249808402374.

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Pike, David L. "Cold War Reduction." Space and Culture 20, no. 1 (August 1, 2016): 94–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331216643783.

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The bunkerization of Europe is a Cold War story that has continued to resonate into the 21st century through foreign policy, the built environment, and cultural traces both material and imaginary. This essay explores the physical, ideological, and cultural bunkerization of Switzerland, one of the most heavily fortified countries in the world, through its military and civil defense history, the spatial manifestations of that history, and the cultural responses to these manifestations during and after the Cold War. The essay compares the unusually democratic process of the Swiss civil defense infrastructure and its ramifications for thinking about the spatial legacy of the Cold War with the bunker fantasy in the United States and the rest of Europe.

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Stelzner, Mark. "Income Inequality in the United States in the Late 1860s." Journal of Economic History 75, no. 3 (August 27, 2015): 889–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050715001096.

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I utilize data from the Civil War income tax to calculate the income shares of the top 1 and 0.1 percent of the population in the United States in the late 1860s—extending Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez's series back in time. As we will see, income inequality during this period represents a low comparable to the late 1970s.

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Dupont, Brandon, and Joshua L. Rosenbloom. "Wealth mobility in the United States: 1860–1870." Social Science History 46, no. 4 (2022): 801–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2022.19.

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AbstractWe offer new evidence on the dynamics of wealth holding in the United States over the Civil War decade based on a hand-linked random sample of wealth holders drawn from the 1860 census. Despite the wealth shock caused by emancipation, we find that patterns of wealth mobility were broadly similar for northern and southern residents in 1860. Looking at the determinants of individual wealth holding in 1870, we find that the elasticity with respect to 1860 wealth was quite low in both regions – consistent with high levels of wealth mobility.

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Jones, Bruce D., and Stephen John Stedman. "Civil Wars & the Post–Cold War International Order." Daedalus 146, no. 4 (October 2017): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00457.

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By the standards of prosperity and peace, the post–Cold War international order has been an unparalleled success. Over the last thirty years, there has been more creation of wealth and a greater reduction of poverty, disease, and food insecurity than in all of previous history. During the same period, the numbers and lethality of wars have decreased. These facts have not deterred an alternative assessment that civil violence, terrorism, failed states, and numbers of refugees are at unprecedentedly high levels. But there is no global crisis of failed states and endemic civil war, no global crisis of refugees and migration, and no global crisis of disorder. Instead, what we have seen is a particular historical crisis unfold in the greater Middle East, which has collapsed order within that region and has fed the biggest threat to international order: populism in the United States and Europe.

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Montgomery, Sara. "The United Nations: Implications of Soft Power." Political Science Undergraduate Review 2, no. 1 (October 15, 2016): 61–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur65.

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The United Nations is often looked to for guidance in conflict prevention and intervention, but its lack of hard power has proven to be extremely limiting. Although the United Nations has been a major improvement from the League of Nations, its ability to maintain world peace is restricted by the aspirations of its member states. The Security Council is especially significant, made up of the United States, the United Kingdom, France, China and Russia. Each state in the Security Council has the ability to veto any initiative proposed by the United Nations. Additionally, the United Nations cannot take action without leadership from one or more of its states, and many states are hesitant to sacrifice their military resources even in the event of major human rights violations. This hesitancy to intervene is especially evident in the case study of the Rwandan genocide, but can also be seen in the Cold War and the Syrian Civil War, amongst other conflicts.

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Journal articles on the topic 'United States' Civil War'

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