Journal articles on the topic 'United States. Congress 1939-1941)'

The mid-1960s witnessed a landmark change in the area of civil rights policy in the United States. After a series of tortuous internal battles, with Southern legislators using all available procedural tools to maintain their states' discriminatory Jim Crow legal systems, the United States Congress adopted two statutes—the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965—which insured civil and political equality for all Americans. The Acts of 1964 and 1965 were the culmination of a decade-long struggle by black Americans to secure the citizenship rights that had been denied to them for more than a half century. Beginning with the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) Supreme Court decision, the civil rights movement built momentum, as formal organizations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) grew in strength and informal (grass roots) organizations spread throughout the South and the Nation. As national public opinion shifted increasingly toward providing new civil rights guarantees for blacks, Congress responded with new legislation: the Civil Rights Act of 1957 (the first civil rights law since 1875), the Civil Rights Act of 1960, and a legislative proposal to prohibit the poll tax in 1962 (which would be ratified by three-quarters of the states in 1964 and become the 24th Amendment to the United States Constitution).

Making strategic choices regarding her class and ethnic identiÞcation for the cause of social justice, Luisa Moreno was the most visible Latina labor and civil rights activist in the United States during the Great Depression and World War II. Vice-president of the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA-CIO), this charismatic Guatemalan immigrant organized farm and cannery workers across the Southwest, achieving particular success among Mexican and Russian Jewish women in southern California plants. In 1939 she was also the driving force behind El Congreso de Pueblos de Hablan Espa–ola (the Congress of Spanish-speaking Peoples), the Þrst national Latino civil rights assembly. A feminist and leftist, she faced government harassment and red-baiting in the late 1940s, especially for her past Communist Party membership.

The Federal Theatre Project . . . was a unique and influential experiment in American theatre; not just for its outspoken politics, but because it reimagined the very way that theatre was produced in the United States. For the first time in the history of the country theatre was subsidized by the federal government, a practice with widespread precedents in Europe and Asia, but one that was totally out of step with free enterprise business practice and a culture which had banned plays in its Second Continental Congress. (1)So opens Barry Witham's case study of the Seattle Federal Theatre Project from 1935 to 1939.

Patrick Conroy, the secretary-treasurer of the Canadian Congress of Labour (CCL) from 1941 to 1951, was not someone who gave up easily. As a friend observed, the Scottish-born coal miner was a committed trade unionist whose “moral certitude was admirable and… one of his great strengths.” In late 1942, however, Conroy seemed ready to call it quits on the CCL's campaign to win a national collective-bargaining policy in Canada. Since its inception in September 1940, the Congress, which represented most of the industrial unions in the country, had pushed hard for a comprehensive labor policy like the National Labor Relations or Wagner Act in the United States, which protected and advanced the rights of workers. But the Liberal government of Prime Minister Mackenzie King repeatedly refused to move beyond a turn-of-the-century conciliatory framework that emphasized moral suasion and compromise. In late 1942, when a regional organizer asked Conroy whether a collective-bargaining policy appeared likely in the future, the CCL leader replied: “We do not feel it worthwhile to raise people's hopes when the record of the federal government is as it has been.”

This essay examines the political meanings of John Ford and Dudley Nichols's film The Hurricane (1937). The Hurricane appears at a pivotal moment in American history, a moment when Ford and Nichols set out to make films for a “new kind of public.” This new audience was forged by new political forces, including the rise of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, the Popular Front, and Roosevelt's New Deal. Building on previous work that documents Nichols's affiliation with Popular Front organizations, and Ford's own political cinema (including The Informer (1935), The Grapes of Wrath (1940), and How Green Was My Valley (1941)), I argue that The Hurricane offers a fundamental critique of European imperialism, and imperial “whiteness.” At the same time, the energies for that critique come from a paradoxically “progressive” orientalism that represents South Seas “natives” as inherently wild and independent. It is this projected hunger for independence that allows Ford and Nichols to argue against colonial “whiteness,” while, almost simultaneously, they portray African Americans as servile and dependent, thus justifying white supremacy and racial oppression in the United States. Finally, by way of conclusion, I suggest that this dyadic representation – natives as independent, blacks as dependent – continues to structure the politics of Ford's post-World War II cinema, allowing him to normalize white supremacy at home, while at the same time justifying American military adventures abroad in the name of freedom for “the world's afflicted races.”

On 11 September 1941, U..S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt took to the airwaves to warn his country that “Hitler's advance guards” were readying “footholds, bridgeheads in the New World, to be used as soon as he has gained control of the oceans.” The most recent sign that the Nazis were coming, the president told his rapt national audience, was the discovery of “secret airlanding fields in Colombia, within easy range of the Panama Canal.”In Bogotá, the response was pandemonium. U.S. ambassador Spruille Braden, astonished that “the President has gone out on a limb with this statement,” sent his staff scrambling across German-owned farms and rice fields to try to produce evidence for the assertion ex post facto. Colombian President Eduardo Santos scoffed at Roosevelt's claim, telling Braden, “in the final analysis all of Colombia is a great potential airport.” A resentful Colombian Senate voted unanimously that no such airfields existed (that Colombia had fulfilled its responsibility to defend against the Axis menace). In Washington, Secretary of State Cordell Hull was forced to call in Colombia's Ambassador Gabriel Turbay to express “the very deep regret of the President, of myself and of our Government” for the “unintentional reference.”

The British created an invisible wall between ‘British India’ and the ‘Princely India’ by governing the latter indirectly through hereditary princes, who were supposedly fully autonomous, but for British ‘paramountcy’. The Indian National Congress had from the beginning adopted a policy of non-interference in the states’ affairs, which Mahatma Gandhi too upheld. However, nationalism began to cast its influence in the states despite this policy of non-interference. In Kashmir the opposition to the Maharaja took, first, the form of a Muslim agitation against the ruler’s oppressive measures. But in time as the movement against the Dogra Raj obtained increasing support from the nationalist leaders, notably Jawaharlal Nehru, the Muslim Conference (later named National Conference) leadership headed by Sheikh Abdullah gravitated towards the All-India States Peoples Conference and its spiritual parent, the Congress. The Congress too abandoned its policy of non-interference fully by 1939. This shift ultimately caused a rift in the valley, with Ch. Ghulam Abbas forming the Muslim Conference in opposition to Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference in 1941.

For almost a century, American politicians and social commentator, trailed by novelists, Hollywood movie makers and television producers have agonized about the menace of fascism, and its ability to corrupt the United States’ constitutional republic, supposedly moderate, strong, and firm. Four facets of this huge set of issues are called to the attention of readers: the creation of the understanding of fascism in 1939–1941; the connection between political crises and their renderings in popular culture; the contribution of European scholars to the conventional conceptual framework; and an exploration of the penchant of American scholars for the notion.

From 1939 to 1941, Mei Niang (b. 1920) penned three of her most famous novellas, Bang (Clam)(1939), Yu (Fish)(1941), and Xie (Crabs)(1941). Each of these works sheds light on the struggle of Chinese feminists in Japanese-occupied north China to realize ideals that stood in stark contrast to the conservative constructs of ‘good wives, wise mothers’ (xianqi liangmu) favoured by colonial officials. The contemporary appeal of Mei Niang's work is attested to by a catch-phrase, coined in 1942, that linked her with one of the most celebrated Chinese women writers of the twentieth century, Zhang Ailing (1920–1995): ‘the south has Zhang Ailing, the north has Mei Niang’ (Nan Ling, Bei Mei). Both women attained great fame in Japanese-occupied territories, only to have their achievements tempered by condemnation of the environments in which they forged their early careers. The Chinese civil war that followed the collapse of the Japanese empire propelled the two writers along divergent trajectories: Zhang Ailing moved to Hong Kong and the United States, where she achieved iconic status, while Mei Niang remained in the People's Republic of China, to be vilified. As one of the pre-eminent ‘writers of the enemy occupation’ (lunxian zuojia), Mei Niang was persecuted by a Maoist regime (1949–1976) dedicated to the refutation of the Japanese colonial order in its entirety.

‘During World War II, the United States created a political, economic, I land cultural policy aimed at improving hemispheric relations between the U.S. and Latin America. Dubbed the “Good Neighbor Policy,” its objectives were twofold: 1) to insure that nations in Latin America were joined in the Allied war effort and were not associated with the Axis or Communist sympathizers, and 2) to allow the U.S. access to Latin America as a source of raw materials and a market for goods, including films. Because Argentina did not side with the Allies, instead preferring neutrality, it was castigated by an economic boycott. Beginning in 1941, the U.S. sold small rations of raw film stock to Argentina, and over time, refused to sell it all together. The film industry in Argentina, at the time considered the most profitable and advanced in Latin America, began to lose its hold on the Spanish-language market.

Hasso von Wedel, usually “H. Wedel” on specimen labels, settled on the northwestern Caribbean coast of Panama in the province of Bocas del Toro in 1898 and sustained himself mainly through the production of picture postcards and as a photographer for the United Fruit Company. He learned to prepare bird specimens in 1926 and collected widely in Bocas del Toro for various museums, mainly Harvard University's Museum of Comparative Zoology, at least up until 1939. Wedel made the first collections of birds from the easternmost Caribbean coast of Panama in the Comarca de San Blas at intervals from 1929 until 1934. He learned the fundamentals of botanical collecting in 1938 and made extensive collections of plants for the Missouri Botanical Garden from then until 1941, his specimens forming the basis for dozens of presumed new species, at least ten of which were named for him. His biological explorations appear to have ceased about the time the United States entered the Second World War, although he lived in Changuinola, Bocas del Toro, until his death at Almirante in 1957.

ResumenLa literatura sobre la historia internacional de Chile durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial ha centrado el debate en torno al juego de presiones ejercidas por los Estados Unidos hacia los gobiernos radicales de Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia y Juan Antonio Ríos Morales para conseguir que Chile se sumara a la política continental contra las fuerzas del Eje. La neutralidad chilena fue interpretada como una actitud traicionera por los estadounidenses y en un triunfo por los países del Eje durante 1941 a 1943. Este artículo introduce el debate y busca presentar las posibilidades historiográficas al incluir a Japón, tanto como actor relevante en la política chilena como receptor de la “neutralidad” chilena en el periodo.Palabras clave: Chile, Japón, Segunda Guerra Mundial, Estados Unidos, historiografíaThe Chilean “Neutrality” in World War II (1939-1943): A historiographical analysis focused on the literature of the diplomatic relations between Chile and JapanAbstractThe literature about Chile´s international history during World War II has heavily laid on the power dynamics between the US and the Chilean radical governments of vice-president (interim) Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia and president Juan Antonio Rios Morales. Since the Roosevelt administration sought to secure the rupture of diplomatic relations between Chile and the Axis powers, Santiago´s refusal to break relations was understood as treason by the US and as a diplomatic success by the Axis powers during 1941-1943.This paper delves into the historiographical possibilities in including Japan, either as a relevant actor in the Chilean politics and as receptor of the newsabout Chile´s neutrality.Keywords: Chile, Japan, Second World War, United States, historiographyA “neutralidade” chilena na segunda guerra mundial(1939-1943): uma análise historiográfica, com ênfase naliteratura sobre as relações Chile-JapãoResumoA literatura sobre a história internacional do Chile durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial tem-se centrado no debate em torno ao jogo de pressões exercidas pelos Estados Unidos aos governos radicais de Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia e Juan Antonio Rios Morales, para conseguir que o Chile pudesse se somar a política continental contra as forças do Eixo. A neutralidade chilena foi interpretada como uma atitude traiçoeira pelos norte-americanos e uma vitória para os países do Eixo durante 1941 a 1943. Este artigo introduz o debate e procura a presentar as possibilidades historiográficas ao incluir ao Japão, tanto como um ator relevante na política chilena como o destinatário da “neutralidade” chilena no período.Palavras-chave: Chile, Japão, Segunda Guerra Mundial, Estados Unidos, historiografia

The paper deals with the orientation of the Yugoslav freemasonry during the existence of the Grand Lodge of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes ?Jugoslavia? (GLJ), later the Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia (GLY). The state of freemasonry in Serbia on the eve of the Great War is briefly described and followed by an analysis of how the experience of the First World War influenced Serbian freemasons to establish strong ties with French freemasonry. During the 1920s the Grand Lodge ?Jugoslavia? maintained very close relations with the Grand Orient of France and the Grand Lodge of France, and this was particularly obvious when GLJ got the opportunity to organise the Masonic congress for peace in Belgrade in 1926 through its links with French Freemasonry. Grand Master Georges Weifert (1919-34) also symbolised close links of French and Serbian freemasonry. However, his deputy and later Grand Master Douchan Militchevitch (1934-39) initiated in 1936 the policy of reorientation of Yugoslav freemasonry to the United Grand Lodge of England. Although there had already been such initiatives, they could not be materialised due to the fact that it was not until 1930 that the United Grand Lodge of England (UGLE) recognised several continental grand lodges, including GLJ. In a special section efforts of GLJ to be recognised by UGLE are analysed. Efforts for reorientation of GLY were conducted through several persons, including Douchan Militchevitch (1869-1939), Stanoje Mihajlovic (1882-1946), Vladimir Corovic (1885-1941) and Dragan Militchevitch (1895-1942). Special attention is given to the plans of GLY?s grand master to make the Duke of York (subsequently King George VI), who was a very dedicated freemason, an honorary past master of GLY. This plan failed, and the main idea behind it was to make GLY more resistant to internal clerical attacks and also to the external pressure of Italy. Mihajlovic?s three official Masonic visits to Britain (1933-39) are analysed as well as a private visit of Corovic and Dragan Militchevitch in March 1940. In the context of the visits made in 1939-40 plans to establish an Anglo-Yugoslav lodge are also analysed. Finally, the context of the de facto ban on Yugoslav freemasonry in August 1940 is given and the subsequent fates of its pro-British actors are also described.

The article offers an overview of modern historical data on the origins, causes of World War II, the decisive role of the USSR in its victorious end, and also records the main results and lessons of World War II.Hitler's Germany was the main cause of World War II. Nazism, racial theory, mixed with far-reaching geopolitical designs, became the combustible mixture that ignited the fire of glob­al conflict. The war with the Soviet Union was planned to be waged with particular cruelty.The preconditions for the outbreak of World War II were the humiliating provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty for the German people, as well as the attitude of the "Western de­mocracies" to Russia after 1917 and the Soviet Union as an outcast of world development. Great Britain, France, the United States chose for themselves a policy of ignoring Moscow's interests, they were more likely to cooperate with Hitler's Germany than with Soviet Russia. It was the "Munich Agreement" that became the point of no return to the beginning of the Second World War. Under these conditions, for the USSR, its own security and the conclusion of a non-aggression pact with Germany began to come to the fore, defining the "spheres of interests" of the parties in order to limit the advance of German troops towards the Soviet borders in the event of German aggression against Poland. The non-aggression pact gave the USSR just under two years to rebuild the army and consolidate its defensive potential and pushed the Soviet borders hundreds of kilometers westward. The signing of the Pact was preceded by the failure in August 1939 of the negotiations between the military mis­sions of Britain, France and the USSR, although Moscow took the Anglo-French-Soviet nego­tiations with all seriousness.The huge losses of the USSR in the summer of 1941 are explained by the following circum­stances: before the war, a large-scale modernization of the Red Army was launched, a gradu­ate of a military school did not have sufficient experience in managing an entrusted unit by June 22, 1941; the Red Army was going to bleed the enemy in border battles, stop it with short counterattacks by covering units, carry out defensive operations, and then strike a de­cisive blow into the depths of the enemy's territory, so the importance of a multi-echeloned long-term defense in 1941 was underestimated by the command of the Red Army and it was not ready for it; significant groupings of the Western Special Military District were drawn into potential salients, which was used by the Germans at the initial stage of the war; Stalin's fear of provoking Hitler to start a war led to slowness in making the most urgent and necessary decisions to bring troops to combat readiness.The Allies delayed the opening of the second front for an unreasonably long time. They, of course, achieved outstanding success in the landing operation in France, however, the en­emy's losses in only one Soviet strategic operation in the summer of 1944 ("Bagration") are not inferior, and even exceed, the enemy’s losses on the second front. One of the goals of "Bagration" was to help the Allies.Soviet soldiers liberated Europe at the cost of their lives. At the same time, Moscow could not afford to re-establish a cordon sanitaire around its borders after the war, so that anti- Soviet forces would come to power in the border states. The United States and Great Britain took all measures available to them to quickly remove from the governments of Italy, France and other Western states all the left-wing forces that in 1944-1945 had a serious impact on the politics of their countries.

"„Sok szíves üdvözlettel régi barátos...” (“With kind regards, your old friend...”). Coriolan Petranu’s Friendly Connections to the Hungarian Historians. Coriolan Petranu is the founder of modern art history education and scientific research in Transylvania. He had received special education in this field of study that is relatively new in the region. He started his studies in 1911 at the University of Budapest, attending courses in law and art history. During the 1912-1913 academic year he joined the class of Professor Adolph Goldschmiedt (1863-1944) at the Friedrich-Wilhelm University in Berlin. The professor was an illustrious personality from the same generation as art historians Emil Mâle, Wilhelm Vögte, Bernard Berenson, Roger Fry, Aby Warburg, and Heinrich Wölfflin, specialists who had provided a decisive impetus to art historical research during the twentieth century. In the end of 1913, Coriolan Petranu favored Vienna, with its prestigious art historical school attached to the university from the capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. There he completed and perfected his education under the supervision of Professor Josef Strzygowski (1862-1941). The latter scholar was highly appreciated for his contributions to the field of universal art history by including the cultures of Asia Minor (Syria, Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Persia), revealing the influence that this area had on proto-Christian art, as well as by researching ancient art in Northern Europe. In March 1920 the young art historian successfully defended his doctoral dissertation entitled Inhaltsproblem und Kunstgeschichte (”Content and art history”). He thus earned his doctor in philosophy title that opened him access to higher education teaching and art history research. His debut was positively marked by his activity as museographer at the Fine Art Museum in Budapest (Szepműveszeti Muzeum) in 1917-1918. Coriolan Petranu has researched Romanian vernacular architecture (creating a topography of wooden churches in Transylvania) and his publications were appreciated, published in the era’s specialized periodicals and volumes or presented during international congresses (such as those held in Stockholm in 1933, Warsaw in 1933, Sofia in 1934, Basel in 1936 and Paris in 1937). The Transylvanian art historian under analysis has exchanged numerous letters with specialists in the field. The valuable lot of correspondence, comprising several thousands of letters that he has received from the United States of America, Great Britain, Spain, France, Switzerland, The Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Czechoslovakia, Austria, Hungary, Poland, the USSR, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Egypt represents a true history of the stage and development of art history as a field of study during the Interwar Period. The archive of the Art History Seminary of the University in Cluj preserves one section dedicated to Hungarian letters that he has send to Hungarian specialists, art historians, ethnographers, ethnologists or colleagues passionate about fine art (Prof. Gerevich Tibor, Prof. Takács Zoltán, Dr. Viski Károly, Count Dr. Teleki Domokos). His correspondence with Fritz Valjavec, editor of the “Südostdeutsche Forschungen” periodical printed in München, is also significant and revealing. The letters in question reveal C. Petranu’s significant contribution through his reviews of books published by Hungarian art historians and ethnographers. Beyond the theoretical debates during which Prof. Petranu has criticized the theories formulated by Prof. Gerevich’s school that envisaged the globalization of Hungarian art between the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period and that also included in this general category the works of German masters and artists with other ethnic backgrounds, he has also displayed a friendly attitude and appreciation for the activity/works of his Hungarian colleagues (Viski Károly and Takács Zoltán). The previously unpublished Romanian-Hungarian and Hungarian-Romanian set of letters discussed here attest to this. Keywords: Transylvania, correspondence, vernacular architecture, reviews, photographs, Gerevich Tibor, Dr. Viski Károly "

A fully annotated catalog of genus- and species-group names of Neotropical Lauxaniidae (Diptera: Lauxanioidea) is presented, providing details of references to these names in literature, and providing additional details such as distributions, generic combinations, synonymies, misspellings and emendations, information on types, notes on unusual situations, etc. As this catalog is meant to supplement the older Catalog of the Diptera of America North of Mexico, to complete the cataloging of the New World Lauxaniidae, “Neotropical” is herein inclusive of everything south of the United States, and the Nearctic parts of Mexico are not separately distinguished. The catalog is organized alphabetically within each of the three lauxaniid subfamilies, Eurychoromyiinae, Homoneurinae and Lauxaniinae, treating 91 available genus-group names, of which 77 represent valid genera. In the species-group, the catalog treats 441 available species-group names, of which 391 represent valid Neotropical lauxaniid species, 39 are invalid, three are valid but extralimital lauxaniids, five are valid but removed from Lauxaniidae, and two are new replacement names for two homonyms outside Lauxaniidae. The following nine new genera are described, based on previously described species: Elipolambda Gaimari & Silva (type species, Sapromyza lopesi Shewell, 1989), Griphoneuromima Silva & Gaimari (type species, Sapromyza frontalis Macquart, 1844b), Meraina Silva & Gaimari (type species, Lauxania ferdinandi Frey, 1919), Myzaprosa Gaimari & Silva (type species, Myzaprosa mallochi Gaimari & Silva), Paradeceia Silva & Gaimari (type species, Sapromyza sororia Williston, 1896b), Pseudodeceia Silva & Gaimari (type species, Lauxania leptoptera Frey, 1919), Sericominettia Gaimari & Silva (type species, Minettia argentiventris Malloch, 1928), Zamyprosa Gaimari & Silva (type species, Sapromyza semiatra Malloch, 1933), and Zargopsinettia Gaimari & Silva (type species, Minettia verticalis Malloch, 1928). The following four new replacement names in the species-group replace junior homonyms: Myzaprosa mallochi Gaimari & Silva (for Sapromyza spinigera Malloch, 1933, nec Malloch, 1925), Pseudogriphoneura mallochi Silva & Gaimari (for Minettia infuscata Malloch, 1928, nec Sciomyza infuscata Wulp, 1897), Xenochaetina hendeli Silva & Gaimari (for Allogriphoneura robusta Hendel, 1936, nec Helomyza robusta Walker, 1858), Zamyprosa macquarti Gaimari & Silva (for Sciomyza nigripes Blanchard, 1854, nec Sapromyza nigripes Macquart, 1844). The following six genus-group names are new synonyms: Allogriphoneura Hendel, 1925 (= Xenochaetina Malloch, 1923), Bacilloflagellomera Papp & Silva, 1995 (= Stenolauxania Malloch, 1926), Haakonia Curran, 1942 (= Xenochaetina Malloch, 1923), Homoeominettia Broadhead, 1989 (= Allominettia Hendel, 1925), Paraphysoclypeus Papp & Silva, 1995 (= Physoclypeus Hendel, 1907), Tibiominettia Hendel, 1936 (= Allominettia Hendel, 1925). The following 12 species-group names are new synonyms: Chaetocoelia banksi Curran, 1942 (= Chaetocoelia excepta (Walker, 1853)), Chaetocoelia tripunctata Malloch, 1926 (= Chaetocoelia excepta (Walker, 1853)), Minettia semifulva Malloch, 1933 (= Zamyprosa nigriventris (Blanchard, 1854)), Pseudogriphoneura scutellata Curran, 1934a (= Xenochaetina porcaria (Fabricius, 1805)), Sapromyza apta Walker, 1861 (= Chaetominettia mactans (Fabricius, 1787)), Sapromyza brasiliensis Walker, 1853 (= Chaetominettia corollae (Fabricius, 1805)), Sapromyza semiatra subsp. remissa Malloch, 1933 (= Zamyprosa semiatra (Malloch, 1933)), Sapromyza sordida Williston, 1896b (= Neogriphoneura sordida (Wiedemann, 1830)), Setulina geminata subsp. quadripunctata Malloch, 1941, subsp. tripunctata Malloch, 1941 & subsp. verticalis Malloch, 1941 (= Setulina geminata (Fabricius, 1805)), Tibiominettia setitibia Hendel, 1932 (= Allominettia assimilis (Malloch, 1926)). The following 96 lauxaniid species-group names are in new combinations: Allominettia approximata (Malloch, 1928; Deutominettia Hendel, 1925), Allominettia assimilis (Malloch, 1926; Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), Allominettia rubescens (Macquart, 1844b; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Allominettia woldae (Broadhead, 1989; Homoeominettia Broadhead, 1989), Camptoprosopella sigma (Hendel, 1910; Procrita Hendel, 1908), Camptoprosopella verena (Becker, 1919; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Dryosapromyza pirioni (Malloch, 1933; Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), Elipolambda duodecimvittata (Frey, 1919; Lauxania Latreille, 1804), Elipolambda lopesi (Shewell, 1989; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Elipolambda picrula (Williston, 1897; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Griphoneuromima frontalis (Macquart, 1844b; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Homoneura maculipennis (Loew, 1847; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Lauxanostegana albispina (Albuquerque, 1959; Steganopsis Meijere 1910), Marmarodeceia claripennis (Curran, 1934a; Pseudogriphoneura Hendel, 1907), Melanomyza nigerrima (Becker, 1919; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Meraina ferdinandi (Frey, 1919; Lauxania Latreille, 1804), Minettia altera (Curran, 1942; Pseudogriphoneura Hendel, 1907), Minettia duplicata (Lynch Arribálzaga, 1893; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Minettia lateritia (Rondani, 1863; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Minettia lupulinoides (Williston, 1897; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Minettia pallens (Blanchard, 1854; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Minettia remota (Thomson, 1869; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Minettia setosa (Thomson, 1869; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Myzaprosa chiloensis (Malloch, 1933; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Myzaprosa emmesa (Malloch, 1933; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Myzaprosa triloba (Malloch, 1933; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Neodecia albovittata (Loew, 1862; Lauxania Latreille, 1804), Neodecia bivittata (Curran, 1928b; Pseudogriphoneura Hendel, 1907), Neodecia flavipennis (Curran, 1928b; Pseudogriphoneura Hendel, 1907), Neodecia vittifacies (Curran, 1931; Pseudogriphoneura Hendel, 1907), Neominettia eronis (Curran, 1934a; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Neominettia lebasii (Macquart, 1844b; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Neominettia melanaspis (Wiedemann, 1830; Sciomyza Fallén, 1820d), Neoxangelina congruens (Hendel, 1910; Physegenua Macquart, 1848a/b), Neoxangelina facialis (Wiedemann, 1830; Sciomyza Fallén, 1820d), Neoxangelina flavipes (Hendel, 1926; Physegenua Macquart, 1848a/b), Paracestrotus albipes (Fabricius, 1805; Scatophaga Fabricius, 1805), Paradeceia incidens (Curran, 1934a; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Paradeceia shannoni (Malloch, 1933; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Paradeceia sororia (Williston, 1896b; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Physegenua annulata (Macquart, 1844b; Ephydra Fallén, 1810), Physoclypeus nigropleura (Papp & Silva, 1995; Paraphysoclypeus Papp & Silva, 1995), Poecilohetaerus suavis (Loew, 1847; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Poecilolycia blanchardi (Malloch, 1933; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Poecilolycia lineatocollis (Blanchard, 1854; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Poecilominettia aibonito (Curran, 1926; Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), Poecilominettia bipunctata (Say, 1829; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Poecilominettia evittata (Malloch, 1926; Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), Poecilominettia mona (Curran, 1926; Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), Poecilominettia nigropunctata (Malloch, 1928; Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), Poecilominettia plantaris (Thomson, 1869; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Poecilominettia quichuana (Brèthes, 1922; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Poecilominettia schwarzi (Malloch, 1928; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Poecilominettia sonax (Giglio-Tos, 1893; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Poecilominettia thomsonii (Lynch-Arribálzaga, 1893; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Poecilominettia triseriata (Coquillett, 1904a; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Pseudocalliope albomarginata (Malloch, 1933; Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), Pseudodeceia leptoptera (Frey, 1919; Lauxania Latreille, 1804), Pseudogriphoneura albipes (Wiedemann, 1830; Lauxania Latreille, 1804), Pseudominettia argyrostoma (Wiedemann, 1830; Lauxania Latreille, 1804), Ritaemyia unifasciata (Macquart, 1835; Tephritis Latreille, 1804), Sciosapromyza fuscinervis (Malloch, 1926; Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), Sciosapromyza limbinerva (Rondani, 1848; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Sciosapromyza scropharia (Fabricius, 1805; Scatophaga Fabricius, 1805), Scutominettia guyanensis (Macquart, 1844b; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Sericominettia argentiventris (Malloch, 1928; Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), Sericominettia aries (Curran, 1942; Pseudogriphoneura Hendel, 1907), Sericominettia holosericea (Fabricius, 1805; Scatophaga Fabricius, 1805), Sericominettia nigra (Curran, 1934a; Pseudogriphoneura Hendel, 1907), Sericominettia velutina (Walker, 1853; Helomyza Fallén, 1820a), Stenolauxania flava (Silva, 1999a; Bacilloflagellomera Papp & Silva, 1995), Stenolauxania fusca (Silva, 1999a; Bacilloflagellomera Papp & Silva, 1995), Stenolauxania longicornus (Silva, 1999a; Bacilloflagellomera Papp & Silva, 1995), Stenolauxania nigrifemuris (Silva, 1999a; Bacilloflagellomera Papp & Silva, 1995), Stenolauxania pectinicornis (Papp & Silva, 1995; Bacilloflagellomera Papp & Silva, 1995), Trivialia nigrifrontata (Becker, 1919; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Trivialia scutellaris (Williston, 1896b; Phortica Schiner, 1862), Trivialia venusta (Williston, 1896b; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Xenochaetina annuliventris (Hendel, 1926; Allogriphoneura Hendel, 1925), Xenochaetina glabella (Becker, 1895; Lauxania Latreille, 1804), Xenochaetina nigra (Williston, 1896b; Physegenua Macquart, 1848a/b), Xenochaetina phacosoma (Hendel, 1926; Allogriphoneura Hendel, 1925), Xenochaetina porcaria (Fabricius, 1805; Scatophaga Fabricius, 1805), Xenochaetina robusta (Walker, 1858; Helomyza Fallén, 1820a), Zamyprosa dichroa (Malloch, 1933; Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), Zamyprosa edwardsi (Malloch, 1933; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Zamyprosa ferruginea (Macquart, 1844b; Opomyza Fallén, 1820b), Zamyprosa fulvescens (Blanchard, 1854; Sciomyza Fallén, 1820d), Zamyprosa fulvicornis (Malloch, 1933; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Zamyprosa micropyga (Malloch, 1933; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Zamyprosa nigripes (Macquart, 1844b; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Zamyprosa nigriventris (Blanchard, 1854; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Zamyprosa parvula (Blanchard, 1854; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Zamyprosa semiatra (Malloch, 1933; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Zamyprosa seminigra (Malloch, 1933; Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), Zargopsinettia verticalis (Malloch, 1928; Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830). The following 42 species have lectotype designations herein: Allogriphoneura nigromaculata Hendel, 1925 (synonym of Xenochaetina porcaria (Fabricius, 1805)), Allogriphoneura robusta Hendel, 1936 (= Xenochaetina hendeli Silva & Gaimari), Allominettia maculifrons Hendel, 1925 (synonym of Allominettia xanthiceps (Williston, 1897)), Blepharolauxania trichocera Hendel, 1925, Chaetocoelia palans Giglio-Tos, 1893, Euminettia zuercheri Hendel, 1933b (Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), Griphoneura triangulata Hendel, 1926, Lauxania albovittata Loew, 1862 (Neodecia Malloch, in Malloch & McAtee, 1924), Lauxania imbuta Wiedemann, 1830 (Griphoneura Schiner, 1868), Lauxania lutea Wiedemann, 1830 (Neominettia Hendel, 1925), Lauxania ruficornis Macquart, 1851a (synonym of Xenochaetina flavipennis (Fabricius, 1805)), Neominettia fumosa Hendel, 1926 (synonym of Neominettia costalis (Fabricius, 1805)), Physegenua ferruginea Schiner, 1868, Physegenua vittata Macquart, 1848a/b, Pseudogriphoneura cormoptera Hendel, 1907, Sapromyza angustipennis Williston, 1896b (Chaetocoelia Giglio-Tos, 1893), Sapromyza distinctissima Schiner, 1868 (Chaetocoelia Giglio-Tos, 1893), Sapromyza exul Williston, 1896b (Neodecia Malloch, in Malloch & McAtee, 1924), Sapromyza gigas Schiner, 1868 (Dryosapromyza Hendel, 1933a), Sapromyza ingrata Williston, 1896b (Poecilominettia Hendel, 1932), Sapromyza latelimbata Macquart, 1855a (synonym of Chaetominettia corollae (Fabricius, 1805)), Sapromyza lineatocollis Blanchard, 1854 (Poecilolycia Shewell, 1986), Sapromyza longipennis Blanchard, 1854 (= Minettia duplicata (Lynch Arribálzaga, 1893)), Sapromyza nigerrima Becker, 1919 (Melanomyza Malloch, 1923), Sapromyza nigriventris Blanchard, 1854 (Zamyprosa Gaimari & Silva), Sapromyza octovittata Williston, 1896b (Poecilominettia Hendel, 1932), Sapromyza ornata Schiner, 1868 (Neoxangelina Hendel, 1933a), Sapromyza pallens Blanchard, 1854 (Minettia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), Sapromyza parvula Blanchard, 1854 (Zamyprosa Gaimari & Silva), Sapromyza picrula Williston, 1897 (Elipolambda), Sapromyza puella Williston, 1896b (Trivialia Malloch, 1923), Sapromyza sororia Williston, 1896b (Paradeceia Silva & Gaimari), Sapromyza venusta Williston, 1896b (Trivialia Malloch, 1923), Sapromyza xanthiceps Williston, 1897 (Allominettia Hendel, 1925), Scatophaga scropharia Fabricius, 1805 (Sciosapromyza Hendel, 1933a), Sciomyza fulvescens Blanchard, 1854 (Zamyprosa Gaimari & Silva), Sciomyza melanaspis Wiedemann, 1830 (Neominettia Hendel, 1925), Sciomyza nigripes Blanchard, 1854 (= Zamyprosa macquarti Gaimari & Silva), Sciomyza obscuripennis Bigot, 1857 (Physegenua Macquart, 1848a/b), Scutolauxania piloscutellaris Hendel, 1925, Trigonometopus albifrons Knab, 1914, Trigonometopus rotundicornis Williston, 1896b. The following three species are removed from being recognized as part of the Neotropical fauna: Homoneura americana (Wiedemann, 1830; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Homoneura maculipennis (Loew, 1847; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810), Poecilohetaerus suavis (Loew, 1847; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810). The following four species are removed from the family, three of which are put into the following new combinations: Senopterina cyanea (Fabricius, 1805; Lauxania Latreille, 1804) (Platystomatidae), Dihoplopyga delicatula (Blanchard, 1854; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810) (Heleomyzidae), Pherbellia geniculata (Macquart, 1844b; Sapromyza Fallén, 1810) (Sciomyzidae). The remaining species, Sapromyza fuscipes Macquart, 1844b, is of uncertain family placement within the Muscoidea. The following new replacement names for species of Platystomatidae were necessary due to homonymy: Senopterina gigliotosi Gaimari & Silva (for Bricinniella cyanea Giglio-Tos, 1893, nec Lauxania cyanea Fabricius, 1805), and Rivellia macquarti Gaimari & Silva (for Tephritis unifasciata Macquart, 1843: 381, nec Macquart, 1835: 465).

Abstract Ninety years ago, the Federation of Polish Jews in America hosted their national convention and world congress in the New York City area. In this article, we will discuss some of what transpired at these events. Set at a tumultuous crossroads in world history, the Federation rallied Jewish groups throughout the United States and the world in humanitarian support for a war-torn Polish nation. The national convention and world congress were also set to have their own respective satellite sessions at the New York World’s Fair of 1939 and 1940. These satellite sessions are noteworthy in that they mark a Jewish presence at the Fair which extended beyond the Jewish Palestine Pavilion. They also mark a uniquely Polish presence, extending beyond Poland’s own Pavilion at the Fair.

The origin story of public history in the United States dates this profession, practice, and field of study back to the social movements and social/cultural turn of academic history of the 1960s and 70s, directly tying the emergence of professional public history to the political ethos of the New Left. However, exploring earlier efforts in professional public-facing historical work reveals the formative influence of the Old Left on the various fields that would come to fall under the purview of public history. This article traces that connection specifically through the Radio Research Project (RRP), a large-scale series of history-oriented programs produced by the Library of Congress beginning in 1941 that were designed to educate Americans in US history, to encourage citizens to embrace civic ideals such as cultural and political democracy, and to thwart the spread of fascism. Disconnecting the rise of public history from its perceived origins in the New Left through exploring programs like the RRP not only reveals a longer history of the profession, but also challenges accepted interpretations of the types of political and social views that provide the historical foundation of contemporary practice.

During World War II, the Soviet Union’s food supply was in a state of crisis. Hitler’s army had occupied the agricultural heartlands of Ukraine and Southern Russia in 1941 and, as a result, agricultural production for the entire nation had plummeted. Soldiers in Red Army, who easily ate the best rations in the country, subsisted on a daily allowance of just under a kilogram of bread, supplemented with meat, tea, sugar and butter when and if these items were available. The hunger of the Red Army and its effect on the morale and strength of Europe’s eastern warfront were causes for concern for the Soviet government and its European and American allies. The one country with a food surplus decided to do something to help, and in 1942 the United States agreed to send thousands of pounds of meat, cheese and butter overseas to help feed the Red Army. After receiving several shipments of the all-American spiced canned meat SPAM, the Red Army’s quartermaster put in a request for a more familiar canned pork product, Russian tushonka. Pound for pound, America sent more pigs overseas than soldiers during World War II, in part because pork was in oversupply in the America of the early 1940s. Shipping meat to hungry soldiers and civilians in war torn countries was a practical way to build business for the U.S. meat industry, which had been in decline throughout the 1930s. As per a Soviet-supplied recipe, the first cans of Lend-Lease tushonka were made in the heart of the American Midwest, at meatpacking plants in Iowa and Ohio (Stettinus 6-7). Government contracts in the meat packing industry helped fuel economic recovery, and meatpackers were in a position to take special request orders like the one for tushonka that came through the lines. Unlike SPAM, which was something of a novelty item during the war, tushonka was a food with a past. The original recipe was based on a recipe for preserved meat that had been a traditional product of the Ural Mountains, preserved in jars with salt and fat rather than by pressure and heat. Thus tushonka was requested—and was mass-produced—not simply as a convenience but also as a traditional and familiar food—a taste of home cooking that soldiers could carry with them into the field. Nikita Khrushchev later claimed that the arrival of tushonka was instrumental in helping the Red Army push back against the Nazi invasion (178). Unlike SPAM and other wartime rations, tushonka did not fade away after the war. Instead, it was distributed to the Soviet civilian population, appearing in charity donations and on the shelves of state shops. Often it was the only meat product available on a regular basis. Salty, fatty, and slightly grey-toned, tushonka was an unlikely hero of the postwar-era, but during this period tushonka rose from obscurity to become an emblem of socialist modernity. Because it was shelf stable and could be made from a variety of different cuts of meat, it proved an ideal product for the socialist production lines where supplies and the pace of production were infinitely variable. Unusual in a socialist system of supply, this product shaped production and distribution lines, and even influenced the layout of meatpacking factories and the genetic stocks of the animals that were to be eaten. Tushonka’s initial ubiquity in the postwar Soviet Union had little to do with the USSR’s own hog industry. Pig populations as well as their processing facilities had been decimated in the war, and pigs that did survive the Axis invasion had been evacuated East with human populations. Instead, the early presence of tushonka in the pig-scarce postwar Soviet Union had everything to do with Harry Truman’s unexpected September 1945 decision to end all “economically useful” Lend-Lease shipments to the Soviet Union (Martel). By the end of September, canned meat was practically the only product still being shipped as part of Lend-Lease (NARA RG 59). Although the United Nations was supposed to distribute these supplies to needy civilians free of cost, travelers to the Soviet Union in 1946 spotted cans of American tushonka for sale in state shops (Skeoch 231). After American tushonka “donations” disappeared from store shelves, the Soviet Union’s meat syndicates decided to continue producing the product. Between its first appearance during the war in 1943, and the 1957 announcement by Nikita Khrushchev that Soviet policy would restructure all state animal farms to support the mass production of one or several processed meat products, tushonka helped to drive the evolution of the Soviet Union’s meat packing industry. Its popularity with both planners and the public gave it the power to reach into food commodity chains. It is this backward reach and the longer-term impacts of these policies that make tushonka an unusual byproduct of the Cold War era. State planners loved tushonka: it was cheap to make, the logistics of preparing it were not complicated, it was easy to transport, and most importantly, it served as tangible evidence that the state was accomplishing a long-standing goal to get more meat to its citizenry and improving the diet of the average Soviet worker. Tushonka became a highly visible product in the Soviet Union’s much vaunted push to establish a modern food regime intended to rival that of the United States. Because it was shelf-stable, wartime tushonka had served as a practical food for soldiers, but after the war tushonka became an ideal food for workers who had neither the time nor the space to prepare a home-cooked meal with fresh meat. The Soviet state started to produce its own tushonka because it was such an excellent fit for the needs and abilities of the Soviet state—consumer demand was rarely considered by planners in this era. Not only did tushonka fit the look and taste of a modern processed meat product (that is, it was standard in texture and flavor from can to can, and was an obviously industrially processed product), it was also an excellent way to make the most of the predominant kind of meat the Soviet Union had the in the 1950s: small scraps low-grade pork and beef, trimmings leftover from butchering practices that focused on harvesting as much animal fat, rather than muscle, from the carcass in question. Just like tushonka, pork sausages and frozen pelmeny, a meat-filled pasta dumpling, also became winning postwar foods thanks to a happy synergy of increased animal production, better butchering and new food processing machines. As postwar pigs recovered their populations, the Soviet processed meat industry followed suit. One official source listed twenty-six different kinds of meat products being issued in 1964, although not all of these were pork (Danilov). An instructional manual distributed by the meat and milk syndicate demonstrated how meat shops should wrap and display sausages, and listed 24 different kinds of sausages that all needed a special style of tying up. Because of packaging shortages, the string that bound the sausage was wrapped in a different way for every type of sausage, and shop assistants were expected to be able to identify sausages based on the pattern of their binding. Pelmeny were produced at every meat factory that processed pork. These were “made from start to finish in a special, automated machine, human hands do not touch them. Which makes them a higher quality and better (prevoskhodnogo) product” (Book of Healthy and Delicious Food). These were foods that became possible to produce economically because of a co-occurring increase in pigs, the new standardized practice of equipping meatpacking plants with large-capacity grinders, and freezers or coolers and the enforcement of a system of grading meat. As the state began to rebuild Soviet agriculture from its near-collapse during the war, the Soviet Union looked to the United States for inspiration. Surprisingly, Soviet planners found some of the United States’ more outdated techniques to be quite valuable for new Soviet hog operations. The most striking of these was the adoption of competing phenotypes in the Soviet hog industry. Most major swine varieties had been developed and described in the 19th century in Germany and Great Britain. Breeds had a tendency to split into two phenotypically distinct groups, and in early 20th Century American pig farms, there was strong disagreement as to which style of pig was better suited to industrial conditions of production. Some pigs were “hot-blooded” (in other words, fast maturing and prolific reproducers) while others were a slower “big type” pig (a self-explanatory descriptor). Breeds rarely excelled at both traits and it was a matter of opinion whether speed or size was the most desirable trait to augment. The over-emphasis of either set of qualities damaged survival rates. At their largest, big type pigs resembled small hippopotamuses, and sows were so corpulent they unwittingly crushed their tiny piglets. But the sleeker hot-blooded pigs had a similarly lethal relationship with their young. Sows often produced litters of upwards of a dozen piglets and the stress of tending such a large brood led overwhelmed sows to devour their own offspring (Long). American pig breeders had been forced to navigate between these two undesirable extremes, but by the 1930s, big type pigs were fading in popularity mainly because butter and newly developed plant oils were replacing lard as the cooking fat of preference in American kitchens. The remarkable propensity of the big type to pack on pounds of extra fat was more of a liability than a benefit in this period, as the price that lard and salt pork plummeted in this decade. By the time U.S. meat packers were shipping cans of tushonka to their Soviet allies across the seas, US hog operations had already developed a strong preference for hot-blooded breeds and research had shifted to building and maintaining lean muscle on these swiftly maturing animals. When Soviet industrial planners hoping to learn how to make more tushonka entered the scene however, their interpretation of american efficiency was hardly predictable: scientifically nourished big type pigs may have been advantageous to the United States at midcentury, but the Soviet Union’s farms and hungry citizens had a very different list of needs and wants. At midcentury, Soviet pigs were still handicapped by old-fashioned variables such as cold weather, long winters, poor farm organisation and impoverished feed regimens. The look of the average Soviet hog operation was hardly industrial. In 1955 the typical Soviet pig was petite, shaggy, and slow to reproduce. In the absence of robust dairy or vegetable oil industries, Soviet pigs had always been valued for their fat rather than their meat, and tushonka had been a byproduct of an industry focused mainly on supplying the country with fat and lard. Until the mid 1950s, the most valuable pig on many Soviet state and collective farms was the nondescript but very rotund “lard and bacon” pig, an inefficient eater that could take upwards of two years to reach full maturity. In searching for a way to serve up more tushonka, Soviet planners became aware that their entire industry needed to be revamped. When the Soviet Union looked to the United States, planners were inspired by the earlier competition between hot-blooded and big type pigs, which Soviet planners thought, ambitiously, they could combine into one splendid pig. The Soviet Union imported new pigs from Poland, Lithuania, East Germany and Denmark, trying valiantly to create hybrid pigs that would exhibit both hot blood and big type. Soviet planners were especially interested in inspiring the Poland-China, an especially rotund specimen, to speed up its life cycle during them mid 1950s. Hybrdizing and cross breeding a Soviet super-pig, no matter how closely laid out on paper, was probably always a socialist pipe dream. However, when the Soviets decided to try to outbreed American hog breeders, they created an infrastructure for pigs and pig breeding that had a dramatic positive impact of hog populations across the country, and the 1950s were marked by a large increase in the number of pigs in the Soviet union, as well as dramatic increases in the numbers of purebred and scientific hybrids the country developed, all in the name of tushonka. It was not just the genetic stock that received a makeover in the postwar drive to can more tushonka; a revolution in the barnyard also took place and in less than 10 years, pigs were living in new housing stock and eating new feed sources. The most obvious postwar change was in farm layout and the use of building space. In the early 1950s, many collective farms had been consolidated. In 1940 there were a quarter of a million kolkhozii, by 1951 fewer than half that many remained (NARA RG166). Farm consolidation movements most often combined two, three or four collective farms into one economic unit, thus scaling up the average size and productivity of each collective farm and simplifying their administration. While there were originally ambitious plans to re-center farms around new “agro-city” bases with new, modern farm buildings, these projects were ultimately abandoned. Instead, existing buildings were repurposed and the several clusters of farm buildings that had once been the heart of separate villages acquired different uses. For animals this meant new barns and new daily routines. Barns were redesigned and compartmentalized around ideas of gender and age segregation—weaned baby pigs in one area, farrowing sows in another—as well as maximising growth and health. Pigs spent less outside time and more time at the trough. Pigs that were wanted for different purposes (breeding, meat and lard) were kept in different areas, isolated from each other to minimize the spread of disease as well as improve the efficiency of production. Much like postwar housing for humans, the new and improved pig barn was a crowded and often chaotic place where the electricity, heat and water functioned only sporadically. New barns were supposed to be mechanised. In some places, mechanisation had helped speed things along, but as one American official viewing a new mechanised pig farm in 1955 noted, “it did not appear to be a highly efficient organisation. The mechanised or automated operations, such as the preparation of hog feed, were eclipsed by the amount of hand labor which both preceded and followed the mechanised portion” (NARA RG166 1961). The American official estimated that by mechanizing, Soviet farms had actually increased the amount of human labor needed for farming operations. The other major environmental change took place away from the barnyard, in new crops the Soviet Union began to grow for fodder. The heart and soul of this project was establishing field corn as a major new fodder crop. Originally intended as a feed for cows that would replace hay, corn quickly became the feed of choice for raising pigs. After a visit by a United States delegation to Iowa and other U.S. farms over the summer of 1955, corn became the centerpiece of Khrushchev’s efforts to raise meat and milk productivity. These efforts were what earned Khrushchev his nickname of kukuruznik, or “corn fanatic.” Since so little of the Soviet Union looks or feels much like the plains and hills of Iowa, adopting corn might seem quixotic, but raising corn was a potentially practical move for a cold country. Unlike the other major fodder crops of turnips and potatoes, corn could be harvested early, while still green but already possessing a high level of protein. Corn provided a “gap month” of green feed during July and August, when grazing animals had eaten the first spring green growth but these same plants had not recovered their biomass. What corn remained in the fields in late summer was harvested and made into silage, and corn made the best silage that had been historically available in the Soviet Union. The high protein content of even silage made from green mass and unripe corn ears prevented them from losing weight in the winter. Thus the desire to put more meat on Soviet tables—a desire first prompted by American food donations of surplus pork from Iowa farmers adapting to agro-industrial reordering in their own country—pushed back into the commodity supply network of the Soviet Union. World War II rations that were well adapted to the uncertainty and poor infrastructure not just of war but also of peacetime were a source of inspiration for Soviet planners striving to improve the diets of citizens. To do this, they purchased and bred more and better animals, inventing breeds and paying attention, for the first time, to the efficiency and speed with which these animals were ready to become meat. Reinventing Soviet pigs pushed even back farther, and inspired agricultural economists and state planners to embrace new farm organizational structures. Pigs meant for the tushonka can spent more time inside eating, and led their lives in a rigid compartmentalization that mimicked emerging trends in human urban society. Beyond the barnyard, a new concern with feed-to weight conversions led agriculturalists to seek new crops; crops like corn that were costly to grow but were a perfect food for a pig destined for a tushonka tin. Thus in Soviet industrialization, pigs evolved. No longer simply recyclers of human waste, socialist pigs were consumers in their own right, their newly crafted genetic compositions demanded ever more technical feed sources in order to maximize their own productivity. Food is transformative, and in this case study the prosaic substance of canned meat proved to be unusually transformative for the history of the Soviet Union. In its early history it kept soldiers alive long enough to win an important war, later the requirements for its manufacture re-prioritized muscle tissue over fat tissue in the disassembly of carcasses. This transformative influence reached backwards into the supply lines and farms of the Soviet Union, revolutionizing the scale and goals of farming and meat packing for the Soviet food industry, as well as the relationship between the pig and the consumer. References Bentley, Amy. Eating for Victory: Food Rationing and the Politics of Domesticity. Where: University of Illinois Press, 1998. 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