Academic literature on the topic 'United States. Congress. House - Elections'
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Journal articles on the topic "United States. Congress. House - Elections"
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Carson, Jamie L., Spencer Hardin, and Aaron A. Hitefield. "You’re Fired! Donald Trump and the 2020 Congressional Elections." Forum 18, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 627–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2103.
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Abstract The 2020 elections brought to an end one of the most divisive and historic campaigns in the modern era. Former Vice President Joe Biden was elected the 46th President of the United States with the largest number of votes ever cast in a presidential election, defeating incumbent President Donald Trump in the process. The record turnout was especially remarkable in light of the ongoing pandemic surrounding COVID-19 and the roughly 236,000 Americans who had died of the virus prior to the election. This article examines the electoral context of the 2020 elections focusing on elections in both the House and Senate. More specifically, this article examines the candidates, electoral conditions, trends, and outcomes in the primaries as well as the general election. In doing so, we provide a comprehensive descriptive analysis of the climate and outcome of the 2020 congressional elections. Finally, the article closes with a discussion of the broader implications of the election outcomes on both the incoming 117th Congress as well as the upcoming 2022 midterm election.
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Tomaszewski, Norbert. "Reclaiming the House of the Representatives from Republicans: Case Study of Districts TX-32 and NJ-3." Political Preferences, no. 23 (August 21, 2019): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2019.23.37-54.
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2018 midterm elections in the United States allowed more ethnically and racially diverse candidates to become members of the Congress. The use of social media tools helped them to reach out to their community and get out the vote, which is especially important in Democratic campaign tactics. The article, by focusing on Colin Allred's and Andy Kim's Congressional bids, focuses on how their issue-oriented campaigns helped to mobilize the liberal voters. Furthermore, by analysing the rapidly changing demographics, it tackles the crucial question: do they mean the doom of the Republican Party?
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Lipset, Seymour Martin. "The Elections, the Economy and Public Opinion: 1984." PS: Political Science & Politics 18, no. 01 (1985): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500021260.
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Many commentaries on the recent American elections conclude that the United States has taken a long-term move to the right. This shift seemingly began in the late sixties as a reaction to the turmoil occasioned by militant, sometimes violent protest tactics used by the civil rights and antiwar movements, and by the sharp challenge to traditional values encompassed in the changes in family and sex behavior, dress styles, the increased use of drugs, and the like. The Republicans have been victorious in four out of the last five presidential elections, those held from 1968 on. Only one of these, that in 1968, was close, but in that contest a right-wing and racist candidate, George Wallace, received 13 percent. The one election of the five which the Democrats won, that in 1976, was the first one after Richard Nixon's resignation following the Watergate scandal.Yet the conclusion that America has been in a conservative mood for some time is challenged by the results of the races for Congress and state offices and by the findings of the opinion polls. In 1984, in the same election in which Ronald Reagan received 59 percent of the vote, eight percent more than in 1980, his party lost two seats in the Senate and gained only 14 in the much larger House, leaving it behind the Democrats by 252 to 183. The Democrats still hold 34 of the 50 governorships, down by only one. Judged by which party holds most electoral offices, the Democrats remain the majority party.
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Rivera, Temario C. "The Philippines in 2004: New Mandate, Daunting Problems." Asian Survey 45, no. 1 (January 2005): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.127.
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National elections in the Philippines took place on May 10, 2004, providing incumbent President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo with a six-year electoral mandate and control of both houses of Congress and most of the local governmental positions. However, the Arroyo administration faced a worsening budget deficit and debt crisis, increased incidence of hunger and poverty, pervasive corruption scandals in the military, inconclusive peace negotiations with communist guerrillas and Muslim separatists, and an unexpected twist in the country's relations with the United States, provoked by a crisis in the Philippines' involvement in Iraq.
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Ansolabehere, Stephen, David Brady, and Morris Fiorina. "The Vanishing Marginals and Electoral Responsiveness." British Journal of Political Science 22, no. 1 (January 1992): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000338.
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Nearly two decades ago researchers pointed out the sharp decline in marginal districts in elections for the US House of Representatives. That observation led to an outpouring of research describing the electoral changes, explaining their bases and speculating about their consequences for the larger political system. Recently Gary Jacobson has offered a major corrective to that line of research, arguing that ‘House incumbents are no safer now than they were in the 1950s; the marginals, properly defined, have not vanished; the swing ratio has diminished little, if at all; and competition for House seats held by incumbents has not declined’. While Jacobson advances an extremely provocative argument, there are complicating patterns in his evidence that support additional and/or different interpretations. We argue that the marginals, ‘properly defined’ have diminished, the swing ratio has declined, and party competition for House seats held by incumbents has lessened. While fears that the vanishing marginals phenomenon would lead to lower responsiveness on the part of ‘safe’ House incumbents have proved groundless, the collective composition of Congress does appear to be less responsive to changes in popular sentiments. Thus, the vanishing marginals have contributed to the occurrence of divided government in the United States and in all likelihood do have the effects on congressional leadership and policy-making that many analysts have claimed.
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Kodzoev, M. A. M. "The results of Donald Trump’s anti-Cuban policy and the prospects for US–Cuban relations under Joseph Biden." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-39-53.
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After Donald Trump becoming US president, the process of normalizing US-Cuban relations was interrupted for four years. After his inauguration, as he had promised during the election campaign, he canceled almost all of the achievements of his predecessor in the area of improving bilateral ties and subsequently consistently tightened sanctions against Havana. This could have been due to the desire of Trump to provide a reciprocal ‘service’ to the ultra-conservative interest groups in Washington, D.C. whose substantial support was used during the elections. At the same time, the Republican, usually not inclined to caution in decision-making, gradually introduced new restrictions on interaction with the Latin American country and was in no hurry to use all instruments available at once. Probably, in this way Trump tried to keep for himself as long as possible the main ‘bargaining chip’, which the Island of Freedom became in his internal political game quid pro quo the new partners from among the ‘hawks’. Therefore, the White House began to take the most aggressive measures just on the eve of the 2020 elections and immediately after them. The victory of the Democrat Joseph Biden, who served as a vice-president in Barack Obama administration, did not allow the calculations of the ultra-conservatives to come true in full: Cuba withstood the pressure from the United States and there was hope that Washington and Havana would again meet at the negotiating table. But under what conditions the parties can return to the topic of normalizing relations is still unknown. In this sense, a lot will depend on the team of the elected president, senior officials who will be included in his team. In addition, the changes in regional international relations that have taken place in recent years will also play a role. The situation some six years ago, which prompted the White House to move closer to the Island of Freedom, has partially lost its relevance today. In this regard, the position of the Latin American states, the American-Cuban community in the United States, as well as the current balance of power in the Congress deserve special attention. The article uses a problematic approach, the main task of which was to analyze the main results of Trump’s anti-Cuban policy and to identify opportunities for improving US-Cuban relations during the Biden administration.
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Sokov, I. A. "New in US-Canadian Relations and Ratification of the USMCA Agreement." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 5 (November 11, 2020): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-5-74-78-96.
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Abstract: The article reviews through chronological analysis key issues in US-Canadian relations in the context of new trade agreement USMCA replacing NAFTA during Trump's presidency. It identifies a new model of relations between the closest North American partners in the context of a new paradigm which is called “America First”. This model leads to a crisis the US-Canadian relations, which is aggravated by the increased partisan rivalry in light of the upcoming US presidential elections, the impeachment process initiated in the House of Representatives.The article comes to the following conclusions. The evolutionary development of the free trade agreement (NAFTA), its rejection and acceptance of the USMCA preferential agreement is a gradual and consistent process of protecting North American countries from global market, which started during the presidency of George W. Bush and continued by the subsequent American presidents. This is also connected with the trade war between the United States and China, that was repeatedly emphasized both in the US Administration and in the Congress during D. Trump's presidency. The United States-Canadian relations have worsened significantly, although the countries' leaders do not recognize it publicly during the agreement's preparation and its ratification, for almost three years. The USMCA agreement is not a final version, subject to further ratification. It took more than a year for the parties to find compromise solutions on the USMCA with the protocols' preparation to the agreement and its submission to the national parliaments. Moreover, in the agreed version, the USMCA agreement meets primarily the interests of the United States. The US pressure on Canada was unprecedented. As a result, we should expect the continued growth of political and trade contradictions between the United States and Canada, as well as the revision and addition of new additional agreements in the USMCA agreement.
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Jackson, Vicki C. "The Democratic Deficit of United States Federalism? Red State, Blue State, Purple?" Federal Law Review 46, no. 4 (December 2018): 645–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x1804600410.
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Aspects of an entrenched constitution that were essential parts of founding compromises, and justified as necessary when a constitution was first adopted, may become less justifiable over time. Is this the case with respect to the structure of the United States Senate? The US Senate is hardwired in the Constitution to consist of an equal number of Senators from each state—the smallest of which currently has about 585,000 residents, and the largest of which has about 39.29 million. As this essay explains, over time, as population inequalities among states have grown larger, so too has the disproportionate voting power of smaller-population states in the national Senate. As a result of the ‘one-person, one-vote’ decisions of the 1960s that applied to both houses of state legislatures, each state legislature now is arguably more representative of its state population than the US Congress is of the US population. The ‘democratic deficit’ of the Senate, compared to state legislative bodies, also affects presidential (as compared to gubernatorial) elections. When founding compromises deeply entrenched in a constitution develop harder-to-justify consequences, should constitutional interpretation change responsively? Possible implications of the ‘democratic’ difference between the national and the state legislatures for US federalism doctrine are explored, especially with respect to the ‘pre-emption’ doctrine. Finally, the essay briefly considers the possibilities of federalism for addressing longer term issues of representation, polarisation and sustaining a single nation.
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Owens, John E. "Good Public Policy Voting in the US Congress: An Explanation of Financial Institutions Politics." Political Studies 43, no. 1 (March 1995): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1995.tb01700.x.
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Two important themes in the literature on the United States Congress are that members experience difficulty transacting complex technical legislation – because most are not experts – and that they make their decisions on the basis of what will help them win re-election, by following the economic preferences of their interest group or electoral constituencies. The few writers who have examined congressional decisionmaking on financial institutions regulatory policy have generally accepted the conventional re-election premise and argued that legislators follow the economic preferences of their interest group of electoral constituencies. Using a case study of how members of a House committee make decisions on complex financial institutions regulatory policy, the article offers an alternative political explanation which takes better account of the complexity of congressional decisionmaking and the specific nature of the policy issues which are decided. Through a close analysis of internal committee politics, the research demonstrates the crucial roles played by subject specialists and the importance of party-mediated cue-passing.
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Irhin, Igor' V. "Constitutional-legal status of unincorporated territories of the United States." Pravovedenie 62, no. 3 (2018): 484–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu25.2018.304.
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This article is dedicated to constitutional-legal status of unincorporated organized and unorganized territories of the United States. In the light of the provisions constitutional-legal status of the unorganized territory of Samoa illustrates the absence of clear demarcation lines between the institutional forms of organized and unorganized territories. Also drawn attention to the fact that unincorporated territories are in a unique legal position — they belong to the United States, but they are not part of this state. Indicates the methods used to integrate the unincorporated territories into the United States. It is indicated that the generalizing features of the constitutional-legal status of the unincorporated territories of the United States are the fragmentary application to them of the provisions of the national Constitution and the limited scope and resources for participation in shaping and implementing decisions made at the national level. Attention is focused on a discriminatory approach on the part of the United States with respect to the political rights of citizens living in unincorporated territories. The point is that the population of these territories is not entitled to participate in the election of Congress and the President of the United States and only some territories (USA Virgin Islands, American Samoa, Guam, Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico) delegate their representatives to the House of Representatives. In the conclusion is formulated that such an approach does not comply with international legal standards of human rights, including those signed by the United States Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966. It is emphasized that the scope of competence of some unincorporated territories may be broader than that of the states. Also within the framework of this article, the constitutional legal parameters of legislative, executive and judicial authorities of the unincorporated territories of the United States are considered. Attention is focused on the role and importance of federal authorities in determining and modifying the constitutional-legal status of unincorporated territories. It was concluded that diversified models of unincorporated organized and unorganized territories are peculiar indicators of the complex asymmetric structure of the USA.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United States. Congress. House - Elections"
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Webster, Daniel Charles. "The taking of the Fifth : the contested 1960 election in the Indiana Fifth Congressional District." Virtual Press, 1985. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/467700.
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Elections are seldom covered in detail below the level of the national contests. Regional, district, and local elections often appear to be too provincial to be worth the time and effort to research and analyze in any detail."Taking the Fifth" is about a contested congressional race that was in dispute between various local and forces longer than any other House race on record.The Fifth District of Indiana leaned Republican, but it swung to the Democrats about once a decade. The 1960 election broke that historic pattern.Since 1960 was a pivotal election year for both political parties, and since the U. S. Congress was divided by various regional and philosophical factions, it is the contention of the dissertation that the Indiana Fifth District took on more importance than it would have under normal circumstances.Pursuit of power by local and national figures became inextricably involved with the struggle of the candidates in the Fifth District of Indiana. Intraparty grudges between district and state Democratic leaders, scars from Republican battles for congressional leadership posts, Dixiecrat versus urban Democrats maneuvering for dominance on key congressional committees, and an energetic young President and his allies -- bent on making a lasting mark on history -- all influenced the outcome of the race.As the gap widens between election day in Indiana and final settlement of the contest, the two candidates fade into secondary roles, and eventually appear to be little more than pawns for the congressional and national figures who had pre-empted the contest for their own political purposes.
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Phillips, Stephen. "A cup of tea a study of the Tea Party Caucus in the United States House of Representatives." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/602.
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Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Craig, Alison W. "Policy Collaboration in the United States Congress." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1500388358652607.
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Tollestrup, Jessica Scott. "Limitation Riders in the Postreform House: A Test of Procedural Cartel and Conditional Party Government Theories." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/398.
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The theoretical debate over the ability of parties and leaders in the House of Representatives to influence legislative decision-making is at the center of much of the literature on Congress. On the one hand, the Procedural Cartel perspective argues that while the tools used by the majority party leadership to assure the triumph of its preferences may vary depending on the institutional context, the basic ability of the leadership to impact legislative outcomes remains consistent. In contrast, Conditional Party Government (CPG) theory posits that any power the majority party and its leadership possesses over legislative decision-making is directly conditioned upon the amount of agreement within the majority party caucus as to collective goals, as well as the amount of ideological polarization that exists between the majority and minority parties. This thesis provides an original test of these two theoretical perspectives by evaluating their comparative ability to account for the proposal and passage of limitation riders on the House floor during the annual appropriations process since the 1980s. Limitation riders provide a good vehicle to test theories of congressional voting as they often have important policy implications in areas of significant controversy. In addition, the extent to which the individual members or legislative parties are able to successfully utilize limitation riders as a means of making substantive policy is indicative of larger patterns of committee or party domination of the floor process. After reviewing the relevant literature on congressional decision-making, this analysis proceeds to outline the theoretical predictions that the Procedural Cartel and CPG perspectives make regarding limitation riders. An original dataset comprised of over 800 limitation riders from the 97th through the 110th Congresses is analyzed both with respect to overall proposal and passage rates as well their party of origin. This study finds that while the CPG perspective is best able to account for what occurs during periods of low polarization and cohesion, Procedural Cartel provides the most accurate prediction of what occurs when polarization and cohesion are high. These findings suggest that, although these theories both have some ability to account for congressional decision-making on the House floor, both of these frameworks need to be revisited so that they can accurately account for what occurs during floor phase of the legislative process.
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Mellen, Robbin B. "Presidential campaign appearances in midterm U.S. House elections, 1982-2006." Pullman, Wash. : Washington State University, 2010. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Spring2010/R_Mellen_040610.pdf.
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McAndrews, John Russell. "Representation and lawmaking in the United States Congress and the Canadian House of Commons." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59099.
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This dissertation considers two aspects of legislative representation: (1) how citizens use information about legislative activities and outcomes to assess the performance of the US president and the congressional majority party, and (2) why Canadian MPs debate government bills—even when the government controls the outcome. An investigation of these questions is divided into three principal chapters. First, I examine the effects of legislative outcomes on citizens’ assessment of the president and the majority party in Congress. Prominent theories of legislative behavior argue—and media pundits often assert—that Americans reward these actors if they succeed in passing their bills. But what if the bill is divisive, as is likely the case with well-publicized legislation? Using survey experiments, I show that, on average, citizens still express greater approval for the president and the majority party if Congress passes their ideologically contentious bills—compared with if Congress does not pass them. However, I also find that this reward is typically concentrated among those who already favor the underlying policy change; among policy opponents, the effect is often statistically indistinguishable from zero. Second, I investigate the sophistication of citizens’ judgments of legislative performance. Specifically, do inferential biases—common in other domains—interfere with how citizens evaluate the president and the congressional majority party in light of bill failure? Again using survey experiments, I find that citizens avoid the serious inferential mistake of treating these actors as if they had performed poorly. Instead, I show that their assessments—even in the absence of diagnostic information about those involved—are broadly consistent with realistic beliefs about legislative performance and the obstacles to success in Congress. Third, I explore why Canadian MPs debate government bills. Whereas recent research tends to emphasize legislative speech as a means of communicating with the electorate, the particular rules of government bill debate—coupled with the relatively low visibility of such deliberations—suggest alternative motivations. Using an original dataset of 53 debates, I find no evidence of personal vote seeking; instead, I find patterns of debate participation consistent with attempted obstruction by bill opponents and attempted persuasion by bill proponents.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Norton, Mike. "Papers on the polarization of Congress." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5ce87b5b-2d2f-403e-b2d4-85f23b2a14cc.
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This dissertation, a collection of independent papers, explores the polarization of the United States Congress through the lens of primary elections, campaign finance, and party structures during a pivotal moment in American political history. Paper 1 focuses on the top two primary format and its potential in producing moderate candidates and legislators, while Paper 2 expounds on the deleterious consequences it poses for the party system as a whole, particularly in this modern era of both high polarization and high fragmentation. Paper 3 examines the Downsian median voter theorem from the perspective of primary election voters, asking if general election wins/losses beget the nomination of more ideological/moderate nominees next cycle. Ultimately, the article illustrates that the parties instead retain consistent records through both election wins and losses, linked to credibility concerns from position changes as well as the inability of members to disentangle from national party identities. Its companion paper, Paper 4, takes that Downsian question to elites in Washington, D.C. Through original interviews with twenty-three individuals including former members of Congress, leadership, congressional staff, and think tank scholars, I describe the electoral and legislative pressures that prevent officeholders from responding to their median voter, especially among those in swing districts most exposed to the risks of partisan behavior. Paper 5, the final paper, brings together the themes of those preceding it by analyzing the ways in which outside interference, specifically political action committees and more inclusive primary elections, propagates legislative caucus fragmentation and weakens official leadership. This work plays one minor role in providing prescriptive steps to improve and empower channels of dialogue in the U.S. legislative brancha - in spite of larger systemic sorting along geographical and partisan lines - and ensure the mediation of ideology between voters and their elected representatives results in policy solutions rather than gridlock.
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Cain, Sean Andrew. "The strategic role of political consultants in U.S. House elections /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3244169.
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Smith, Zachary C. "From the Well of the House: remaking the House Republican party, 1978-1994." Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32065.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston UniversityPLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
From the Well of the House analyzes the remaking of the House Republican Party into an aggressive, partisan organization. It explores how a new generation of Representatives elected after 1978 transformed the GOP, instituting a style of congressional politics that favored confrontation, media spectacle, and personal scandal. Following key actors, including Newt Gingrich, Bob Walker, Vin Weber, and the Conservative Opportunity Society, this dissertation explores key events and illustrates how the House Republican Conference changed from passive acceptance of their minority status to pugnacious fighters for the majority. Throughout their careers Gingrich and his Congressional allies promoted a style of politics in the House, first as backbenchers then from leadership positions, which advocated conflict and attack. They showed that aggression was a winning strategy and other Congressmen followed their lead. By examining in depth events that led the House Republican Conference to adopt a more confrontational stance, including the formation of the Conservative Opportunity Society, the use ofC-SPAN as an effective political weapon, the House Bank scandal, and conflicts with Speakers Tip O'Neill and Jim Wright and Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, this dissertation demonstrates that the 1994 Republican Revolution was the product of more than a decade of dedication and hard work. While numerous scholars have analyzed the rise ofthe New Right and the conservative ascendancy in American politics after the 1970s, From the Well of the House breaks new ground by exploring this shift in the arena of Congressional politics. In so doing, it both elucidates the deep background of the House Republican Party's successful efforts to become a majority and establishes the significance of Congress in the transformation of recent American politics.
2031-01-02
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Lazarus, Jeffrey. "Strategic entry in US House elections : assessing the causes and effects of interaction among incumbents and challengers /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3144331.
Full textBooks on the topic "United States. Congress. House - Elections"
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Republican ascendency in southern U.S. House elections. Boulder: Westview Press, 2010.
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Garber, Marie. Contested elections and recounts. Washington, DC: National Clearinghouse on Election Administration, Federal Election Commission, 1990.
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Challengers, competition, and reelection: Comparing Senate and House elections. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994.
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McGraw, William R. Contested election cases in the House, 1933-2009. Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science Publishers, 2011.
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GOVERNMENT, US. U.S. House of Representatives election law guidebook 1988: A compilation of House campaign information, including federal and state laws governing election to the United States House of Representatives. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.
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GOVERNMENT, US. U.S. House of Representatives election law guidebook 1988: A compilation of House campaign information, including federal and state laws governing election to the United States House of Representatives. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.
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US GOVERNMENT. U.S. House of Representatives election law guidebook 1988: A compilation of House campaign information, including federal and state laws governing election to the United States House of Representatives. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.
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US GOVERNMENT. U.S. House of Representatives election law guidebook 1988: A compilation of House campaign information, including federal and state laws governing election to the United States House of Representatives. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.
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US GOVERNMENT. U.S. House of Representatives election law guidebook 1988: A compilation of House campaign information, including federal and state laws governing election to the United States House of Representatives. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.
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McKee, Seth Charles. Republican ascendency in southern U.S. House elections. Boulder: Westview Press, 2010.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "United States. Congress. House - Elections"
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Seabrook, Nicholas R. "Introduction." In Drawing the Lines. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705311.003.0001.
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As the results of the 2002 election flashed across their television screens, Texas’s congressional Republicans could be forgiven for feeling a certain amount of dissatisfaction with the redistricting process in the United States. Their party had seen its share of the statewide vote in U.S. House elections increase from 49.8 percent in 1992 to 54.9 percent in 2002. Yet, even with this latest ten-point victory over the Democrats in the popular vote, they had once again failed to convert their increasingly dominant electoral support into a Republican majority in the state’s congressional delegation. A partisan gerrymander, passed in the wake of the 1990 Census and left largely intact by the district boundaries implemented by the federal courts following the 2000 Census, had allowed the Democratic Party to maintain its overall majority in the Texas delegation for more than a decade. The Democrats won twenty-one of Texas’s thirty seats in Congress in 1992, and managed to retain control of nineteen in 1994 and seventeen from 1996 to 2000, despite averaging just 45.8 percent of the two-party vote in these elections. In 2003, the Texas Republicans, armed for the first time with control of both houses of the state legislature and the governorship, undertook an unprecedented mid-decade redrawing of the state’s congressional boundaries. Though many Republicans in the state government were opposed to the idea of redrawing the district boundaries mid-decade, the effort was initiated under considerable pressure from Republicans in Congress, most notably House majority leader Tom DeLay (...
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Vecoli, Rudolph J., and Francesco Durante. "The New Italian America." In Oh Capitano!, edited by Donna R. Gabaccia, translated by Elizabeth O. Venditto, 123–54. Fordham University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823279869.003.0008.
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This chapter examines Celso Cesare Moreno's role in a new Italian America as a kind of senior mediator between the American establishment and the immigrant “reality.” After suffering defeat in the Italian elections, Moreno returned to the United States to resume his lobbying activities in Congress and the White House. In the new America, he discovered that Italian emigration and newspapers have both grown numerically. This chapter shows how Moreno emerged as an influential spokesman and a combative defender for Italian Americans. The discussion focuses on Moreno's lobbying, beginning with his involvement in the U.S. presidential election of 1884, followed by his campaign against the padrone system which he had denounced in the 1870s. The chapter also considers Moreno's dispute with Baron Francesco Saverio Fava, Italy's first ambassador to Washington; his testimony in both the Senate and the House of Representatives regarding immigration; and his imprisonment for libel.
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Vecoli, Rudolph J., and Francesco Durante. "The Sunset Road." In Oh Capitano!, edited by Donna R. Gabaccia, translated by Elizabeth O. Venditto, 172–86. Fordham University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823279869.003.0010.
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This chapter discusses Celso Cesare Moreno's later life, focusing on his decline as a public personality. From 1894, Moreno, now living in the United States, experienced the most difficult period of his life. He had to retreat to a more subdued existence, although he continued to frequent places of power such as Congress. This chapter considers Moreno's activities and some of the issues in which he was involved during his remaining years, including those concerning Italian Americans and his testimony in the House Committee on Territories in January 1899 about the issue of Hawaii's “Crown lands.” It also examines Moreno's initial support for Robert William Wilcox's candidacy for governor of Hawaii, how he turned against the latter on the eve of the elections, and his smear campaign against Wilcox after the elections. Finally, it describes the newspapers' reactions to Moreno's death on March 10, 1901.
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English, Ross M. "Congressional elections." In The United States Congress, 16–38. Manchester University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719063084.003.0002.
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English, Ross M. "Congressional elections." In The United States Congress. Manchester University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526120687.00007.
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Edwards, George C. "Contingent Elections." In Why the Electoral College Is Bad for America, 78–100. Yale University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300243888.003.0004.
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This chapter focuses on contingent elections. If the presidential and vice presidential candidates fail to receive a simple majority of electoral college votes, the Twelfth Amendment provides that the House of Representatives chooses the president and the Senate chooses the vice president in a process known as “contingent” election (contingent upon the absence of a majority in the electoral college). There have been two contingent elections for president in U.S. history, following the elections of 1800 and 1824. Very minor shifts of popular votes in the nation, however, would have sent a number of other elections to the Congress for a decision. In the House, where each state must vote as a unit, a majority of 26 or more votes is required to elect a president; in the Senate, a majority of 51 or more votes is required to elect a vice president. Although a superficial reading of these rules suggests the operation of majority rule, the chapter maintains that this process actually represents the most egregious violation of democratic principles in the American political system.
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Revesz, Richard, and Jack Lienke. "War Stories." In Struggling for Air. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190233112.003.0005.
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To Representative Marsha Blackburn, Republican of Tennessee, the threat was clear: “Mr. Speaker, there is a war being waged on energy and on coal in this country. But it’s not coming from another country, it is coming from our own government.” Her colleague, Mike Pompeo of Kansas, agreed: “President Obama’s War on Coal means fewer jobs and higher energy costs for Americans.” Those who believed otherwise, Virginia Representative David McKinley warned, were “in dangerous denial.” It was September 20, 2012, two months before a presidential election that would pit incumbent Barack Obama against former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney, and the United States House of Representatives was preparing to vote on the bluntly titled Stop the War on Coal Act. Democrats on the Energy and Commerce Committee called the proposed legislation, which would strip the EPA of its power to regulate coal-mining operations and coal-fired power plants under a host of federal laws, “the single worst anti-environment bill to be considered in the House this Congress.” But the bill’s sponsors argued that significantly curtailing the EPA’s authority over the coal industry was the only way to prevent the President’s war from claiming “even more victims.” The Stop the War on Coal Act passed the House on September 21, 2012, in a 233–175 vote, with the support of nineteen Democrats. No one thought it had any chance of moving in the Democrat-controlled Senate. Instead, the House’s vote, which would be its last act before election day, was “only meant to be an instrument to bludgeon Obama and other Democrats,” as one commentator put it—a reminder to the coal-country electorate of the existential threat posed by the current President and his party. It hadn’t always been this way. On the contrary, four years earlier, Barack Obama had enjoyed a brief, involuntary tenure as the coal industry’s “spokesperson-in-chief.” About a month after Obama emerged victorious from the 2008 election, the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE), a “partnership of the industries involved in producing electricity from coal,” released an advertisement made up entirely of video excerpts from a speech he had given at a September 2008 campaign rally in Lebanon, Virginia.
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Thompson, John M. "Triumphs and Setbacks." In Great Power Rising, 77–92. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190859954.003.0005.
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Chapter 4 examines TR’s attempt to implement the Roosevelt Corollary in the Dominican Republic. Roosevelt avoided acting in 1904 in order to avoid any controversy that might harm his prospects in the upcoming election, and his actions after the election continued to be affected by resistance in Congress and the press. Many Republicans and Democrats were critical of an accord that arranged for the United States to take control of Dominican custom houses, the Dillingham-Morales agreement, and opposed efforts by the Roosevelt administration to secure ratification by the Senate. This confrontation occurred amid tension between TR and conservative, Republicans as well as growing concerns about TR’s expansion of the powers of the presidency. The chapter argues that this episode reinforced the president’s belief that the public could be a vital counterweight to elite opinion and Congress and that skilled political leadership was essential for an effective foreign policy.
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Bullock, Charles S., and Karen L. Owen. "The 2017 Runoff in Georgia’s Sixth Congressional District." In Special Elections, 63–90. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197540626.003.0003.
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Georgia requires a majority vote to win a special election. Had a candidate in the April jungle primary polled a majority, that would have sufficed. But no candidate won outright, so the top two finishers, Democrat Jon Ossoff and Republican Karen Handel, advanced to a runoff held nine weeks later. Chapter 3 details each campaign’s activities and the substantial sums of money infused into the contest, making it the most expensive House race in the United States. Yet, in the end even with the initial electoral vote and fundraising advantages to Ossoff, significant voter turnout, and what many believed a divided and disgruntled GOP, the contest became largely a standard partisan face-off.
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Norris, Pippa. "Introduction." In Why American Elections Are Flawed (and How to Fix Them). Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501713408.003.0001.
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the pervasive problems in the American electoral process. It then describes the Electoral Integrity Project (EIP). Established in 2012, the EIP is an independent project with a research team based at Harvard and Sydney universities that provides independent evidence from a rolling expert survey to document these problems and monitor how elections vary worldwide. According to expert estimates developed by EIP, the 2012 and 2014 elections in the United States were the worst among all Western democracies. Without reform, these problems risk damaging the legitimacy of American elections—further weakening public confidence in the major political parties, Congress, and the US government, depressing voter turnout, and exacerbating the risks of contentious outcomes fought through court appeals and public protests. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Conference papers on the topic "United States. Congress. House - Elections"
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Fumo, Nelson, Daniel C. Lackey, and Sara McCaslin. "Analysis of Autoregressive Energy Models of a Research House." In ASME 2015 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2015-50630.
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Energy consumption from buildings is a major component of the overall energy consumption by end-use sectors in industrialized countries. In the United States of America (USA), the residential sector alone accounts for half of the combined residential and commercial energy consumption. Therefore, efforts toward energy consumption modeling based on statistical and engineering models are in continuous development. Statistical approaches need measured data but not buildings characteristics; engineering approaches need building characteristics but not data, at least when a calibrated model is the goal. Among the statistical models, the linear regression analysis has shown promising results because of its reasonable accuracy and relatively simple implementation when compared to other methods. In addition, when observed or measured data is available, statistical models are a good option to avoid the burden associated with engineering approaches. However, the dynamic behavior of buildings suggests that models accounting for dynamic effects may lead to more effective regression models, which is not possible with standard linear regression analysis. Utilizing lag variables is one method of autoregression that can model the dynamic behavior of energy consumption. The purpose of using lag variables is to account for the thermal energy stored/release from the mass of the building, which affects the response of HVAC equipment to changes in outdoor or weather parameters. In this study, energy consumption and outdoor temperature data from a research house are used to develop autoregressive models of energy consumption during the cooling season with lag variables to account for the dynamics of the house. Models with no lag variable, one lag variable, and two lag variables are compared. To investigate the effect of the time interval on the quality of the models, data intervals of 5 minutes, 15 minutes, and one hour are used to generate the models. The 5 minutes time interval is used because that is the resolution of the acquired data; the 15 minutes time interval is used because it is a common time interval in electric smart meters; and one hour time interval is used because it is the common time interval for energy simulation in buildings. The primary results shows that the use of lag variables greatly improves the accuracy of the models, but a time interval of 5 minutes is too small to avoid the dependence of the energy consumption on operating parameters. All mathematical models and their quality parameters are presented, along with supporting graphical representation as a visual aid to comparing models.
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Hawkins, William J., Douglas Mathieson, Chris J. Bruce, and Paul Socoloski. "System Development Test Program for the WR-21 Intercooled Recuperated (ICR) Gas Turbine Engine System." In ASME 1994 International Gas Turbine and Aeroengine Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/94-gt-186.
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Westinghouse Electric Corporation has teamed with Rolls-Royce to develop an affordable, commercially based Intercooled/Recuperated Gas Turbine Engine System (ICR) for the United States Navy. This engine system known as WR-21 will become the next prime mover on Navy new construction surface combatants. The system development test program for the WR-21 engine system will be carried out at two test sites in geographically different locations. These are the US Navy’s Test Site at the Carderock Division Naval Surface Warfare Center in Philadelphia, Pa. and the Royal Navy’s Admiralty Test House at the Test and Evaluation Establishment, Pyestock in the United Kingdom. This paper will briefly describe the WR-21 engine system with a more detailed discussion of the system development test program itself. This will include descriptions of the system development testing to be performed and the test facilities and data acquisition systems at each test site location. Also discussed are the methods used to establish the required design commonality between each test site to establish test bed cross-calibration and provide test program flexibility and interchangeability of testing at each site.
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Shollenberger, Kim A. "Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD) Within Undergraduate Programs." In ASME 2007 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2007-43496.
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There has been a rapid increase over the past three decades in the use of computational fluid dynamics (CFD) analysis by industry as a tool to design and manufacture products. It is currently a vital part of the engineering process for many companies around the world, and utilized in nearly every manufacturing industry. Employers of engineering students who perform this type of analysis have expressed the need for students at the undergraduate or B.S. level to have some CFD experience. As a result, engineering programs in the United States have begun to respond to this need by developing new curriculum and by exposing students to the use of CFD for research. The level of incorporation and implementation of CFD into the undergraduate curriculum and research at institutions varies widely. The objective of this paper is to conduct a survey of the current use of CFD in the undergraduate curriculum within mechanical engineering departments in the United States. Twenty ABET accredited U.S. schools that offer a B.S. degree in mechanical engineering are investigated in this study that are a representative sample of engineering schools in the U.S. today in terms of admission standards, private versus public, predominate terminal degree, size, and geographic location. Topics investigated include if CFD classes are offered to undergraduates whether they are required or optional, when they are first introduced into the curriculum, number of credit hours dedicated to CFD, types of courses that include CFD, and whether commercial or in-house codes are utilized.
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Lin, Lin, and Julie Doxsey. "Study of Performance of Attic Air Source Heat Pump in Maine." In ASME 2014 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2014-39406.
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Heat pumps are a popular heating source in many parts of the United States. They are not widely used in State of Maine due to an assumption that they are marginally useful in cold climates. An attic source heat pump is a variation on a conventional heat pump. In summer, the temperature in the attic is much higher than outside as it absorbs the heat from sunlight. In winter or evening, the attic captures the heat released from the house. Therefore, the attic makes a good candidate for the heat source of a heat pump. For this ongoing study, a laboratory scale heat pump was constructed and experimental tests were performed to establish its operating performance. A temperature controlled testing chamber was built to simulate the attic environment. Attic heat was used to heat up a water tank. COP value was measured for different attic temperatures. Experimental data were favorable to the use of an attic air source heat pump in Maine.
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MattaraChalill, Subin, Miller Jothi Kalamegam, and Mallika Parveen. "Upgradation of HVAC Systems in Exisiting Commercial Green House Using Evaporative Coolers in Middle East Climatic Conditions." In ASME 2015 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2015-51570.
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Commercial green houses are the back bone of farming industry in world where the climatic conditions are not stable especially in Middle East, Europe and United states. The commercial greenhouses are often high tech production facilities for vegetables or flowers. The glass greenhouses are filled with equipment like screening installations, heating, cooling, and lighting and also may be automatically controlled by a computer to maximize potential growth. Greenhouse concept will provide the stable indoor plant growth environment throughout the year irrespective of the outside climate variance. The indoor climate conditions can be maintained using the properly designed HAVC systems. The conventional commercial green houses are equipped with axial fans and the cooling pads to control the indoor climate conditions without central control of the equipment’s. Financial conditions of the commercial green houses are very important since the cost per plant will be determined by the overall contribution of the capital and operational expenses. In the present scenario the almost 30% of the net profit is eating by the HVAC systems operational cost. The major operation cost is due to the cooling pads work force and the electricity operational cost for the axial fans equipped with metal blade. The up gradation involves mainly the involvement of individual evaporative air-conditioned system instead of conventional systems. The green houses are equipped with individual evaporative cooling units, circulating fans, top mounted air louvers and the control systems to control the entire set up. The initial heat load calculations will give us an idea about the total heat load required to maintain the ambient conditions for indoor plant cultivation. CFD analysis will provide the exact equipment orientation and the load requirement. In conventional greenhouses the conventional equipment’s are equipped to get the results but the same will consume more electrical power and which is not effective in all weather conditions. Heat load calculations will provide us the system demand in a conditioned space based on the available material properties. Based on the heat load results we can do the proper equipment selection and set the airflow based on the demand. CFD analysis will help the modeling of the system in the actual condition. The aim of the study was to analysis the performance study of the individual evaporative cooling units in the greenhouse conditioned space. The results obtained from the heat loads and CFD analysis can be compared. The objective of the present work is to examine the designed Air conditioning system effectiveness in peak summer heat load conditions to check the design parameters (25 °C temperature and 50%RH) inside the greenhouse using Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD) Analysis.
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Abdelmessih, Amanie N., and Siddiq S. Mohammed. "Uniquely Designed Solar Tube in a Natural/Forced Mini-Water Heating System." In ASME 2018 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2018-86896.
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Solar power is a clean source of energy, i.e. it does not generate carbon dioxide or other air pollutants. In 2017, solar power produced only 0.6 percent of the energy used in the United States, according to the Energy Information Administration. Consequently, more solar energy should be implemented, such as in solar water heaters. This research took place in Riverside, Southern California where there is an abundance of solar energy. In house uniquely designed and assembled solar tubes were used in designing a mini solar water heating system. The mini solar water heating system was set to operate under either natural or forced convection. The results of running the system under forced convection then under natural convection conditions are reported and discussed in the article. In addition, comparison of using two different solar water storage systems are reported: the first was water; the second storage medium was a combination of water and gravel. Since water heaters are extensively used for residential purposes, this research mimicked the inefficiencies in residential use and is compared with ideal operating conditions. The performance of the different cases studied is evaluated.
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Price, Jeffrey R., Oscar Jimenez, Vijay Parthasarathy, and Narendernath Miriyala. "Ceramic Stationary Gas Turbine Development Program: Sixth Annual Summary." In ASME 1999 International Gas Turbine and Aeroengine Congress and Exhibition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/99-gt-351.
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The Ceramic Stationary Gas Turbine (CSGT) program is being performed under the sponsorship of the United States Department of Energy, Office of Industrial Technologies. The objective of the program is to improve the performance of stationary gas turbines in cogeneration through the selective replacement of cooled metallic hot section components with uncooled ceramic parts. This review summarizes the progress on Phase III of the program which involves field testing of the ceramic components at a cogeneration end user site and characterization of the ceramic components following the field test exposure. The Solar Centaur 50S engine, which operates a turbine rotor inlet temperature (TRIT) of 1010°C (1850°F), was selected for the developmental program. The program goals include an increase in the TRIT to 1121°C (2050 °F), accompanied by increases in thermal efficiency and output power. This will be accomplished by the incorporation of uncooled ceramic first stage blades and nozzles, and a “hot wall” ceramic combustor liner. The performance improvements are attributable to the increase in TRIT and the reduction in cooling air requirements for the ceramic parts. The “hot wall” ceramic liners also enable a reduction in gas turbine emissions of NOx and CO. The component design and material selection have been definitized for the ceramic blades, nozzles and combustor liners. Each of these ceramic component designs were successfully tested in short term engine tests in the Centaur 50S engine test cell facility at Solar. Based on the results of the engine testing of the ceramic components, minor redesigns of the ceramic/metallic attachments were conducted where necessary. Based on their performance in a 100 hour cyclic in-house engine test, the ceramic components are approved for field testing. To date, four field installations of the CSGT Centaur 50S engine totaling over 4000 hours of operation have been initiated under the program at an industrial cogeneration site. This paper discusses the component design and material selection, in house engine testing, field testing, and component characterization.
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Baldwin, Christopher, and Cynthia A. Cruickshank. "Using Forecasted Daily Maximum Temperatures to Control a Chiller Thermal Storage System." In ASME 2018 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2018-88307.
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Residential buildings in Canada and the United States are responsible for approximately 20% of secondary energy consumption. Over the past 25 years, air conditioning has seen the single largest increase of any residential end use. This load currently places a significant peak load on the electrical grid during later afternoon periods during the cooling season. One method to reduce or eliminate this peak load being placed in the grid is the use of a chiller coupled with a thermal storage system. The chiller operates during off-peak periods, predominately over-night to charge the thermal storage tank, and the stored cooling potential is realized to meet the cooling loads during peak periods. In previous studies, the use of a chiller has seen a reduction in annual operating costs, however a significant increase in energy occurs as a result of decreased performance of the chiller. To improve system performance, a new control scheme was developed, which uses the forecasted daily high for the next day to predict the cooling load for the day during peak periods for the day. The predicted cooling load is then used as the set-point for the cold thermal storage tank, allowing the peak cooling load to be met using stored cooling potential. This control scheme was implemented into a modelled house located in each of the 7 major ASHRAE zones, with a storage tank with a previously found optimal tank volume. Across each of the locations, a reduction in annual utility costs and overall energy required to meet the building loads observed, with the total cost savings between 0.3% and 1.5% and total electricity required to meet the cooling demand decreasing by as much as 10.2%.
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Wang, Chenli, and Hohyun Lee. "Economical and Non-Invasive Residential Human Presence Sensing via Temperature Measurement." In ASME 2018 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2018-88211.
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Heating, ventilation and cooling (HVAC) is the largest source of residential energy consumption in United States, encompassing about 25% of total residential energy usage. A significant portion of energy is wasted by unnecessary operation, such as overheating/overcooling or operation without occupants. Wasteful behaviors will consume twice the amount of energy compared to energy conscious behaviors. Many market programmable thermostats exist to address this problem, however, difficulties in persistent programming of such products and lack of understanding of underlying physics prevent users from achieving tangible impact. Hence, fully autonomous energy control system is desirable to engage as many people into energy conscious behaviors as possible. Occupancy measurement is necessary components to enable fully autonomous control. Occupancy information can save energy by automatically turn off the HVAC system when the building is not occupied, or floats to a more energy-efficient setback temperature when the activity level is low. A number of existing sensor solutions available on the market include Passive Infrared (PIR), ultrasonic, Bluetooth/GPS, and CO2 sensors, but these are either too expensive, not user-friendly, or limited in detection scope. These sensors are also incapable of detecting whether or not the occupant is an animal or a human. The work in this paper proposes an economical, reliable, non-invasive package to both detect human presence in a residence of a wide variety of geometries at the time and predict future occupancy pattern, by utilizing temperature sensors. To accomplish this, thermal sensors will be attached to both ends of door handles to collect the temperature data. This data will allow us to create a schedule to identify human activity leaving and exiting the space. At the same time, we will be collecting the skin temperature to determine the human activity level for better identification of the thermal comfort zone for occupants. The prediction model for occupancy pattern will be developed from previous data by using machine learning algorithm. For verification, experimental setup was built to verify our model by comparing actual human presence data from a house with the measured and predicted occupancy pattern from the temperature sensors. Future steps include implementing a data fusion scheme into the model to combine information from multiple types of sensors.
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Jernigan, Johnathan, Christopher Moore, Ron Rizzo, and Kevin Schmaltz. "Design and Build of a Portable Instrumentation Elevation Tower." In ASME 2008 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2008-67365.
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The Western Kentucky University (WKU) Department of Engineering is collaborating with National Park Service – Inventory and Monitoring scientists to support National Park Service (NPS) cave environment and ecosystems research. The NPS, together with the United States Geological Survey, provided the funding that has allowed WKU Engineering students, working with WKU faculty and staff and NPS scientists, to design, build, test and deliver two transportable instrumentation lift systems. Each lift tower has a stationary top platform and a secondary platform capable of continuously raising and lowering instrumentation over extended, unattended periods. NPS-owned instrumentation on the platforms collects air temperature, relative humidity and air velocity data, storing results to NPS-owned devices located on or below the tower. NPS scientists will use the system to gather more accurate data on the quality and movement of air within cave passages and develop predictive models of the environment. The new system will allow measurements as high as 30 feet and make long-term data collection feasible. A variety of design challenges were met by the students working on the project. Portability, flexibility and weight reduction were achieved through a collapsible aluminum base securing the tower, with three-foot PVC sections to build varying tower heights. Stability was accomplished with a tensioning cable system and a gripping mechanism integrated into the base to secure the incomplete tower. Cable spool design and data collection programming achieved positioning accuracy of the moving platform. In addition to satisfying functional needs, the towers were also designed to avoid damage to cave surfaces and meet challenging operating requirements. Tower components are reasonably lightweight and durable, components are shock-resistant, moisture-resistant, easy to dry and clean, and non-corroding. The design modularity facilitates transport by two NPS personnel using duffle bags, and is easy to set up and move. The towers support multiple instruments weighing as much as 10 pounds, can be modified to support instruments in varied configurations, and can be repaired in-house by NPS personnel. The towers were designed and tested to assure user friendly, reliable operation. Tower stability, ease of tower construction, accuracy of platform movement, and required battery life issues were solved by the students.
Reports on the topic "United States. Congress. House - Elections"
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Fraser, Douglas M. Posture Statement of General Douglas M. Fraser, United States Air Force Commander, United States Southern Command, Before the 112th Congress House Armed Services Committee. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada565018.
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