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1
Kunreuther, Howard, and Erwann Michel-Kerjan. "Policy: Watch Challenges for Terrorism Risk Insurance in the United States." Journal of Economic Perspectives 18, no. 4 (November 1, 2004): 201–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/0895330042632717.
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This paper examines the role that insurance has played in dealing with terrorism before and after September 11, 2001, by focusing on the distinctive challenges associated with terrorism as a catastrophic risk. The Terrorism Risk Insurance Act of 2002 (TRIA) was passed by the U.S. Congress in November 2002, establishing a national terrorism insurance program that provides up to $100 billion commercial coverage with a specific but temporary risk-sharing arrangement between the federal government and insurers. TRIA's three-year term ends December 31, 2005, so Congress soon has to determine whether it should be renewed, whether an alternative terrorism insurance program should be substituted for it, or whether insurance coverage is left solely in the hands of the private sector. As input into this process, the paper examines several alternatives and scenarios, and discusses their potential to create a sustainable terrorism insurance program in the Unites States.
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J Knabel, Stephen. "Food biosecurity in the United States." Microbiology Australia 25, no. 3 (2004): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ma04310.
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The events of 11 September 2001 highlighted the vulnerability of US citizens and the US society in general to terrorist attacks. Since then, numerous governmental agencies and scientific bodies have emphasised the need to enhance the biosecurity of the US food supply. Food biosecurity is the prevention of intentional contamination of food with hazardous biological agents through tampering or other malicious, criminal or terrorist actions or threats. As part of the nation?s response to this issue, Congress passed the Public Health Security and Bioterrorism Response Act of 2002. Title III of the Bioterrorism Act includes a number of provisions designed to improve the food safety efforts of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), including new authority to protect the food supply against terrorist acts and other threats.
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Broz, J. Lawrence. "The United States Congress and IMF financing, 1944–2009." Review of International Organizations 6, no. 3-4 (March 5, 2011): 341–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-011-9108-7.
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Ефремов, Андрей, and Andrey Efremov. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE USA LEGISLATION ON THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM AFTER 11 SEPTEMBER 2001." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 3, no. 3 (July 10, 2017): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_593fc343c391e2.71878517.
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The article is devoted to development of the USA legislation on the fight against terrorism. The author considered the objectives and tasks of the state in a particular historical period; analyzed the laws passed by the USA Congress aimed at combating home and international terrorism; identifies the main directions of the state policy of the USA in the field of counter-terrorism. The article covers the events after 11 September 2001 to the present. The author gives a brief overview of the events of 11 September 2001, discusses the Patriot Act and other laws, aimed at combating terrorism. The Patriot Act allows the Federal Bureau of Investigation to intercept telephone, verbally and electronic communications relating to terrorism, computer and mail fraud; introduces special measures to combat money-laundering; expands immigration rules, in particular, mandatory requirement of detention of persons suspected of terrorism appeared; reveals the procedure of multilateral cooperation to combat terrorism, strengthening measures to investigate terrorist crimes; established rewards for information on terrorism; introduces the procedure of identification of DNA of persons charged for committing terrorist crimes or any violent crime; introduced the concept of domestic terrorism and Federal crimes of terrorism, the prohibition on harboring terrorists and material support; there is a new crime — terrorist and other acts of violence against public transportation systems. The law abolished for the statute of limitations for crimes of terrorist orientation. In 2002 5 laws wer adopted: “Homeland Security Act of 2002”, “Maritime Transportation Security Act of 2002”, “Aviation and Transportation Security Act“, “Public Health Security and Bioterrorism Preparedness and Response Act of 2002”, “Terrorism Risk Insurance Act of 2002”. The Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act was adopted in 2006. This law restricted the financial assistance to the Palestinian national authority; Haqqani Network Terrorist Designation Act of 2012 included the Haqqani Network in the list of international terrorist organizations; the political act of refusal of admission to the United States representative to the United Nations, because he was accused of the occupation of the espionage or terrorist activities against the United States and poses a threat to the national security interests of the United States.
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Uscinski, Joseph, Michael S. Rocca, Gabriel R. Sanchez, and Marina Brenden. "Congress and Foreign Policy: Congressional Action on the Darfur Genocide." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 489–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090799.
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ABSTRACTAs of January 2008, more than 400,000 people have been killed and more than 2.5 million people have been displaced in the regions of Darfur and Chad. This event has not gone unnoticed in the United States, as the 109th United States Congress (2005–2006) considered several measures in the House of Representatives to provide funding and peacekeeping forces to quell the violence in Darfur. The goal of this article is to explain individual members' of Congress (MCs') support for Darfur legislation by examining the influence of their individual, district, and institutional characteristics. The Darfur case provides the opportunity to analyze factors critical to congressional behavior in a context where there is reason to expect an MC's usual set of incentives—e.g., reelection and adherence to party—to be less prominent. In all, we contribute to congressional and foreign policy research by parceling out the determinants of congressional support for foreign policy in comparison to domestic policy.
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Misiuna, Jan. "Zarys historii regulacji finansowania kampanii wyborczych w USA." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 29, 2011): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.8.
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The article presents the history of the US campaign finance law. It describes acts passed by the Congress, starting from the Tillman Act of 1907, followed among others by Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 and finished with McCain-Feingold Act of 2002. There are also described the most important decisions of the US Supreme Court related to the campaign finance including Newberry vs. United States (256 U. S. 232 (1921)), Buckley v. Valeo (424 U. S. 1 (1976)), McConnell v. Federal Election Commission (540 U. S. 93 (2003)) Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (130 S. Ct. 876 (2010)) of 2010. The paper also how has changed the attitude of the Supreme Court towards campaign finance regulation The article also recalls the historical events, such as Teapot Dome Scandal and Watergate, that were important stimuli for passing new law by the Congress. The background of the Supreme Court decisions is also provided.
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Bederman, David J. "Congress Enacts Increased Protections for Sunken Military Craft." American Journal of International Law 100, no. 3 (July 2006): 649–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000031110.
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The domestic and international legal status of warships and military aircraft submerged in United States waters or in international waters has been quite contentious of late. It has resulted in some notable litigation in U.S. courts, a presidential statement on U.S. policy, official lodgings of positions by foreign governments with the United States, a proposed international convention drafted by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), and other developments that have previously received notice in the pages of this Journal. In a somewhat surprising turn, Congress, in October 2004, adopted as part of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2005 a set of provisions known as the Sunken Military Craft Act (SMCA). This essay briefly traces the trajectory of developments in this sector of international law, analyzes the provisions of the SMCA, and offers a critique of the underlying policy and legal assumptions of that statute in light of those developments.
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Cohen, Mitchell I., Jeffrey P. Jacobs, and Sertac Cicek. "The 2017 Seventh World Congress of Paediatric Cardiology and Cardiac Surgery: “The Olympics of our Profession”." Cardiology in the Young 27, no. 10 (December 2017): 1865–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047951117002323.
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AbstractThe 1st World Congress of Paediatric Cardiology was held in London, United Kingdom, in 1980, organised by Dr Jane Somerville and Prof. Fergus Macartney. The idea was that of Jane Somerville, who worked with enormous energy and enthusiasm to bring together paediatric cardiologists and surgeons from around the world. The 2nd World Congress of Paediatric Cardiology took place in New York in 1985, organised by Bill Rashkind, Mary Ellen Engle, and Eugene Doyle. The 3rd World Congress of Paediatric Cardiology was held in Bangkok, Thailand, in 1989, organised by Chompol Vongraprateep. Although cardiac surgeons were heavily involved in these early meetings, a separate World Congress of Paediatric Cardiac Surgery was held in Bergamo, Italy, in 1988, organised by Lucio Parenzan. Thereafter, it was recognised that surgeons and cardiologists working on the same problems and driven by a desire to help children would really rather meet together. A momentous decision was taken to initiate a Joint World Congress of Paediatric Cardiology and Cardiac Surgery. A steering committee was established with membership comprising the main organisers of the four separate previous Congresses and additional members were recruited in an effort to achieve numerical equality of cardiologists and surgeons and a broad geographical representation. The historic 1st “World Congress of Paediatric Cardiology and Cardiac Surgery” took place in Paris in June, 1993, organised by Jean Kachaner. The next was to be held in Japan, but the catastrophic Kobe earthquake in 1995 forced relocation to Hawaii in 1997. Then followed Toronto, Canada, 2001, organised by Bill Williams and Lee Benson; Buenos Aires, Argentina, 2005, organised by Horatio Capelli and Guillermo Kreutzer; Cairns, Australia, 2009, organised by Jim Wilkinson; Cape Town, South Africa, 2013, organised by Christopher Hugo-Hamman; and Barcelona, Spain, 2017, organised by Sertac Cicek. With stops in Europe (1993), Asia-Pacific (1997), North America (2001), South America (2005), Australia (2009), Africa (2013), and Europe again (2017), in 2021, The World Congress of Paediatric Cardiology and Cardiac Surgery will be held for the first time in the continental United States.1 The 8th World Congress of Paediatric Cardiology and Cardiac Surgery will be held in Washington DC, United States of America, 19–24 September, 2021, and will be organised by Jeffrey P. Jacobs and Gil Wernovsky. Mitchell I. Cohen served as the Scientific Program Co-Chair for the 2017 World Congress of Paediatric Cardiology and Cardiac Surgery, and he will again serve as the Scientific Program Co-Chair for the 2021 World Congress of Paediatric Cardiology and Cardiac Surgery along with Kathyrn Dodds RN, MSN, CRNP. Information about the upcoming 8th World Congress of Paediatric Cardiology and Cardiac Surgery can be found at www.WCPCCS2021.org
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Ryan, Matt E. "The Evolution of Legislative Tenure in the United States Congress: 1789–2004." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 30, no. 1 (April 1, 2012): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569212x15664519360470.
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Abstract How has tenure evolved over the history of the United States Congress? A rudimentary analysis of both Senator and Representative tenure rates finds average legislative tenure to be constant for nearly ninety years, only to rise significantly in the late 1800s. An empirical breakpoint analysis isolates the most probable breakpoint in both time series. Possible causes of this shift are explored.
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Koh, Harold Hongju. "The Case Against Military Commissions." American Journal of International Law 96, no. 2 (April 2002): 337–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693928.
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In January 2002, Zacarias Moussaoui, a French national of Moroccan descent, pleaded not guilty in Virginia federal court to six counts of conspiring to commit acts of international terrorism in connection with the September 11 attacks on the Pentagon and the World Trade Center. In other times, it would have seemed unremarkable for someone charged with conspiring to murder American citizens and destroy American property on American soil to be tried in a U.S. civilian court. More than two centuries ago, Article I, Section 8, Clause 10 of the United States Constitution granted Congress the power to "define and punish Piracies, Felonies committed on the High Seas, and Offenses against the Law of Nations," a power that Congress immediately exercised by criminalizing piracy, the eighteenth-century version of modern terrorism. Since then, Congress has criminalized numerous other international offenses. In recent decades, United States courts have decided criminal cases convicting international hijackers, terrorists, and drug smugglers, as well as a string of well-publicized civil lawsuits adjudicating gross human rights violations. Most pertinent, federal prosecutors have successfully tried and convicted in U.S. courts numerous members of Al Qaeda, the very terrorist group charged with planning the September 11 attacks, for earlier attacks on the World Trade Center and the U.S. embassies in Tanzania and Kenya.
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Bradley, Curtis A. "Historical Gloss, the Recognition Power, and Judicial Review." AJIL Unbound 109 (2015): 2–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300001057.
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The U.S. executive branch has long declined to recognize any country’s sovereignty over Jerusalem, insisting that the matter be worked out through negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. The U.S. Congress, by contrast, has tended to support Israeli sovereignty over the city. In 2002, Congress enacted the Foreign Relations Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2003, Section 214(d) of which provides that, “[f]or purposes of the registration of birth, certification of nationality, or issuance of a passport of a United States citizen born in the city of Jerusalem, the Secretary [of State] shall, upon the request of the citizen or the citizen’s legal guardian, record the place of birth as Israel.” Both the Bush Administration and the Obama Administration declined to comply with this statutory directive. In Zivotofsky v. Kerry (Zivotofsky II), the Supreme Court sided with the executive branch, holding that Section 214(d) unconstitutionally interferes with the exclusive authority of the President to recognize foreign sovereigns.
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Chojnacka, Magdalena. "Participation of Women in the United States Congress: 1917-2011." Acta Agraria Debreceniensis, no. 45 (May 2, 2012): 63–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.34101/actaagrar/45/2394.
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The last decades have carried changes in the legal and social position of women bearing enfranchisement, a new approach to women’s education, and their increased participation in the job market. This article outlines the historical participation of women on the political scene of the United States between the years of 1917-2011 including an analysis of the situation in the individual states. Furthermore, it analyses what types of positions have been held by women in the American Government Administration including the most prestigious ones of the Speaker and the Secretary of State. It also introduces Hilary Rodham Clinton, the first woman ever to run in the presidential elections 2008. This analysis reveals that women are still underrepresented in the federal-level positions which makes it difficult for them to influence the quality of the lawmaking and results in a difficulty to promote such decisions that are important for the women themselves.
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Barkow, Rachel E. "The Evolving Role of the United States Sentencing Commission." Federal Sentencing Reporter 33, no. 1-2 (October 2020): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fsr.2020.33.1-2.3.
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This essay explores how the role of the United States Sentencing Commission has changed over time. It has gone through three different phases in terms of its role (either actual or perceived) in federal sentencing. The first phase covers the Commission at its inception, and the perceived role of the Commission that dominated then was that of a politically insulated, expert agency that would serve, essentially, as an independent policy maker. This vision of the Commission never materialized, but it is important to understand this model in order to appreciate why the Commission was set up the way it was. During the second and dominant phase, which lasted for roughly two decades, from 1986 until 2007, the Commission played a weak supporting role to the political actors who oversaw its work, with Congress largely controlling its output. This period was characterized by political battering by Congress. Given the political climate of the time, that meant increases in sentences, but little else, from the Commission. The third phase began in 2007 and continues today. The Commission is now seen as a respected supplier of data, and its judgments are given more deference. In a sense, this role combines the first two. The Commission is recognized for its expertise, but that expertise is valuable only insofar as the information it generates has political value. The essay concludes with ways the Commission’s design can be improved to give it greater political influence in setting sentencing policy.
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Stinziano, Michael P. G. "The Terrorist Risk Insurance Act of 2002: The Federal Government's Role in Addressing Losses Caused by Terrorism." Policy Perspectives 11, no. 1 (May 1, 2004): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v11i1.4122.
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In response to problems associated with insuring against the risk of foreign terrorist attacks in the United States, Congress passed The Terrorist Risk Insurance Act of 2002 (TRIA) to help solve an availability and affordability crisis in the private marketplace for terrorism risk insurance. TRIA established a temporary three-year federal program that created a risk-sharing mechanism to provide private insurance companies with a tool to manage the allocation of their risk resulting from foreign terrorist attacks. The role of government in helping to provide financial protection from losses not served by private markets is not new, but protecting against terrorism risk is. TRIA and its possible alternatives remain a topic of considerable discussion and debate as our country continues to address the threat of terrorism in the United States. One important element of this analysis is to determine what permanent role, if any, the government should play in providing terrorism risk insurance to address the market failure that occurred after September 11. Another is to explore possible alternatives to the current temporary program.
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MACDONALD, JASON A. "Limitation Riders and Congressional Influence over Bureaucratic Policy Decisions." American Political Science Review 104, no. 4 (November 2010): 766–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000432.
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Limitation riders, which allow the U.S. Congress to forbid agencies from spending money for specific uses, enable congressional majorities to exert greater influence over bureaucratic policy decisions than is appreciated by research on policy making in the United States. I develop a theory of limitation riders, explaining why they lead to policy outcomes that are preferable to a majority of legislators compared to outcomes that would occur if this tool did not exist. I assess this perspective empirically by analyzing the volume of limitation riders reported in bills from 1993 to 2002 and all limitation riders forbidding regulatory actions from 1989 to 2009. In addition to supporting the conclusion that Congress possesses more leverage over agencies’ decisions than is currently appreciated, the findings have implications for advancing theories of delegation.
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Clark, Peter A. "Prejudice and the Medical Profession: A Five-Year Update." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 37, no. 1 (2009): 118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2009.00356.x.
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Over the past decades the mortality rate in the United States has decreased and life expectancy has increased. Yet a number of recent studies have drawn Americans attention to the fact that racial and ethnic disparities persist in health care. It is clear that the U.S. health care system is not only flawed for many reasons including basic injustices, but may be the cause of both injury and death for members of racial and ethnic minorities.In 2002, an Institute of Medicine (IOM) report requested by Congress listed more than 100 studies documenting a wide range of disparities in the United States health care system. This report found that people belonging to racial and ethnic minorities often receive lower quality of health care than do people of European descent, even when their medical insurance coverage and income levels are the same as that of the latter.
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عبد الرحيم محمد, مالك, and أ. د. ميثم العيبي إسماعيل. "تحليل الاثار المالية والنقدية لتزايد الدين العام الداخلي في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية للمدة 2002- 2018." Iraqi Journal For Economic Sciences 2020, no. 67 (January 18, 2021): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ijes2020.67.4.
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The American economy suffers from a general budget deficit, mainly due to the high public expenditures, especially the military, as the United States of America occupies the first place in the world in the proportion of military spending, and the budget deficit is mainly financed through the sale of government securities, which led to an increase in the volume of public debt In the United States of America, which is a dangerous indicator, especially after interest payments on public debt exceeded the barrier of $ 500 billion for the year 2018, which pushes them to borrow again to finance these benefits, this cumulative and continuous increase in the size of public debt works to influence the economic variables Monetary and financial. The research aims to analyze the development of internal public debt in the United States of America and its most important causes, in addition to clarifying the mechanisms and methods used to alleviate the severity of the internal public debt without compromising the ability of the economy or the ability to repay previous debts to maintain investor confidence in the strength of the American economy. The research reached several results, the most prominent of which is that the large increase in the volume of the internal public debt and the consequent increase in the money supply did not negatively affect the monetary side of the economy as inflation rates did not reach high levels and international reserves increased, accompanied by a decrease in interest rates. While the research presented several recommendations, including the need to achieve financial discipline and market access to borrow at the lowest possible costs by issuing debt regularly, in addition to avoiding resorting to any special measures to increase the volume of public debt and adhere to the debt ceiling approved by the US Congress.
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Bertelli, Anthony M., and Jeffrey B. Wenger. "Demanding Information: Think Tanks and the US Congress." British Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (April 2009): 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000410.
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The recent growth in the formation of think tanks in the United States raises questions about their role in the democratic process. A theory of think-tank formation is pre here, which posits that committee debate creates incentives for legislators to seek research-based, policy-analytic information supporting competing policy positions. As political entrepreneurs recognize this demand, they supply think tanks, just as scholars have suggested they supply interest groups. An important macro-level implication of this theory is that as legislators’ ideological polarization increases, the demand for policy analysis increases, as does the number of think tanks supplied. Empirical support for this proposition in the United States from 1903 to 2003 is shown, while controlling for market factors measuring the opportunity cost of investing in think tanks.
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Hellander, Ida. "The Deepening Crisis in U.S. Health Care: A Review of Data, Spring 2008." International Journal of Health Services 38, no. 4 (October 2008): 607–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/hs.38.4.b.
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This report presents information on the state of U.S. health care in early 2008. The numbers of uninsured and underinsured continue to rise, and the proportion of people covered by employer-sponsored private coverage decreases. For 29 percent of low- and middle-income households with credit card debt, medical bills are a contributor to their current balance. Health spending in the United States is on the increase, and projected spending in 2008 will consume 16.6 percent of gross domestic product. Health insurance premiums grew 78 percent between 2002 and 2007. Meanwhile, safety-net hospitals are facing deep deficits and service cuts across the country. Pharmaceutical and insurance companies spend millions lobbying Congress. Health industry CEOs continue to be richly rewarded, even as companies come under investigation or face fines for claims denials, manipulation of data, or violations of claims-handling regulations. Average monthly premiums for Medicare Part D increase while plans are reducing coverage for high-cost drugs. And research shows how private plans such as Medicare Advantage hurt Medicare. According to opinion polls, the majority of Americans and physicians support a single-payer health care system.
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Perl, Raphael F. "United States Andean Drug Policy: Background And Issues For Decisionmakers." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 3 (1992): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165923.
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In September 1989, President Bush outlined a comprehensive, multi-faceted drug control strategy with both national and international dimensions. The strategy focused on reducing both the demand and supply of illicit drugs. Treatment, prevention/education, research, law enforcement, and international efforts are major components of the strategy. An important goal of the strategy was to reduce the amount of illicit drugs illegally entering the United States by 15% within 2 years and by 60% within 10 years. The president refined the strategy and forwarded it to Congress on 25 January 1990 (US-ONDCP, 1990: 49-52, 120-121). The following year, in February 1991, policymakers modified goals to a 20% reduction by 1993 and a 65% reduction by the year 2001 (US-ONDCP, 1991: 15).
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Coen, Alise. "Securitization, Normalization, and Representations of Islam in Senate Discourse." Politics and Religion 10, no. 1 (February 3, 2017): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048316000808.
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AbstractThis study explores depictions of Islam in Senate rhetoric across the 106th (1999–2000) and 111th (2009–2010) Congresses. These two periods are compared to consider overall patterns in congressional discourse on Islam and to explore how the September 11th, 2001 attacks might have shaped this discourse. The study also examines the possible effects of ideology, partisanship, and senator religious affiliation on representations of Islam. The article ultimately suggests that despite some important post-September 11 shifts in Senate rhetoric pertaining to Islam, persistent themes regarding securitization, Orientalist tendencies, moderate-fundamentalist dichotomizations, and ideological divisions merit scrutiny. This study contributes to work on Congress, religion, and American politics by assessing trends in the discursive representation of Islam by United States legislators. Theoretically, the article draws upon the Copenhagen School in International Relations to assess the securitization of Islam within legislative debates and to develop the related concept of normalization.
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Basile, Anthony, Sheila Handy, and Felisha N. Fret. "A Retrospective Look at the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002- Has it accomplished its original purpose?" Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 31, no. 2 (March 3, 2015): 585. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v31i2.9155.
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As a result of notable frauds including Enron, WorldCom and Waste Management, the United States Congress enacted the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 (SOX). The Act would forever change the accounting profession. After a little more than a decade, publicly traded companies have been able to create and implement policies and procedures to ensure compliance with the Act, specifically the provisions set forth in Section 404. Since all public companies have implemented SOX compliance together with other regulations imposed by the Internal Revenue Service and other regulatory agencies into their normal reporting routines, management of these companies have realized further benefits associated with SOX compliance. Because of these reported benefits many private companies have begun to voluntarily implement SOX-like policies and procedures into their own internal framework. This paper will discuss the perceptions of the enactment and implementation of the Act, the associated benefits derived from SOX compliance and reasons why private companies have begun voluntarily adopting SOX-like policiesprocedures and strategies.
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Herbert, John. "Risk Mitigation of Chemical Munitions in a Deep-Water Geohazard Assessment." Marine Technology Society Journal 44, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4031/mtsj.44.1.4.
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AbstractThe Department of Defense is currently conducting a review of archival information in an attempt to verify the types, quantities, and locations of chemical warfare material and conventional munitions disposed of by the Department of Defense (DoD) in waters of the United States, in accordance with Section 314 of the Fiscal Year (FY) 2007 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), and report the results of that review annually in the Defense Environmental Programs Annual Report to Congress. Previous to this effort, disposal of military munitions, including chemical warfare materials (CWM) and conventional munitions, in the ocean from World War I through 1970 was done by many nations and was not well documented. A 2001 U.S. Army report entitled “Off-shore Disposal of Chemical Agents and Weapons Conducted by the United States” indicated that the disposal of CWM in the ocean through 1970 was more widespread geographically than was widely known. In accordance with Section 314, the DoD published updated information on disposals in the 2006 and 2007 “Defense Environmental Programs Annual Report to Congress.” Two directives implemented in 2006 and 2007, respectively, by the Minerals Management Service referenced an increased concern with unexploded ordnance (UXO) in deep water (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bib5">NTLs 2006-G12</xref> and <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bib6">2007-G01</xref>). With the industry’s increase in deep-water exploration, the potential for encounters with military munitions is increasing. This paper will describe an unprecedented in-depth study that provided the oil and gas industry quantitative avoidance criteria and risk management analysis of CWM including drums that were critical during a routine geohazard survey in the Gulf of Mexico. During the underway period, a team of UXO technicians from AMTI, an operation of Science Applications International Corporation, located and identified munitions and drums in one of seven known dumping zones in 1,710 feet of water. Using their global munitions expertise and the information obtained in the previously conducted study, AMTI provided analysis of supporting conclusions and risk mitigation strategies, including in-depth decontamination procedures. The UXO technicians used proven risk assessment and risk mitigation processes and quickly assessed and quantified risk.
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Durinka, Joel B., and Jorge Ortiz. "Fate of Poster Abstracts Presented at the 2009 American College of Surgeons Clinical Congress." Translation: The University of Toledo Journal of Medical Sciences 4 (June 27, 2017): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.46570/utjms.vol4-2017-199.
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Background: The American College of Surgeons (ACS) holds an annual clinical congress which provides the opportunity to present innovative research to academic and community surgeons from around the globe. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the publication rate of poster abstracts presented at the 2009 American College of Surgeons Clinical Congress to assess the factors influencing publication and determine the impact factor of these journals.Methods: All posters presented at the 2009 ACS were included in the study. A Pubmed-Medline search was performed to identify a matching journal article. Topics, country of origin, study type, study center and publication year were tabulated. Journals and impact factors of publication were noted.Results: Of the 333 poster abstracts presented, 62 (18.6%) were published as full-text articles. Two studies published well in advance of the meeting were removed. 36/60 (60%) of the published studies were from The United States. The average time to publication was 16.8 months. 51/60 (85%) of the studies were conducted in academic institutions. The average impact factor was 2.88. The median impact factor for studies originating from the United States was 3.3 (0.71-4.5). The median impact factor for international studies was 2.38 (0-7.22). This observation did not reach statistical significance (p=0.102) 8 (13.3%) of these manuscripts were published in the Journal of the American College of Surgeons (the official journal of the meeting). There were several abstract characteristics found to be associated with a higher publication rate. A higher rate was found for abstracts for randomized clinical trials, basic science studies, and university programs. The rates did not differ between author specialties.Conclusion:The publication rate for abstracts presented at the 2009 ACS clinical congress was lower than rates from other fields of medicine. Factors leading to failure to publish were non-randomized trials, non-university affiliation and single center studies. Encouraging authors to submit their presentations for full-text publication might improve the rate of publication. Authors should be wary of accepting poster abstracts as dogma; authors should refrain from citing them in publications especially if they are from outside the United States.
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Shaffer, Thomas L. "Roman Catholic Lawyers in the United States of America." Journal of Law and Religion 21, no. 2 (2006): 305–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400005634.
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My agenda here is Roman Catholics in the American legal profession, from George Higgins's Jerry Kennedy to Judge Samuel Alito's joining the four other Catholics to make a majority on the federal Supreme Court. (I thought, as I said this in Washington, just before the Senate confirmation hearings in January 2006, that some in attendance may not have thought about this, and may have wanted to leap to their feet and phone their senators.)Begin with ethnographic narrowing: When I talk about Catholic lawyers in the U.S., I mean to talk about descendants of the late immigrants—that is, people whose ancestors came here between the end of the Civil War and the end of World War I, when Congress stifled European immigration. I am talking, closer to home, about the twenty-five or thirty American law schools that were set up to provide vertical mobility to the children and grandchildren of the late immigrants. There were, to be sure, Catholic lawyers in this country before the late immigrants and the Catholic law schools. Roger Taney was a Catholic, although we don't brag about him much. Lord Baltimore no doubt had a few Catholic lawyers in tow when the Carrolls and the Calverts came to Maryland in 1734. But the immigrants and the Catholic law schools have provided most of the numbers; they are at the heart of the lawyers I am thinking about here. “A people within a people,” as David Gregory puts it.
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Tan, Zhengxi, Shuguang Liu, Terry L. Sohl, Yiping Wu, and Claudia J. Young. "Ecosystem carbon stocks and sequestration potential of federal lands across the conterminous United States." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112, no. 41 (September 28, 2015): 12723–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1512542112.
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Federal lands across the conterminous United States (CONUS) account for 23.5% of the CONUS terrestrial area but have received no systematic studies on their ecosystem carbon (C) dynamics and contribution to the national C budgets. The methodology for US Congress-mandated national biological C sequestration potential assessment was used to evaluate ecosystem C dynamics in CONUS federal lands at present and in the future under three Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Special Report on Emission Scenarios (IPCC SRES) A1B, A2, and B1. The total ecosystem C stock was estimated as 11,613 Tg C in 2005 and projected to be 13,965 Tg C in 2050, an average increase of 19.4% from the baseline. The projected annual C sequestration rate (in kilograms of carbon per hectare per year) from 2006 to 2050 would be sinks of 620 and 228 for forests and grasslands, respectively, and C sources of 13 for shrublands. The federal lands’ contribution to the national ecosystem C budget could decrease from 23.3% in 2005 to 20.8% in 2050. The C sequestration potential in the future depends not only on the footprint of individual ecosystems but also on each federal agency’s land use and management. The results presented here update our current knowledge about the baseline ecosystem C stock and sequestration potential of federal lands, which would be useful for federal agencies to decide management practices to achieve the national greenhouse gas (GHG) mitigation goal.
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Matera, Paulina. "China as the Strategic Competitor in the Debate on TPP in the United States." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.06.
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The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) was negotiated with participation of the U.S. representatives from 2008. It was discussed not only in terms of the economic consequences of it. The proponents of signing TPP claimed that it would strengthen the alliances in Asia-Pacific region, curtail the Chinese influences and let the U.S. establish the global trade rules for the future. The debate on this issue took place in the Congress, also the front runners of the presidential elections of 2016 expressed their standpoints. The attitude of public opinion will be also presented as well as the position of Donald Trump which resulted in the withdrawal of the United States from the agreement once he became the President of the U.S.
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Rivera, Temario C. "The Philippines in 2004: New Mandate, Daunting Problems." Asian Survey 45, no. 1 (January 2005): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.127.
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National elections in the Philippines took place on May 10, 2004, providing incumbent President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo with a six-year electoral mandate and control of both houses of Congress and most of the local governmental positions. However, the Arroyo administration faced a worsening budget deficit and debt crisis, increased incidence of hunger and poverty, pervasive corruption scandals in the military, inconclusive peace negotiations with communist guerrillas and Muslim separatists, and an unexpected twist in the country's relations with the United States, provoked by a crisis in the Philippines' involvement in Iraq.
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Zvezdova, Olesya. "Official US position on recognition of independence of Abkhazia and South." European Historical Studies, no. 4 (2016): 113–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.04.113-125.
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This article deals with the official position of the United States regarding independence recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia by the Russian Federation in 2008. The basic documents of the State Department, Presidential Administration and the US Congress, which are published on the official page, are analyzed. The applications and interviews of the President, Secretary of State and 124 other state officials are considered. It is concluded that Abkhazia and South Ossetia are Georgian regions; the United States does not recognize its independence and calls on the Russian Federation to reverse its recognition of the “de facto states”. US will not recognize the results of any parliamentary and presidential elections in these areas and only Georgian authority is considered as legitimate. Agreements that were signed by the Russian Federation and the leaders of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in 2014 and 2015 respectively have no legal force and are only Russian provocative step towards strengthening its influence in the region. Resolutions of Congress accuse Russia of occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and call to withdraw Russian troops from these territories. Since 2014 the situation in eastern Ukraine is compared with the situation in Abkhazia and South Ossetia in some press releases and speeches of the US official representatives.
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Wang, Jianwei. "China: A Challenge or Opportunity for the United States?" Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (August 2003): 293–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001375.
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Ever since the end of the Cold War, the United States—from the government to the public, from the White House to Congress, from policymakers to pundits, from China specialists to people who know little about China—has engaged itself in the seemingly endless debate on China. Immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, people debated whether China was still important to the United States and whether the Sino-U.S. special relationship was worth preserving. Since the early 1990s, with China's remarkable economic “soft landing” and the consequent robust and sustained economic growth, Americans seemed to have reached a consensus that China still matters to the United States for better or worse. U.S.-China relations were often referred to as one of the most important bilateral relations to the United States. But important in what way? Much debate ensued with a series of frictions between the two countries that climaxed in the dispatch of two U.S. aircraft carriers to the South China Sea during the Taiwan Strait crisis in 1996, the U.S.-led NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the midair collision between the two air forces in 2001. The U.S. media tirelessly asked the question: “China: friend or foe?” The pattern for U.S. China policy since the end of the Cold War is that whenever the relationship appeared to be stabilizing and a consensus was shaping, new crises emerged and destroyed the hard-won progress, triggering another round of debate on China as if people never learned anything from the previous debate; the old and familiar discourse started all over again.
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Beezley, William H. "Juan O'Gorman, Daniel COSío Villegas, and the Mexican Historical Profession: An Interview with Josefina Zomida Vázquez." Americas 67, no. 02 (October 2010): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500005460.
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Professor Josefina Zoraida Vázquez has made an indelible imprint on the discipline of the history of Mexico. Her publications have provided an analysis of the Mexican experience through such diverse themes as the U.S. invasion (1846-1848), the evolution of national education programs, and the struggles to establish federalism and republicanism in the first decades of independence. She has written official textbooks used by all Mexican school children, appeared on numerous television programs, taught dozens of doctoral students, and assisted many scholars in both Mexico and the United States. She has been an active member of the historical profession; she organized the Congress of Mexican Historians from Mexico, the United States, and Canada in Patzcuaro in 1977 and served as the President of the same organization in Monterrey in 2003.
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Beezley, William H. "Juan O'Gorman, Daniel Cosío Villegas, and the Mexican Historical Profession: An Interview with Josefina Zoraida Vázquez." Americas 67, no. 2 (October 2010): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2010.0007.
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Professor Josefina Zoraida Vázquez has made an indelible imprint on the discipline of the history of Mexico. Her publications have provided an analysis of the Mexican experience through such diverse themes as the U.S. invasion (1846-1848), the evolution of national education programs, and the struggles to establish federalism and republicanism in the first decades of independence. She has written official textbooks used by all Mexican school children, appeared on numerous television programs, taught dozens of doctoral students, and assisted many scholars in both Mexico and the United States. She has been an active member of the historical profession; she organized the Congress of Mexican Historians from Mexico, the United States, and Canada in Patzcuaro in 1977 and served as the President of the same organization in Monterrey in 2003.
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Mäkinen, Teemu. "Opposing the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty in the U.S. Congress: Ideological analysis of Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations Committee Hearings." American Studies in Scandinavia 51, no. 2 (September 26, 2019): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v51i2.5974.
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The United States Senate voted to ratify the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty with Russia in 2010 by 74-26, all 26 voting against being Republicans. The change in the voting outcome compared to the 95-0 result in the 2003 SORT vote was dramatic. Using inductive frame analysis, this article analyzes committee hearings in the Senate Foreign Relations and the Armed Services committees in order to identify competing narratives defining individual senators’ positions on the ratification of the New START. Building on conceptual framework introduced by Walter Russel Mead (2002), it distinguishes four schools of thought: Jacksonian, Hamiltonian, Jeffersonian, and Wilsonian. The argumentation used in the hearings is deconstructed in order to understand the increase in opposition to the traditionally bipartisan nuclear arms control regime. The results reveal a factionalism in the Republican Party. The argumentationin opposition to ratification traces back to the Jacksonian school, whereas argumentation supporting the ratification traces back to Hamiltonian, Jeffersonian and Wilsonian traditions. According to opposition, the Obama administration was pursuing its idealistic goal of a world-without-nuclear-weapons and its misguided Russia reset policy by any means necessary – most importantly by compromising with Russia on U.S. European-based missile defense.
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Ruiz Silva, Beatriz E., Fred Fate, Jennifer Roundtree, and Maxine Estick. "Upward bound chemistry at Los Angeles City College The first year." Educación Química 9, no. 5 (August 30, 2018): 276. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fq.18708404e.1998.5.66531.
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<span>Low income American students from families where neither parent has attended college are at high risk of dropping after high school. To help these students begin college, graduate and move on to participate more fully in the economic and social life of the United States, Congress established the TRIO (three) program in 1965. Currently, over 2000 projects are hosted at over 1200 post-secondary institutions and more than 100 community agencies.</span>
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Sinclair, Gwen. "The Documents Expediting Project, 1946–2004." DttP: Documents to the People 47, no. 2 (June 17, 2019): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/dttp.v47i2.7032.
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The Documents Expediting Project (DocEx), an acquisition and distribution service for federal documents that operated out of the Library of Congress (LC) from 1946 to 2004, was an important source of non-depository items, second copies, and fugitive documents. In addition to distributing documents to subscribing libraries and other organizations, DocEx supplied documents to the Superintendent of Documents for inclusion in the Monthly Catalog of United States Government Publications (MoCat). DocEx stands as a model of cooperation between libraries, library associations, LC, federal agencies, the Superintendent of Documents, and vendors to facilitate the acquisition and distribution of millions of documents that would otherwise have disappeared.
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Turner, Faythe. "Editor's Note." Ethnic Studies Review 26, no. 2 (January 1, 2003): i—iv. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2003.26.2.i.
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In its larger contexts the topic of this issue of Ethnic Studies Review, “Fair Access,” has many referents. In 2004 we are marking the fiftieth anniversary of Brown v Board of Education which stated unequivocally that separate but equal systems of education did not and could not exist, and yet equal education for all our children still does not exist. Recent reports detail that in many urban areas school systems are at least as segregated as prior to the Brown decision, and all levels of government seem satisfied with that status quo. We watch with astonishment as over six hundred people are being detained by the United States Government without charges against them or access to lawyers at Guantanamo. We witness at the moment of Haiti's celebration of its 200th anniversary of independence not only the mysterious removal of the democratically elected President of Haiti but also the continual refusal to grant refugee status to fleeing Haitians while it is granted to Cubans almost automatically, thus creating great inequities in immigrant access. We decry the Patriots Act passed by the Congress of the United States at the instigation of the Bush Administration that whittles away at the freedoms guaranteed by our Constitution. We know that many do not have access to health care in the United States. These and other issues of fair access must be our daily concern.
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Nickles, Marshall D., and Jeffrey Schieberl. "Shadow Banking In The United States And China :What Are The Risks?" International Journal of Management & Information Systems (IJMIS) 19, no. 3 (July 13, 2015): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/ijmis.v19i3.9364.
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This paper addresses the concern the authors have regarding the speculative nature of shadow banking in the United States and China in particular. There appears to be ample evidence that shadow banking in the United States was a major contributor to the speculation that led up to the 2008 - 2010 financial crisis. The same type of speculation was also responsible for the U.S. stock market collapse of 1929. During the 1930s the Glass-Steagall Act was enacted to address the potential conflict of interest between commercial and investment banking activities. This Act was altered in the 1990s by a majority vote in Congress. Some believe that this partial gutting of the Glass-Steagall Act contributed to Americas unregulated shadow banking activities and real estate speculation that followed. At present Chinas shadow banking sector is following a similar speculative path that the United States did about seven years ago. A difference is that Chinas commercial and shadow banking systems are absent of many of the mechanisms that allowed the U.S. to regulate its way out of Americas financial crisis. This paper compares past and current U.S. and Chinese shadow banking activities and draws conclusions relative to certain sectors in the Chinese economy that are overheated and primed for economic difficulties that could have global implications.
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Steffens, David C. "In our hands: responding to the IOM report on workforce needs for older adults with mental health and substance use disorders." International Psychogeriatrics 25, no. 7 (May 2, 2013): 1039–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1041610213000641.
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In the United States, there are signs that we are coming to terms with the growing healthcare needs of older Americans. Over the past decade, exploding Medicare costs and the federal budget deficit have forced medical professionals, policy-makers, and other stakeholders to consider the consequences of an aging population. The US Congress commissioned a report from the Institute of Medicine (IOM) on the physical healthcare needs of the elderly adults and the geriatric healthcare workforce required to meet them, resulting in the 2008 IOM report Retooling for an Aging America: Building the Health Care Workforce (IOM, 2008). Following this report, Congress recognized that the work was not finished and that more information was needed about mental health and substance use (MH/SU) disorders in older Americans. The IOM was commissioned by Congress to convene a committee to study and report on the workforce needed to care for this group. In 2012, the IOM released The Mental Health and Substance Use Workforce for Older Adults: In Whose Hands? (IOM, 2012).
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BESHKAR, MOSTAFA, and ADAM S. CHILTON. "Revisiting Procedure and Precedent in the WTO: An Analysis ofUS – Countervailing and Anti-Dumping Measures (China)." World Trade Review 15, no. 2 (February 1, 2016): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745615000683.
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AbstractAfter not applying countervailing duty (CVD) law against non-market economies (NMEs) for two decades, the United States opened a CVD investigation against China in 2006. After extensive litigation, a US appeals court ruled that it was illegal to apply CVD law to NMEs. While that ruling was being appealed, the US Congress passed legislation stipulating that the application of CVD law to NMEs starting in 2006 was legal. China challenged this legislation at the WTO. The dispute resulted in a ruling that left open the possibility that the legislation violated the GATT, as well as a finding that the United States must investigate its application of countervailing and antidumping duties against China. This dispute has implications for a number of current WTO debates including: whether Appellate Body rulings create a binding precedent, whether the Appellate Body should have authority to remand cases, and what information should be required in panel requests.
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Tung, Genevieve. "International Trade Law and Information Policy: A Recent History." International Journal of Legal Information 42, no. 2 (2014): 241–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500012051.
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In September 2008, the United States Trade Representative (USTR) announced the United States’ intention to join Singapore, New Zealand, Brunei, and Chile in what was then called the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, a preferential trade agreement. Since then, the agreement has grown in scope and ambition. The negotiations to create what is now known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) have expanded to include seven other nations. The USTR wants the TPP to be “an ambitious, next-generation, Asia-Pacific trade agreement that reflects U.S. economic priorities and values.” According to the USTR's webpage dedicated to the agreement, the administration is “working in close partnership with Congress and with a wide range of stakeholders, in seeking to conclude a strong agreement that addresses the issues that U.S. businesses and workers are facing in the 21st century.”
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Weber, Guido S. "Unresolved Issues in Controlling the Tuberculosis Epidemic Among the Foreign-Born in the United States." American Journal of Law & Medicine 22, no. 4 (1996): 503–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s009885880001193x.
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Tuberculosis (TB), “the world’s most neglected health crisis,” has returned after decades of decline, but has only gradually caught the attention of governments as a formidable threat to public health. By 1984, when TB cases hit an all-time low, federal and state governments stopped supporting the medical infrastructure that once served to contain the disease. State officials around the nation began dismantling laboratory research programs and closing TB clinics and sanitoria. Since 1985, however, TB rates have steadily increased to 26,673 reported cases in 1992, and some have estimated that by the year 2000, there could be a twenty percent increase. By 1993, Congress, realizing that TB could pose a major public health threat, allocated over $100 million to the Department of Health and Human Services for TB prevention and treatment programs. Those funds, however, were sorely needed years before and amounted to only a fraction of what public health officials believe necessary to control TB today.
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Perry, Denielle M., and Kate A. Berry. "Central American integration through infrastructure development: A case study of Costa Rican hydropower." Regions and Cohesion 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 96–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2016.060105.
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At the turn of the 21st century, protectionist policies in Latin America were largely abandoned for an agenda that promoted free trade and regional integration. Central America especially experienced an increase in international, interstate, and intraregional economic integration through trade liberalization. In 2004, such integration was on the agenda of every Central American administration, the U.S. Congress, and Mexico. The Plan Puebla-Panama (PPP) and the Central America Integrated Electricity System (SIEPAC), in particular, aimed to facilitate the success of free trade by increasing energy production and transmission on a unifi ed regional power grid (Mesoamerica, 2011). Meanwhile, for the United States, a free trade agreement (FTA) with Central America would bring it a step closer to realizing a hemispheric trade bloc while securing market access for its products. Isthmus states considered the potential for a Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) with the United States, their largest trading partner, as an opportunity to enter the global market on a united front. A decade and a half on, CAFTA, PPP, and SIEPAC are interwoven, complimentary initiatives that exemplify a shift towards increased free trade and development throughout the region. As such, to understand one, the other must be examined.
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III, Frank O. Bowman,. "It's Alive! The Federal Booker-Fix Debate Stirs." Federal Sentencing Reporter 24, no. 5 (June 1, 2012): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fsr.2012.24.5.335.
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These Editor's Observations introduce Volume 24, Number 5 of the Federal Sentencing Reporter, an issue devoted to renewed discussion in Congress and the U.S. Sentencing Commission about whether there is a need for legislative action to revise or replace the advisory federal sentencing guidelines system judicially created by the U.S. Supreme Court's 2005 decision in United States v. Booker. It describes the basic positions of the main institutional actors, briefly summarizes the articles in the issue, and makes a prediction about the likelihood of action in the near term.
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Nathan, Aaron. "The Astonishing Testimony of Doctor Brigitte Boisselier Before a Subcommittee of the United States Congress in March 2001." Law and Literature 14, no. 2 (July 2002): 397–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/lal.2002.14.2.397.
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Schraufnagel, Scot. "Testing the implications of incivility in the United States Congress, 1977–2000: The case of judicial confirmation delay." Journal of Legislative Studies 11, no. 2 (March 2005): 216–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330500158623.
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Dyer, Karen, Nathaniel Dickey, Sarah Smith, and Hannah Helmy. "Human Trafficking in Florida: The Role of Applied Anthropology in Addressing the Problem and Response." Practicing Anthropology 34, no. 4 (September 1, 2012): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.34.4.g632r1j2m4w60413.
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Human trafficking is a pervasive issue in the United States (Florida State 2003:16). While an estimated 18,000-20,000 persons are trafficked across the nation's borders each year, this may be a dramatic underestimation of actual occurrence due to the hidden nature of human trafficking crimes and the fact that this number does not include domestic trafficking incidents (Florida State 2003:16). Federal anti-trafficking legislation defines "trafficking in persons" to mean those compelled into commercial sex acts (sex trafficking) or labor and services (labor trafficking) through force, fraud or coercion (United States Congress 2000). Although exact data regarding the incidence of human trafficking in Florida are currently unavailable, it is considered a lucrative trafficking hub—often being cited as one of the top three states in which the crime occurs. This is principally because of its agriculture- and tourism-based economy, two industries in which trafficking can thrive with relatively little resistance (Florida State 2003:27). Indeed, Miami International Airport has ranked among the "top points of entry for trafficking" since as early as 1999 (Florida State 2003:28). The lack of comprehensive data also precludes a clear picture of the demographics and nationalities of all trafficked persons in Florida, but figures from the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops provide a snapshot of certified victims of trafficking who are receiving federal benefits. In a four-year period ending August 2010, 274 trafficked persons received federal benefits; of these individuals, 127 were female, 147 were male, and the top five nationalities were those from Haiti (81), the Phillipines (65), Mexico (42), Guatemala (13), and Honduras (12) (Florida State 2010:39-40).
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Fraden, Rena. "The Federal Theatre Project: A Case Study. By Barry B. Witham. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003; pp. 190. $70 cloth." Theatre Survey 46, no. 1 (May 2005): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557405250093.
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The Federal Theatre Project . . . was a unique and influential experiment in American theatre; not just for its outspoken politics, but because it reimagined the very way that theatre was produced in the United States. For the first time in the history of the country theatre was subsidized by the federal government, a practice with widespread precedents in Europe and Asia, but one that was totally out of step with free enterprise business practice and a culture which had banned plays in its Second Continental Congress. (1)So opens Barry Witham's case study of the Seattle Federal Theatre Project from 1935 to 1939.
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Matheson, Michael J. "The Amendment of the War Crimes Act." American Journal of International Law 101, no. 1 (January 2007): 48–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000029523.
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There are many important aspects to the 2006 Military Commissions Act, most of which are covered in the contributions of others to this Agora. I will focus on the amendments made by the Act to the earlier War Crimes Act, which set forth criminal sanctions for various violations of international humanitarian law. These amendments, which were ostensibly designed to remove ambiguities in the existing law, have the effect of raising questions about United States implementation of the 1949 Geneva Conventions that need to be resolved by the executive branch or, if necessary, by further action of Congress.
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Horner, Jennifer R. "Clogged systems and toxic assets." Journal of Language and Politics 10, no. 1 (June 28, 2011): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.10.1.02hor.
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The Emergency Economic Stabilization Act, also known as the “Wall Street Bailout,” authorized the allocation of $700B US to address the financial crisis of 2008. The “bailout” did not pass easily; members of the United States Congress reported feedback from angry constituents urging them to vote against it, and the measure failed its first vote in the House of Representatives. This essay focuses on metaphors used in public discourse to describe the “bailout” in the ten days between its introduction to Congress and its failure in the House. Advocates of the economic stimulus plan relied on metaphors that evacuated human agency, portraying the plan as an emergency measure necessitated by crises such as illness, natural disasters, and mechanical failures. Opponents to the plan extended and modified the administration’s metaphors to communicate a critique of the transfer of federal funds to private entities for the good of the public.
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Vieira, Pedro Antonio, and Helton Ricardo Ouriques. "Brazil and the BRICS: The Trap of Short Time." Journal of World-Systems Research 22, no. 2 (August 16, 2016): 404–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2016.628.
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In this paper we examine the BRICS by focusing on one of its member states: Brazil. More specifically, we focus on the relationship between Brazilian foreign policy under President Lula (2003-2010), U.S. hegemonic decline, and the commodity boom that provided economic resources to sustain Brazil’s position in world politics. With the world financial crisis of 2008, Lula’s belle époque came to an end. Without the abundant resources of commodity exports, Lula’s successor, Dilma Rousseff, tried unsuccessfully to combat the economic slowdown by further strengthening the economic role of the state. With this expansionist economic policy, she was elected for a second term in office, but immediately embraced the previous orthodox economic policies, what coupled with lack of support from the Congress, threw the government into crisis. As a result, not only has the political economy of Brazil re-aligned with the interests of financial capital, but also its foreign policy has returned to its historical alignment with the United States. Our contention is that the BRICS will soon be of no relevance to Brazil.