Relevant bibliographies by topics / United States. Congress 1939-1941)

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'United States. Congress 1939-1941)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 7 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "United States. Congress 1939-1941)"

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Jenkins, Jeffery A., and Justin Peck. "Building Toward Major Policy Change: Congressional Action on Civil Rights, 1941–1950." Law and History Review 31, no. 1 (February 2013): 139–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248012000181.

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The mid-1960s witnessed a landmark change in the area of civil rights policy in the United States. After a series of tortuous internal battles, with Southern legislators using all available procedural tools to maintain their states' discriminatory Jim Crow legal systems, the United States Congress adopted two statutes—the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965—which insured civil and political equality for all Americans. The Acts of 1964 and 1965 were the culmination of a decade-long struggle by black Americans to secure the citizenship rights that had been denied to them for more than a half century. Beginning with the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) Supreme Court decision, the civil rights movement built momentum, as formal organizations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) grew in strength and informal (grass roots) organizations spread throughout the South and the Nation. As national public opinion shifted increasingly toward providing new civil rights guarantees for blacks, Congress responded with new legislation: the Civil Rights Act of 1957 (the first civil rights law since 1875), the Civil Rights Act of 1960, and a legislative proposal to prohibit the poll tax in 1962 (which would be ratified by three-quarters of the states in 1964 and become the 24th Amendment to the United States Constitution).
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RUIZ, V. "UNA MUJER SIN FRONTERAS." Pacific Historical Review 73, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2004.73.1.1.

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Making strategic choices regarding her class and ethnic identiÞcation for the cause of social justice, Luisa Moreno was the most visible Latina labor and civil rights activist in the United States during the Great Depression and World War II. Vice-president of the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA-CIO), this charismatic Guatemalan immigrant organized farm and cannery workers across the Southwest, achieving particular success among Mexican and Russian Jewish women in southern California plants. In 1939 she was also the driving force behind El Congreso de Pueblos de Hablan Espa–ola (the Congress of Spanish-speaking Peoples), the Þrst national Latino civil rights assembly. A feminist and leftist, she faced government harassment and red-baiting in the late 1940s, especially for her past Communist Party membership.
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Fraden, Rena. "The Federal Theatre Project: A Case Study. By Barry B. Witham. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003; pp. 190. $70 cloth." Theatre Survey 46, no. 1 (May 2005): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557405250093.

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The Federal Theatre Project . . . was a unique and influential experiment in American theatre; not just for its outspoken politics, but because it reimagined the very way that theatre was produced in the United States. For the first time in the history of the country theatre was subsidized by the federal government, a practice with widespread precedents in Europe and Asia, but one that was totally out of step with free enterprise business practice and a culture which had banned plays in its Second Continental Congress. (1)So opens Barry Witham's case study of the Seattle Federal Theatre Project from 1935 to 1939.
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Hollander, Taylor. "Making Reform Happen: The Passage of Canada's Collective-Bargaining Policy, 1943–1944." Journal of Policy History 13, no. 3 (2001): 299–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2001.0008.

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Patrick Conroy, the secretary-treasurer of the Canadian Congress of Labour (CCL) from 1941 to 1951, was not someone who gave up easily. As a friend observed, the Scottish-born coal miner was a committed trade unionist whose “moral certitude was admirable and… one of his great strengths.” In late 1942, however, Conroy seemed ready to call it quits on the CCL's campaign to win a national collective-bargaining policy in Canada. Since its inception in September 1940, the Congress, which represented most of the industrial unions in the country, had pushed hard for a comprehensive labor policy like the National Labor Relations or Wagner Act in the United States, which protected and advanced the rights of workers. But the Liberal government of Prime Minister Mackenzie King repeatedly refused to move beyond a turn-of-the-century conciliatory framework that emphasized moral suasion and compromise. In late 1942, when a regional organizer asked Conroy whether a collective-bargaining policy appeared likely in the future, the CCL leader replied: “We do not feel it worthwhile to raise people's hopes when the record of the federal government is as it has been.”
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CASSANO, GRAHAM. "“The Last of the World's Afflicted Race of Humans Who Believe in Freedom”: Race, Colonial Whiteness and Imperialism in John Ford and Dudley Nichols's The Hurricane (1937)." Journal of American Studies 44, no. 1 (October 1, 2009): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809990703.

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This essay examines the political meanings of John Ford and Dudley Nichols's film The Hurricane (1937). The Hurricane appears at a pivotal moment in American history, a moment when Ford and Nichols set out to make films for a “new kind of public.” This new audience was forged by new political forces, including the rise of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, the Popular Front, and Roosevelt's New Deal. Building on previous work that documents Nichols's affiliation with Popular Front organizations, and Ford's own political cinema (including The Informer (1935), The Grapes of Wrath (1940), and How Green Was My Valley (1941)), I argue that The Hurricane offers a fundamental critique of European imperialism, and imperial “whiteness.” At the same time, the energies for that critique come from a paradoxically “progressive” orientalism that represents South Seas “natives” as inherently wild and independent. It is this projected hunger for independence that allows Ford and Nichols to argue against colonial “whiteness,” while, almost simultaneously, they portray African Americans as servile and dependent, thus justifying white supremacy and racial oppression in the United States. Finally, by way of conclusion, I suggest that this dyadic representation – natives as independent, blacks as dependent – continues to structure the politics of Ford's post-World War II cinema, allowing him to normalize white supremacy at home, while at the same time justifying American military adventures abroad in the name of freedom for “the world's afflicted races.”
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Slate, Nico. "‘I am a colored woman’: Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya in the United States, 1939–1941." Contemporary South Asia 17, no. 1 (February 5, 2009): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584930802624638.

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Salmon, J. T. "THE COLLEMBOLA OF THE UNITED STATES ANTARCTIC SERVICE EXPEDITION, 1939-1941. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE." Proceedings of the Royal Entomological Society of London. Series B, Taxonomy 18, no. 9-10 (March 18, 2009): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-3113.1949.tb01440.x.

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Lanska, D. J. "Geographic distribution of stroke mortality in the United States: 1939-1941 to 1979-1981." Neurology 43, no. 9 (September 1, 1993): 1839. http://dx.doi.org/10.1212/wnl.43.9.1839.

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Doenecke, Justus D. "Rehearsal for Cold War: United States anti-interventionists and the Soviet Union, 1939–1941." International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 7, no. 3 (March 1994): 375–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02142129.

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Friedman, Max Paul. "Specter of a Nazi Threat: United States-Colombian Relations, 1939-1945." Americas 56, no. 4 (April 2000): 563–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500029849.

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On 11 September 1941, U..S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt took to the airwaves to warn his country that “Hitler's advance guards” were readying “footholds, bridgeheads in the New World, to be used as soon as he has gained control of the oceans.” The most recent sign that the Nazis were coming, the president told his rapt national audience, was the discovery of “secret airlanding fields in Colombia, within easy range of the Panama Canal.”In Bogotá, the response was pandemonium. U.S. ambassador Spruille Braden, astonished that “the President has gone out on a limb with this statement,” sent his staff scrambling across German-owned farms and rice fields to try to produce evidence for the assertion ex post facto. Colombian President Eduardo Santos scoffed at Roosevelt's claim, telling Braden, “in the final analysis all of Colombia is a great potential airport.” A resentful Colombian Senate voted unanimously that no such airfields existed (that Colombia had fulfilled its responsibility to defend against the Axis menace). In Washington, Secretary of State Cordell Hull was forced to call in Colombia's Ambassador Gabriel Turbay to express “the very deep regret of the President, of myself and of our Government” for the “unintentional reference.”
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United States. Congress 1939-1941)"

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Thornhill, Paula Georgia. "Catalyst for coalition : the Anglo-American supply relationship, 1939-1941." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e66ee069-43c1-423b-8d54-d883c8ff4040.

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This thesis explores the Anglo-American supply relationship, 1939-1941, and the ability of these two nations to wage a coalition war immediately after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Organisationally, the first chapters of the thesis look at the impact of the Great War and the interwar period on this relationship. The remaining chapters are devoted to the evolution of the supply relationship between September 1939 and December 1941. The evidence found in British and American archives indicates that early supply discussions, conducted under the supervision of Arthur Purvis and Henry Morgenthau, established a common ground for Anglo-American co-operation during the early days of the Second World War. The fall of France prompted the British Government to seek much closer ties with the United States. However, in mid-1940 many senior US officials insisted that America should concentrate on its own defence against the Nazi threat because of the likelihood of Britain's defeat. By the end of 1940, the American defence planners were more confident of Britain's ability to survive, and therefore they were willing to consider the creation of Anglo-American defence plans. At the same time President Roosevelt requested Congressional approval for the Lend-Lease Act, to ensure the British Government could still acquire US war supplies even if it lacked the dollars to pay for them. Because of the inability of US industry to produce adequate war materiel for the British effort and American rearmament, representatives from the two countries were forced to work closely together to determine production and allocation priorities. Moreover, since these decisions influenced the fighting capability of British and American forces, war planners rather than civilians officials began to make these supply decisions. Subsequently, British and American officials determined that their efforts should be based on a joint strategy. Ultimately this realisation inspired the creation of the Victory Programme, which effectively acknowledged that supply needs, strategic considerations, and an overall commitment to defeat Germany and its allies were indistinguishable. Thus the supply relationship, 1939-1941, provided the foundation for the Anglo-American wartime coalition against Hitler.
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Ulbrich, David J. "Thomas Holcomb and the advent of the Marine Corps Defense Battalion, 1936-1941." Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1027125.

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Using recently declassified material, this thesis traces the Commandant Thomas Holcomb' s role in the development of the Marine Corps Defense Battalion. It thus combines biographical and institutional history. Holcomb was an excellent strategist, manager, and publicist. The defense battalion provides a case study for examining Holcomb's leadership as well as the larger historical context. On a tactical level, planners designed these units to defend island outposts against air, sea, and amphibious assaults. In holding island bases in the western Pacific, defense battalions fit into the grand strategy of the United States Navy. The units comprised one half of the Corps's dual mission: amphibious assault and base defense. Defense battalions also served an equally pivotal public relations function as Holcomb struggled -albeit with little success -- to secure scarce resources for the Corps. Understanding Holcomb's actions and the defense battalion's development illuminates the mentality of America's military and government before World War II.
Department of History
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MacLaren, David. "Angels without mercy : the African-American fight against the Red Cross's blood donor discrimination, 1941-1945." Virtual Press, 1998. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1115760.

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On the eve of World War II, the American Red Cross (ARC) excluded African-American blood donors. The instructions from the Army and the Navy implied that the armed forces did not want the allegedly "inferior" blood of Blacks in the veins of "superior" White soldiers. The ARC's exclusionary policy, as mandated by defense officials in the War Department, continued the tradition of relegating African-Americans to second-class citizenship.Black newspaper editors and individual protest leaders on the national and local levels pressured the armed forces to change its blood donor policy. On January 29, 1942, the ARC started to accept blood donations from Blacks but followed a national policy of segregation. The ARC labeled and stored African-American blood donations apart from those of Whites and maintained Jim Crow blood banks throughout the war even though medical experts found no factual basis to differentiate blood by race.This paper examines how Black newspapers and individuals such as Asa Philip Randolph, Walter Francis White, William Henry Hastie, Mabel Keaton Staupers, and the Black community of Indianapolis responded to the ARC's initial policy of exclusion and then segregating AfricanAmerican blood donations. The paper attempts to modify the popular interpretation that the war constituted a watershed for African-Americans. My research indicates that while many Black leaders and protest organizations on the national and local levels challenged the ARC's blood donor policies, African-Americans did not win a fundamental change in military policy. Thus, while the fight against blood donor discrimination was a manifestation of the wartime "Double V" campaign it also represented its limitations.The paper draws on secondary sources, African-American newspapers, and the manuscript collections of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the National Association of Colored Graduate Nurses, Claude A. Barnett, William Henry Hastie, Asa Philip Randolph, and the Indianapolis Area Chapter of the ARC as well as the papers of African-American physicians in Indianapolis, Walter H. Maddux and Harvey N. Middleton of the Flanner House and the Morgan Health Center.
Department of History
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Books on the topic "United States. Congress 1939-1941)"

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Ferrell, Henry C. The United States Congress and national defense, 1915-1939. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2008.

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Worth, Roland H. Congress declares war: December 8-11, 1941. Jefferson, N.C: McFarland, 2004.

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Rosenberg, Jane Aikin. The nation's great library: Herbert Putnam and the Library of Congress, 1899-1939. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1993.

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Why we fight: Congress and the politics of World War II. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 2013.

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McElvaine, Robert S. The great depression: America, 1929-1941. New York: Three Rivers Press, 1993.

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McElvaine, Robert S. The Great Depression: America, 1929-1941. New York: Times Books, 1993.

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Affairs, United States Congress House Committee on Veterans' Affairs Subcommittee on Disability Assistance and Memorial. Legislative hearing on H.R. 1522, H.R. 1982, and H.R. 2270: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Disability Assistance and Memorial Affairs of the Committee on Veterans' Affairs, U.S. House of Representatives, One Hundred Eleventh Congress, first session, May 21, 2009. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2009.

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Legislative hearing on H.R. 1522, H.R. 1982, and H.R. 2270: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Disability Assistance and Memorial Affairs of the Committee on Veterans' Affairs, U.S. House of Representatives, One Hundred Eleventh Congress, first session, May 21, 2009. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2009.

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The United States at war, 1941-1945. 2nd ed. Wheeling, Ill: Harlan Davidson, 2000.

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The United States at war, 1941-1945. Arlington Heights, Ill: H. Davidson, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "United States. Congress 1939-1941)"

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Symonds, Craig L. "8. The Two-Ocean Navy." In American Naval History: A Very Short Introduction, 80–96. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199394760.003.0008.

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Europe went back to war in 1939 and on July 19 1940, the U.S. Congress passed the Two-Ocean Navy Act, the largest naval appropriation in American history, which expanded the U.S. Navy by more than seventy per cent in preparation for the United States entry into the war. ‘The two-ocean navy: the U.S. Navy in World War II (1939–1945)’ outlines the key battles fought by the U.S. Navy: in the Pacific from 1941–43, in the Mediterranean from 1943–44, the Central Pacific drive from 1943–44, the D-Day landings in 1944, and the ferocious battles with the Japanese at Iwo Jima and Okinawa that ended the war.
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"United States—Hyde Farmlands, 1939–1941." In Witness to the Storm, 201–26. Indiana University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvfjcxr2.11.

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"War Abroad, 1939–1941." In The History of Foreign Investment in the United States, 1914–1945, 437–509. Harvard University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1smjsg8.14.

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"Counting Out the United States, 1939–1941." In German Foreign Intelligence from Hitler's War to the Cold War, 80–121. University Press of Kansas, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvbqs5qj.8.

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"Belligerent Britain and the neutral United States, 1939–1941." In Transition of Power, 278–307. Cambridge University Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511496165.010.

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CRAWLEY, ANDREW. "The United States, Nicaragua, and World War II, 1939–1941." In Somoza and Roosevelt, 156–94. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199212651.003.0007.

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Oreskes, Naomi. "An Evidentiary and Epistemic Shift." In The Rejection of Continental Drift. Oxford University Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195117325.003.0017.

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World War II dashed the hopes and dreams of many, among them Richard Field. As President of the American Geophysical Union, Field was to host the International Geological Congress when it met in Washington, D.C. at the end of the summer of 1939, an event Field was greatly anticipating. Scientists were expected from around the globe, and the permanence —or nonpermanence —of ocean basins was high on Field’s list of topics for discussion. But as the meeting was about to begin, Adolf Hitler’s armies invaded Poland; many delegates turned around mid-voyage, and others who had already arrived in Washington quickly returned home. The following year William Bowie died; two years later Charles Schuchert died at the age of eighty-four, and Field was involved in a near-fatal car crash which effectively ended his scientific career. Bowie’s and Field’s scientific goals would be realized, however, albeit not by them. Together, they had assembled an advisory committee for gravity studies that included five subsections —navigation, geophysics, tectonics, oceanology [sic], and marine microbiology—with prominent members from acaclemia, and industry in the United States and abroad and from the U.S. Navy. Their ambitions went beyond gravity: Bowie and Field hoped to foster a global science of geophysics and oceanography to explore the three-fifths of the earth that scientists had scarcely visited by enlisting the material and financial support of the U.S. Navy and other navies. The U.S. Navy, for its part, was making plans to enlist geophysicists, both figuratively and literally. When war broke out, Harry Hess joined the naval reserve, as did many other young and aspiring geophysicists and oceanographers. In 1941, Hess was called to active duty and became the captain of an assault transport, the USS Cape Johnson. Among the ship’s tasks was the echo sounding of the Pacific basin; Hess subsequently became famous for the discovery of flat-topped sea-mounts, which he named guyots after the first professor of geology at Princeton, Arnold Guyot. I less published this discovery, but much geophysical work done during the war, and after, was classified.
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Cohen, Robert. "The Popular Front on Campus." In When the Old Left Was Young. Oxford University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195060997.003.0011.

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The international threat posed by fascism became the central concern of the student movement during the second half of the Depression decade. For this generation of college students not a year passed without some ominous reminder of the rising strength, belligerence, arid brutality of European fascism. There was Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia in 1935, Hitler’s and Mussolini’s military support of the Spanish fascist revolt in 1936 and 1937, Germany’s anti-Jewish pogrom and conquest of Austria in 1938, and the Nazi invasion of Czechoslavakia and Poland in 1939. These events, along with Japan’s escalating war on China, prodded many student activists to rethink the isolationist assumptions their anti-war movement had popularized on campus in the early 1930s. The increasing aggression of the fascist powers led these activists to worry that the very neutrality that their movement had urged upon the United States to promote peace, instead, bred war by preventing America from orchestrating an international effort to thwart fascist expansionism. This mindset facilitated the rise of a major challenge to isolationism within the student movement, which by 1938 pushed the movement’s largest organizations to abandon their isolationist policies and embrace collective security. The first influential group within the student movement’s leadership which sought to shift the movement away from isolationism was the communists. These radicals had the earliest and clearest vision of the student movement’s need for a more explicitly anti-fascist foreign policy. Their thinking on this matter had been strongly influenced by deliberations of the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International (CI) in August 1935. The CI became concerned about the triumph of Nazism in Germany, its spreading influence in Europe, and the potential threat these developments posed to the U.S.S.R.’s security. The Seventh World Congress therefore urged the formation of broad national coalitions and international collective security arrangements on behalf of a Popular Front against fascism. For communists in the American student movement, this implied the need to turn the movement’s foreign policy away from American neutrality and toward the endorsement of collective efforts among the United States, the Soviet Union, and other anti-fascist states to prevent military aggression by Germany, Italy, and Japan.
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Cohen, Robert. "From Popular Front to Unpopular Sect." In When the Old Left Was Young. Oxford University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195060997.003.0014.

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Students in the 1939—1940 academic year had more reason than ever to worry that they might soon be carrying rifles instead of textbooks. With the start of classes in September came news of Hitler’s invasion of Poland, followed by the British and French declarations of war against Germany. Before the first month of classes had ended, the Nazi conquest of Poland was complete. The great European war, which American student activists had spent much of the decade trying to prevent, was at hand. There followed several tense months without hostilities, Europe’s “phony war.” But any hopes that this was more than a temporary lull were shattered during the spring semester when Hitler struck again, launching Blitzkriegs which defeated Denmark and Norway in April and the Low Countries in May. The most shocking blow of all came at graduation time, when American students learned that France had fallen to a Nazi invasion. Although this news from Europe was horrible, it should have strengthened the student movement in the United States. After all, the movement’s most influential organizations—the ASU and Youth Congress—had spent years warning Americans of the threat that Nazi Germany posed to world peace. Hitler’s aggression had borne out those warnings. America seemed on the verge of adopting the anti-fascist position long advocated by the student movement. Even Congress began to move away from strict neutrality and rigid isolationism by repealing the arms embargo so as to aid Great Britain. All of this could have enhanced the student movement’s prestige, conferring upon its activists a prophetic cast. Hitler’s march through Europe should also have boosted the American student movement because it gave students an added impetus for turning out at rallies, lectures, and other movement events to protest Nazi aggression. At a time of surging student anxiety about a potential United States entry into the war, the student movement might have expanded greatly by continuing to carry its hopeful message that America could stay out of war by supplying Hitler’s foes in Europe. But instead of growing in this new crisis atmosphere, the American student movement began to crumble.
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Howard, Adam M. "Building a Nation." In Sewing the Fabric of Statehood, 24–49. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041464.003.0003.

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During the late 1920s and early 1930s, some Bundists began to identify as non-Zionists. Although they viewed Zionism as a nationalist distraction from their socialist values, they believed assisting a fellow labor movement in Histadrut a worthy cause. Additionally, they saw Palestine as a practical option for persecuted Jews to emigrate. With immigration restriction quotas passed by congress in 1921 and 1924 that several restricted Eastern and Southern Europeans from immigrating to the United States, these non-Zionists in the labor movement viewed Palestine as a reasonable alternative for persecuted Jews to go and begin new lives with a strong labor movement to help absorb them into the growing Jewish society there. To help Histadrut absorb these new immigrants, Jewish trade-union leaders expanded beyond the fundraising of the Gewerkschaften Campaign to specifically raise money for colonization. They raised money for the purchase of land in two places where housing was built for these new settlers, naming one the Leon Blum colony and the other the Louis Brandeis colony. This demonstrated the power of these non-government organizations (NGOs) operating transnationally to develop the infrastructure of burgeoning nation. However, in 1939, the British government’s McDonald White Paper would drastically reduce Jewish immigration to Palestine for the next five years and then eliminate it altogether after 1944.
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