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1
Carson, Jamie L., Spencer Hardin, and Aaron A. Hitefield. "You’re Fired! Donald Trump and the 2020 Congressional Elections." Forum 18, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 627–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2103.
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Abstract The 2020 elections brought to an end one of the most divisive and historic campaigns in the modern era. Former Vice President Joe Biden was elected the 46th President of the United States with the largest number of votes ever cast in a presidential election, defeating incumbent President Donald Trump in the process. The record turnout was especially remarkable in light of the ongoing pandemic surrounding COVID-19 and the roughly 236,000 Americans who had died of the virus prior to the election. This article examines the electoral context of the 2020 elections focusing on elections in both the House and Senate. More specifically, this article examines the candidates, electoral conditions, trends, and outcomes in the primaries as well as the general election. In doing so, we provide a comprehensive descriptive analysis of the climate and outcome of the 2020 congressional elections. Finally, the article closes with a discussion of the broader implications of the election outcomes on both the incoming 117th Congress as well as the upcoming 2022 midterm election.
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Tomaszewski, Norbert. "Reclaiming the House of the Representatives from Republicans: Case Study of Districts TX-32 and NJ-3." Political Preferences, no. 23 (August 21, 2019): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2019.23.37-54.
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2018 midterm elections in the United States allowed more ethnically and racially diverse candidates to become members of the Congress. The use of social media tools helped them to reach out to their community and get out the vote, which is especially important in Democratic campaign tactics. The article, by focusing on Colin Allred's and Andy Kim's Congressional bids, focuses on how their issue-oriented campaigns helped to mobilize the liberal voters. Furthermore, by analysing the rapidly changing demographics, it tackles the crucial question: do they mean the doom of the Republican Party?
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Lipset, Seymour Martin. "The Elections, the Economy and Public Opinion: 1984." PS: Political Science & Politics 18, no. 01 (1985): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500021260.
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Many commentaries on the recent American elections conclude that the United States has taken a long-term move to the right. This shift seemingly began in the late sixties as a reaction to the turmoil occasioned by militant, sometimes violent protest tactics used by the civil rights and antiwar movements, and by the sharp challenge to traditional values encompassed in the changes in family and sex behavior, dress styles, the increased use of drugs, and the like. The Republicans have been victorious in four out of the last five presidential elections, those held from 1968 on. Only one of these, that in 1968, was close, but in that contest a right-wing and racist candidate, George Wallace, received 13 percent. The one election of the five which the Democrats won, that in 1976, was the first one after Richard Nixon's resignation following the Watergate scandal.Yet the conclusion that America has been in a conservative mood for some time is challenged by the results of the races for Congress and state offices and by the findings of the opinion polls. In 1984, in the same election in which Ronald Reagan received 59 percent of the vote, eight percent more than in 1980, his party lost two seats in the Senate and gained only 14 in the much larger House, leaving it behind the Democrats by 252 to 183. The Democrats still hold 34 of the 50 governorships, down by only one. Judged by which party holds most electoral offices, the Democrats remain the majority party.
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Rivera, Temario C. "The Philippines in 2004: New Mandate, Daunting Problems." Asian Survey 45, no. 1 (January 2005): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.127.
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National elections in the Philippines took place on May 10, 2004, providing incumbent President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo with a six-year electoral mandate and control of both houses of Congress and most of the local governmental positions. However, the Arroyo administration faced a worsening budget deficit and debt crisis, increased incidence of hunger and poverty, pervasive corruption scandals in the military, inconclusive peace negotiations with communist guerrillas and Muslim separatists, and an unexpected twist in the country's relations with the United States, provoked by a crisis in the Philippines' involvement in Iraq.
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Ansolabehere, Stephen, David Brady, and Morris Fiorina. "The Vanishing Marginals and Electoral Responsiveness." British Journal of Political Science 22, no. 1 (January 1992): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000338.
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Nearly two decades ago researchers pointed out the sharp decline in marginal districts in elections for the US House of Representatives. That observation led to an outpouring of research describing the electoral changes, explaining their bases and speculating about their consequences for the larger political system. Recently Gary Jacobson has offered a major corrective to that line of research, arguing that ‘House incumbents are no safer now than they were in the 1950s; the marginals, properly defined, have not vanished; the swing ratio has diminished little, if at all; and competition for House seats held by incumbents has not declined’. While Jacobson advances an extremely provocative argument, there are complicating patterns in his evidence that support additional and/or different interpretations. We argue that the marginals, ‘properly defined’ have diminished, the swing ratio has declined, and party competition for House seats held by incumbents has lessened. While fears that the vanishing marginals phenomenon would lead to lower responsiveness on the part of ‘safe’ House incumbents have proved groundless, the collective composition of Congress does appear to be less responsive to changes in popular sentiments. Thus, the vanishing marginals have contributed to the occurrence of divided government in the United States and in all likelihood do have the effects on congressional leadership and policy-making that many analysts have claimed.
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Kodzoev, M. A. M. "The results of Donald Trump’s anti-Cuban policy and the prospects for US–Cuban relations under Joseph Biden." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-39-53.
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After Donald Trump becoming US president, the process of normalizing US-Cuban relations was interrupted for four years. After his inauguration, as he had promised during the election campaign, he canceled almost all of the achievements of his predecessor in the area of improving bilateral ties and subsequently consistently tightened sanctions against Havana. This could have been due to the desire of Trump to provide a reciprocal ‘service’ to the ultra-conservative interest groups in Washington, D.C. whose substantial support was used during the elections. At the same time, the Republican, usually not inclined to caution in decision-making, gradually introduced new restrictions on interaction with the Latin American country and was in no hurry to use all instruments available at once. Probably, in this way Trump tried to keep for himself as long as possible the main ‘bargaining chip’, which the Island of Freedom became in his internal political game quid pro quo the new partners from among the ‘hawks’. Therefore, the White House began to take the most aggressive measures just on the eve of the 2020 elections and immediately after them. The victory of the Democrat Joseph Biden, who served as a vice-president in Barack Obama administration, did not allow the calculations of the ultra-conservatives to come true in full: Cuba withstood the pressure from the United States and there was hope that Washington and Havana would again meet at the negotiating table. But under what conditions the parties can return to the topic of normalizing relations is still unknown. In this sense, a lot will depend on the team of the elected president, senior officials who will be included in his team. In addition, the changes in regional international relations that have taken place in recent years will also play a role. The situation some six years ago, which prompted the White House to move closer to the Island of Freedom, has partially lost its relevance today. In this regard, the position of the Latin American states, the American-Cuban community in the United States, as well as the current balance of power in the Congress deserve special attention. The article uses a problematic approach, the main task of which was to analyze the main results of Trump’s anti-Cuban policy and to identify opportunities for improving US-Cuban relations during the Biden administration.
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Sokov, I. A. "New in US-Canadian Relations and Ratification of the USMCA Agreement." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 5 (November 11, 2020): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-5-74-78-96.
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Abstract: The article reviews through chronological analysis key issues in US-Canadian relations in the context of new trade agreement USMCA replacing NAFTA during Trump's presidency. It identifies a new model of relations between the closest North American partners in the context of a new paradigm which is called “America First”. This model leads to a crisis the US-Canadian relations, which is aggravated by the increased partisan rivalry in light of the upcoming US presidential elections, the impeachment process initiated in the House of Representatives.The article comes to the following conclusions. The evolutionary development of the free trade agreement (NAFTA), its rejection and acceptance of the USMCA preferential agreement is a gradual and consistent process of protecting North American countries from global market, which started during the presidency of George W. Bush and continued by the subsequent American presidents. This is also connected with the trade war between the United States and China, that was repeatedly emphasized both in the US Administration and in the Congress during D. Trump's presidency. The United States-Canadian relations have worsened significantly, although the countries' leaders do not recognize it publicly during the agreement's preparation and its ratification, for almost three years. The USMCA agreement is not a final version, subject to further ratification. It took more than a year for the parties to find compromise solutions on the USMCA with the protocols' preparation to the agreement and its submission to the national parliaments. Moreover, in the agreed version, the USMCA agreement meets primarily the interests of the United States. The US pressure on Canada was unprecedented. As a result, we should expect the continued growth of political and trade contradictions between the United States and Canada, as well as the revision and addition of new additional agreements in the USMCA agreement.
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Jackson, Vicki C. "The Democratic Deficit of United States Federalism? Red State, Blue State, Purple?" Federal Law Review 46, no. 4 (December 2018): 645–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x1804600410.
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Aspects of an entrenched constitution that were essential parts of founding compromises, and justified as necessary when a constitution was first adopted, may become less justifiable over time. Is this the case with respect to the structure of the United States Senate? The US Senate is hardwired in the Constitution to consist of an equal number of Senators from each state—the smallest of which currently has about 585,000 residents, and the largest of which has about 39.29 million. As this essay explains, over time, as population inequalities among states have grown larger, so too has the disproportionate voting power of smaller-population states in the national Senate. As a result of the ‘one-person, one-vote’ decisions of the 1960s that applied to both houses of state legislatures, each state legislature now is arguably more representative of its state population than the US Congress is of the US population. The ‘democratic deficit’ of the Senate, compared to state legislative bodies, also affects presidential (as compared to gubernatorial) elections. When founding compromises deeply entrenched in a constitution develop harder-to-justify consequences, should constitutional interpretation change responsively? Possible implications of the ‘democratic’ difference between the national and the state legislatures for US federalism doctrine are explored, especially with respect to the ‘pre-emption’ doctrine. Finally, the essay briefly considers the possibilities of federalism for addressing longer term issues of representation, polarisation and sustaining a single nation.
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Owens, John E. "Good Public Policy Voting in the US Congress: An Explanation of Financial Institutions Politics." Political Studies 43, no. 1 (March 1995): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1995.tb01700.x.
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Two important themes in the literature on the United States Congress are that members experience difficulty transacting complex technical legislation – because most are not experts – and that they make their decisions on the basis of what will help them win re-election, by following the economic preferences of their interest group or electoral constituencies. The few writers who have examined congressional decisionmaking on financial institutions regulatory policy have generally accepted the conventional re-election premise and argued that legislators follow the economic preferences of their interest group of electoral constituencies. Using a case study of how members of a House committee make decisions on complex financial institutions regulatory policy, the article offers an alternative political explanation which takes better account of the complexity of congressional decisionmaking and the specific nature of the policy issues which are decided. Through a close analysis of internal committee politics, the research demonstrates the crucial roles played by subject specialists and the importance of party-mediated cue-passing.
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Irhin, Igor' V. "Constitutional-legal status of unincorporated territories of the United States." Pravovedenie 62, no. 3 (2018): 484–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu25.2018.304.
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This article is dedicated to constitutional-legal status of unincorporated organized and unorganized territories of the United States. In the light of the provisions constitutional-legal status of the unorganized territory of Samoa illustrates the absence of clear demarcation lines between the institutional forms of organized and unorganized territories. Also drawn attention to the fact that unincorporated territories are in a unique legal position — they belong to the United States, but they are not part of this state. Indicates the methods used to integrate the unincorporated territories into the United States. It is indicated that the generalizing features of the constitutional-legal status of the unincorporated territories of the United States are the fragmentary application to them of the provisions of the national Constitution and the limited scope and resources for participation in shaping and implementing decisions made at the national level. Attention is focused on a discriminatory approach on the part of the United States with respect to the political rights of citizens living in unincorporated territories. The point is that the population of these territories is not entitled to participate in the election of Congress and the President of the United States and only some territories (USA Virgin Islands, American Samoa, Guam, Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico) delegate their representatives to the House of Representatives. In the conclusion is formulated that such an approach does not comply with international legal standards of human rights, including those signed by the United States Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966. It is emphasized that the scope of competence of some unincorporated territories may be broader than that of the states. Also within the framework of this article, the constitutional legal parameters of legislative, executive and judicial authorities of the unincorporated territories of the United States are considered. Attention is focused on the role and importance of federal authorities in determining and modifying the constitutional-legal status of unincorporated territories. It was concluded that diversified models of unincorporated organized and unorganized territories are peculiar indicators of the complex asymmetric structure of the USA.
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Raj, Kirath. "The Presidents' Mental Health." American Journal of Law & Medicine 31, no. 4 (December 2005): 509–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009885880503100405.
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Calvin Coolidge had a successful run in politics for over twenty years before ultimately becoming president of the United States in 1923. Throughout Coolidge's first term as president, he worked long, hard hours, was active in Congress, and maintained a strong relationship with the media. This changed, however, during the second term of his presidency. Less than a month after his second-term election, Coolidge's son died of blood poisoning. This traumatic event caused the President to enter into a deep depression. In his autobiography, Coolidge admitted that when his son died, the power and glory of the presidency went with him. His grief, which has since been coined pathological grief, had an effect on the President's mind, body and spirit. President Coolidge lost interest in his job and began sleeping fourteen hours a day, ultimately earning a reputation as one of the most ineffectual presidents ever to hold office. His depression rendered him incapable of making decisions, and as a result most of his duties were delegated to members of his Cabinet. Though the White House knew for four years that Coolidge's depression rendered him incompetent, he remained in office until the end of his second term.
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Morgan, Kimberly. "A Child of the Sixties: The Great Society, the New Right, and the Politics of Federal Child Care." Journal of Policy History 13, no. 2 (2001): 215–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2001.0005.
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In 1971, a coalition of legislators and advocates put together a bill to establish the foundations of a public, universally available day-care system in the United States. Backed by Democrats, Republicans, and a highly mobilized set of interest organizations, the bill's middle-class appeal made it seem like a political sure bet in the months preceding the 1972 election season. Over the course of 1971, however, support for the bill eroded, and by December most House Republicans had jumped ship. On December 9, President Nixon vetoed the legislation, criticizing its “fiscal irresponsibility, administrative unworkability [sic], and family-weakening implications.” Such direct federal provision of day-care services, he claimed, “would commit the vast moral authority of the National Government to the side of communal approaches to child-rearing over the family-centered approach.” The day after the veto, however, Nixon signed the 1971 Revenue Act, which included tax breaks for families who use private day-care services. In late 1972, Congress passed legislation to reauthorize Head Start, a program providing early childhood education and health services for disadvantaged, preschool-aged children. Nixon's own welfare-reform proposal included day care for poor women. Clearly, only the middle class was at risk from “communal approaches” in federally supported child care; poor families, and particularly women on welfare, could use public day care while the middle class would be subsidized to solve their child-care problems through the private sector.
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Patterson, Samuel C., and Gregory A. Caldeira. "Party Voting in the United States Congress." British Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (January 1988): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000497x.
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By the standard of most European parliaments, levels of party voting in the United States Congress are relatively low. Nevertheless, party voting does occur in the House of Representatives and the Senate. In the American context, a party vote occurs when majorities of the two congressional parties, the Democrats and the Republicans, oppose one another. The authors construct measurements of levels of party voting in Congress in the years after the Second World War. They then develop a model to test the effects of a number of independent variables that influence fluctuations in party voting levels over time. The study models the time series for party voting and demonstrates striking differences between the House and Senate in the correlates of partisan cleavage.
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Jordan, Larry. "Federal Trauma Legislation: The 101st United States Congress." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 5, no. 3 (September 1990): 255–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00026923.
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The United States Congress presently is considering comprehensive legislation regarding emergency medical services (EMS) and trauma systems planning. This legislation amends the Public Health Service Act and, if enacted, would represent the federal government's first significant statutory mandate to exercise a leadership role in EMS since the federal EMS program was abolished in the early 1980s. On 14 November 1989, the House passed House Resolution (H.R.) 1602, Trauma Care Systems Planning and Development Act of 1989, authored by Representative Jim Bates. The Senate is considering similar legislation (S. 15) by Senator Alan Cranston, titled the Emergency Medical Services and Trauma Care Improvement Act of 1989. The Senate Bill is awaiting final action by the full Senate. If the Senate approves S. 15, a joint House and Senate conference committee will meet to present its own conference report to each of those bodies for consideration and passage.
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Wright, Gerald C., and Michael B. Berkman. "Candidates and Policy in United States Senate Elections." American Political Science Review 80, no. 2 (June 1986): 567–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958274.
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This analysis demonstrates that policy issues play an important role in the selection of members of Congress. We differ with the conclusion of much of the existing research on congressional elections, which indicates that policy considerations are of minor importance. We have conducted an analysis of the 1982 U.S. Senate elections, drawing on data from the CBS News/New York Times 1982 congressional poll and from 23 statewide exit polls. We demonstrate that (1) candidates behave as though they believe issues are important to voters; (2) candidates' policy positions systematically influence voters' decisions; and (3) candidates' issue positions and voters' evaluations of the president and the economy interact to provide clear patterns of policy effects on Senate election outcomes. Policy effects are substantial and systematic in Senate elections, and cannot be omitted if we are to appreciate the importance of congressional elections in the national policy-making process.
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Jacobsmeier, Matthew L. "Religion and Perceptions of Candidates' Ideologies in United States House Elections." Politics and Religion 6, no. 2 (February 6, 2013): 342–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000703.
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AbstractUsing data from the American National Election Studies, Poole-Rosenthal DW-Nominate scores, and data on the religious affiliations of members of the United States House of Representatives, I show that religion has important independent effects on the evaluation of candidates' ideologies. The results suggest that candidates affiliated with evangelical Christianity will tend to be seen as more conservative than ideologically similar candidates from mainline Protestant denominations. Jewish candidates, in contrast, will tend to be seen as more liberal than ideologically similar mainline Protestants. Additionally, the use of religion-based stereotypes varies with frequency of church attendance. These findings attest to the external validity of recent experiment-based research on religion-based political stereotypes. The approach employed here also allows for the estimation of the magnitude of the effects of such stereotypes. The results shed light on both the importance of religion in election campaigns and the factors that influence perceptions of candidates' ideologies more generally.
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Campbell, James E. "Party Systems and Realignments in the United States, 1868-2004." Social Science History 30, no. 3 (2006): 359–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001350x.
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According to David Mayhew (2002: 58-59, 35), “Neither statistics nor stories bear out the canonical realignments calendar of 1860, 1896, and 1932,” and “no certifiable electoral realignment has occurred since 1932.” This study examines the national division of the U.S. presidential vote and House of Representatives seats from 1868 to 2004 to determine whether realignments occurred in 1896, 1932, and 1968 and whether other elections might be better designated as realignments. The analysis demonstrates the onset of realignments in the 1894-96 and 1930-32 elections and a staggered realignment in recent decades. Republicans registered significant durable gains in presidential voting starting in 1968 and in congressional elections in 1994. The analysis also finds evidence of a realignment favoring the Democrats in 1874-76.
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Manchikanti, Laxmaiah. "Evolution of US Health Care Reform." Pain Physician 3, no. 20;3 (March 9, 2017): 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.36076/ppj.2017.110.
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Major health policy creation or changes, including governmental and private policies affecting health care delivery are based on health care reform(s). Health care reform has been a global issue over the years and the United States has seen proposals for multiple reforms over the years. A successful, health care proposal in the United States with involvement of the federal government was the short-lived establishment of the first system of national medical care in the South. In the 20th century, the United States was influenced by progressivism leading to the initiation of efforts to achieve universal coverage, supported by a Republican presidential candidate, Theodore Roosevelt. In 1933, Franklin D. Roosevelt, a Democrat, included a publicly funded health care program while drafting provisions to Social Security legislation, which was eliminated from the final legislation. Subsequently, multiple proposals were introduced, starting in 1949 with President Harry S Truman who proposed universal health care; the proposal by Lyndon B. Johnson with Social Security Act in 1965 which created Medicare and Medicaid; proposals by Ted Kennedy and President Richard Nixon that promoted variations of universal health care. presidential candidate Jimmy Carter also proposed universal health care. This was followed by an effort by President Bill Clinton and headed by first lady Hillary Clinton in 1993, but was not enacted into law. Finally, the election of President Barack Obama and control of both houses of Congress by the Democrats led to the passage of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), often referred to as “ObamaCare” was signed into law in March 2010. Since then, the ACA, or Obamacare, has become a centerpiece of political campaigning. The Republicans now control the presidency and both houses of Congress and are attempting to repeal and replace the ACA. Key words: Health care reform, Affordable Care Act (ACA), Obamacare, Medicare, Medicaid, American Health Care Act
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Goidel, Robert Kirby, and Donald A. Gross. "STRATEGIC CALCULATIONS AND QUALITY CHALLENGERS IN UNITED STATES HOUSE ELECTIONS, 1986-1990." Southeastern Political Review 22, no. 2 (November 12, 2008): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1994.tb00328.x.
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Corbett, Charles R. "UNITED STATES PROGRESS TOWARD ENACTMENT OF COMPREHENSIVE OIL SPILL LIABILITY AND COMPENSATION LEGISLATION." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 1987, no. 1 (April 1, 1987): 559–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-1987-1-559.
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ABSTRACT Comprehensive oil spill liability and compensation legislation, including adoption of two important international oil spill treaties, has eluded the United States for too long. Although there is broad agreement in the Administration, both houses of Congress, oil and shipping interests, state governments and the environmental community that we need comprehensive oil spill legislation, these often divergent interests have not been able, at least as of this writing (December 1986), to agree on a compromise package. Both houses of Congress passed bills during the 99th Congress, the latest House versions in Titles VI and VIII of H.R. 5300 and, in the Senate, S. 2799. These bills were dissimilar in several ways. However, most informed interests suggested that, had a compromise House bill emerged near the end of the Congress, a Senate-House conference committee could have reached agreement between the House offer and S. 2799. Unfortunately this did not occur. Also, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee reported out favorably (to the full Senate), the ratification of the 1984 protocols to the 1969 Civil Liability Convention and the 1971 Fund Convention (CLC and Fund), with a “reservation” and a number of “understandings.” The need for appropriate legislation arises from deficiencies in and the patchwork approach of current U.S. legislation.
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Simon, Dennis M., Charles W. Ostrom, and Robin F. Marra. "The President, Referendum Voting, and Subnational Elections in the United States." American Political Science Review 85, no. 4 (December 1991): 1177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963941.
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This research is designed to generalize a referendum voting model and investigate its ability to account for the aggregate outcomes of elections for the House, Senate, governorships, and upper and lower chambers of state legislatures. Our analysis shows that these outcomes are influenced by the same systematic short- and long-term forces. In addition to this common referendum structure, the analysis reveals that there is a common response to random shocks, a subtle form of interdependence found in systems of seemingly unrelated regressions.
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Lund, Brady D., Beth L. Hendrickson, and Matthew Walston. "Election Voting and Public Library Use in the United States." Evidence Based Library and Information Practice 15, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18438/eblip29824.
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Objective - This study examines whether a correlation exists between state-wide voting in federal elections and state average per capita visits to public libraries in the U.S. In so doing, it provides insight into the extent to which library patronage is affiliated with political leaning. Methods - An analysis of data from the 2010, 2012, 2014, and 2016 Public Libraries Survey and election results from the 2010, 2012, 2014, and 2016 Presidential and House of Representatives elections (by state) is performed with the assistance of Tableau, a data visualization program. Scatter plots provide a visual representation of the data, while correlation coefficients indicate the strength of relationship between voting and library visits per capita. Results - The findings reveal no significant relationship between public library use and the vote share of a political party in elections among a state's population. Conclusions - The political leaning of a state appears to have no correlation with the frequency of library usage among that state’s population.
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Chojnacka, Magdalena. "Participation of Women in the United States Congress: 1917-2011." Acta Agraria Debreceniensis, no. 45 (May 2, 2012): 63–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.34101/actaagrar/45/2394.
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The last decades have carried changes in the legal and social position of women bearing enfranchisement, a new approach to women’s education, and their increased participation in the job market. This article outlines the historical participation of women on the political scene of the United States between the years of 1917-2011 including an analysis of the situation in the individual states. Furthermore, it analyses what types of positions have been held by women in the American Government Administration including the most prestigious ones of the Speaker and the Secretary of State. It also introduces Hilary Rodham Clinton, the first woman ever to run in the presidential elections 2008. This analysis reveals that women are still underrepresented in the federal-level positions which makes it difficult for them to influence the quality of the lawmaking and results in a difficulty to promote such decisions that are important for the women themselves.
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صبري شاكر, أحمد, and أزهار عبد الرحمن عبد الكريم. "نشوء وتنامي الصلات التجارية الأميركية مع الصين حتى عام 1844." Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, no. 23 (January 17, 2018): 161–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss23.197.
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1- D.C.U.S.A , The Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States Archive. . 2- L.C.C. , The Letters of Continental Congress
3- A.C.U.S.C.D.D., Annals of Congress , U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates ,1774-1875.
4- A.C.C.R., Annals of Congress Commercial Report.
5- U.S.H.R.E.D. ,United States House of Representatives Executive Documents.
6- (T.E.C.F.P.) ,Treaties The Empire of China Foreign Powers.
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Haeberle, Steven H. "Closed Primaries and Party Support in Congress." American Politics Quarterly 13, no. 3 (July 1985): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x8501300305.
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Nominating procedures in the American states rely on three types of primary elections: closed, open, and blanket. These systems vary with regard to the extent partisanship is injected into the process. The data show that members of Congress with the highest levels of party support in the House of Representatives are elected in states using closed primaries. However, this relationship between partisanship in office and use of the closed primary appears to result from the common determination of these two variables by regional differences and traditional patterns of interparty competition at the state level. In other words, the state systems that value partisanship the most will likely have closed primaries and elect representatives more likely to support their party.
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TRAVKINA, Natalia. "Presidential Campaign 2020 in the United States: Factors of Growing Uncertainty." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 3 (23) (2020): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2020-3-32-51.
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The article analyzes the prospects for the 2020 presidential campaign after primary elections, which ended with the victory of incumbent President D. Trump in the Republican Party and former Vice-President J. Biden in the Democratic Party. A powerful external factor influencing the usual course of the presidential race has been the COVID-19 pandemic that hit the United States, which is the main element of the growing uncertainty about the possible outcome of the presidential election. An important consequence of the coronavirus pandemic was the gradual slide of the American economy into crisis as early as in the first quarter of this year. Economic turmoil in a year of presidential elections has been one of the most reliable indicators for upcoming change in the White House at least since 1920.
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DE BENEDICTIS-KESSNER, JUSTIN, and CHRISTOPHER WARSHAW. "Accountability for the Local Economy at All Levels of Government in United States Elections." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (March 16, 2020): 660–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000027.
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Retrospective voting is a crucial component of democratic accountability. A large literature on retrospective voting in the United States finds that the president’s party is rewarded in presidential elections for strong economic performance and punished for weak performance. By contrast, there is no clear consensus about whether politicians are held accountable for the local economy at other levels of government, nor how voters react to the economy in a complex system of multilevel responsibility. In this study, we use administrative data on county-level economic conditions from 1969 to 2018 and election results across multiple levels of government to examine the effect of the local economy on elections for local, state, and federal offices in the United States. We find that the president’s party is held accountable for economic performance across nearly all levels of government. We also find that incumbents are held accountable for the economy in U.S. House and gubernatorial elections. Our findings have broad implications for literatures on representation, accountability, and elections.
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Cuzán, Alfred G. "Will the Republicans Retake the House in 2010?" PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 04 (October 2010): 639–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510001083.
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Historically, statistical models for forecasting the outcome of midterm elections to the United States House of Representatives have not been particularly successful (Jones and Cuzán 2006). However, in what may have been a breakthrough, most models correctly predicted that the Democrats would re-emerge as the majority party in 2006 (Cuzán 2007). One successful model was estimated using 46 elections, beginning with 1914 (only the second time that 435 representatives, the present number, were elected). The model was relatively simple, making use of national-level variables only (Cuzán and Bundrick 2006). Using a similar model, I generated a forecast for the 2010 midterm election.
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Rocca, Michael S., and Jared W. Clay. "Allocating Unlimited Money: What Explains Super PAC Spending in Congressional Elections?" Forum 19, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2021-0016.
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Abstract How do Super PACs allocate their resources? The question is both timely and relevant, particularly as we reflect on the ten-year anniversary of the Citizens United ruling. Super PACs now outspend – sometimes by huge margins, as in the 2016 presidential election – all other groups’ independent expenditures including those of parties, unions, and 501(c) organizations. The issue is especially important in congressional politics, where Super PACs have an opportunity to shape the institution every two years through congressional elections. Utilizing outside spending data from the Center for Responsive Politics, we analyze four U.S. House election cycles since the Supreme Court’s landmark 2010 Citizens United ruling (2012–2018). The likelihood that Super PACs invest in a race is strongly determined by the electoral context, even after controlling for the legislative influence of the incumbent member of Congress.
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Gilligan, Thomas W. "Money and Politics in the Current Contemporary Congress." Business and Politics 2, no. 1 (April 2000): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1000.
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Campaign finance reform is the subject of ongoing public policy debates in many modern democratic societies. In the United States, individuals and interest groups from across the ideological spectrum have proposed or embraced a variety of campaign finance reforms in attempts to alter the electoral landscape. At least one recent presidential candidate highlighted the issue of campaign finance reform which appear to resonate with voters, as part of a broader strategy to secure his party's nomination. Many of these reforms propose to alter the sources and uses of financial resources in Congressional elections.
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Medenica, Vladimir E., and Matthew Fowler. "The Intersectional Effects of Diverse Elections on Validated Turnout in the 2018 Midterm Elections." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 4 (July 30, 2020): 988–1003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912920945781.
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The 2018 midterm elections in the United States were unprecedented in their gender and racial diversity. Voters across the country, especially younger voters, elected the most diverse U.S. Congress in history. Despite increased electoral diversity along lines of gender, race, and the intersections of both, extant literature has remained siloed, focusing on the effect of either gender or race on turnout but rarely examining both in relation to one another. Using a novel data set of racially diverse young adults that includes demographic information for congressional candidates and vote-validated data, this study investigates how the intersection of race and gender influence voter turnout across diverse electoral contexts. Our study provides important insights for both unpacking the 2018 elections and more generally understanding how race and gender interact to influence youth voter turnout as candidate profiles and electoral contexts continue to diversify.
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Lichtman, Allan J. "The Keys to the White House." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 1, no. 1 (January 2010): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jssc.2010092903.
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The Keys to the White House are an index-based prediction system that retrospectively account for the popular-vote winners of every US presidential election from 1860 to 1980 and prospectively forecast the winners of every presidential election from 1984 through 2008. The Keys demonstrate that American presidential elections do not turn on events of the campaign, but rather on the performance of the party controlling the White House. The Keys hold important lessons for politics in the United States and worldwide. A preliminary forecast based on the Keys indicates that President Obama is a likely winner in 2012, but also reveals the specific problems at home at abroad that could thwart his re-election.
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Peterson, Paul E., and Jay P. Greene. "Why Executive-Legislative Conflict in the United States is Dwindling." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 1 (January 1994): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006773.
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An examination of executive-legislative conflict occurring in US congressional committees between 1947 and 1990 reveals that, despite current concerns of gridlock, the overall level of conflict declined during this period. There are two structural sources of inter-branch conflict – constituent and partisan. The constituent basis for conflict in the United States is rooted in the differing manner in which members of the two branches are elected. Because the executive has a national constituency, it is primarily concerned with matters of national policy. Members of Congress, who have smaller, more homogeneous constituencies, are more concerned with the geographically distributive effects of these policies. The authors' evidence suggests that conflict between the executive and legislative in the United States is greatest on issues that are of both national and distributive significance. The partisan basis for conflict, long established in the House and increasingly visible in the Senate, is reinforced by competitive political contests. Yet conflict between members of Congress and executive officials of the opposite party did not increase between 1947 and 1990. And conflict with executive officials of the same party declined, producing an overall drop in executive-legislative conflict.
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Mixon, Franklin G., Chandini Sankaran, and Kamal P. Upadhyaya. "Is Political Ideology Stable? Evidence from Long-Serving Members of the United States Congress." Economies 7, no. 2 (May 6, 2019): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies7020036.
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This study extends the political science and political psychology literature on the political ideology of lawmakers by addressing the following question: How stable is a legislator’s political ideology over time? In doing so, we employ Nokken–Poole scores of legislators’ political ideology for members of the United States (U.S.) House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate who were elected prior to the 103rd Congress that began in early 1991 and who served consecutively through the 115th Congress, which ended in early 2019. Results from individual time-series estimations suggest that political ideology is unstable over time for a sizable portion of the members of both major political parties who serve in the U.S. Congress, while analysis of the pooled data suggests that, after accounting for inertia in political ideology and individual legislator effects, Republican legislators become more conservative over time. These results run somewhat counter to the finding in prior studies that the political ideologies of lawmakers and other political elites are stable over time.
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Романовская, Марина, and Marina Romanovskaya. "CRIMINAL LIABILITY FOR HOMEOWNERS’ ASSOCIATION FRAUD IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 3, no. 4 (August 23, 2017): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_598063fb89c313.52285660.
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Relatively new type of business activity on apartment house management, which carry out the managing organizations, is on the hard way of development in present time. Numerous violations and crimes in this sphere are becoming more intellectual in nature. In some foreign countries the Association of homeowners (condominiums) is an analogue of our homeowners associations and the Institute of management of apartment houses has a long history. The author carried out the analysis of the main types of fraud in the apartment house management in the United States of America. Such acts include embezzlement (theft) of funds, violation of business law, falsification of the elections to the Board of the Association of owners of property, kickbacks in contracting, fictitious contracts. The main attention was focused on the specifics of the criminal-legal regulation of liability for fraudulent acts in the management of condominiums on the example of the criminal law of the State of California and certain judicial decisions.
In particular, the influence of Anglo-Saxon legal system has found the expression in the fact that the criteria for recognition of the person guilty of embezzlement (embezzlement) of funds of owners of property determined by case law, not criminal law.
The author has studied the positive experience of the counteraction of irregularities in the activities of the apartment house management by establishing the criminal prohibitions of the concealment or distortion of information on the financial status of the managing organization or condominium.
Study of the foreign experience of the classification of crime, counteraction of financial violations in the sphere of apartment building management and reparations for victims of financial crimes will be useful for the scientific understanding of the problem of combating crimes in the sphere of apartment house management in our country.
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Matera, Paulina. "China as the Strategic Competitor in the Debate on TPP in the United States." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.06.
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The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) was negotiated with participation of the U.S. representatives from 2008. It was discussed not only in terms of the economic consequences of it. The proponents of signing TPP claimed that it would strengthen the alliances in Asia-Pacific region, curtail the Chinese influences and let the U.S. establish the global trade rules for the future. The debate on this issue took place in the Congress, also the front runners of the presidential elections of 2016 expressed their standpoints. The attitude of public opinion will be also presented as well as the position of Donald Trump which resulted in the withdrawal of the United States from the agreement once he became the President of the U.S.
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Wolbrecht, Christina, and J. Kevin Corder. "Turning Rights into Ballots: The Uneven Integration of Women into Electoral Politics after Suffrage." PS: Political Science & Politics 53, no. 3 (July 2020): 479–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909652000027x.
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After a more than seven-decade battle, American women secured the right to vote in August 1920. The struggle for women to have a voice in elections was not over, however. The Nineteenth Amendment states that “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” The amendment gives Congress the power to enforce the law by appropriate legislation. It does not, however, empower or charge any government office or actor with ensuring that women can and do cast ballots. This article argues that this reality, often taken for granted, has serious implications for both the incorporation of women into the electorate and the representation of their political interests.
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Clarke, Andrew J., Jeffery A. Jenkins, and Kenneth S. Lowande. "Tariff politics and congressional elections: exploring the Cannon Thesis." Journal of Theoretical Politics 29, no. 3 (May 18, 2016): 382–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629816647801.
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While a number of studies have examined the politics of tariff decision-making in the United States, little work has examined the subsequent political effects of tariff policy. We help fill this gap in the literature by analyzing—both theoretically and empirically—the electoral implications of tariff revision. Specifically, we investigate the veracity of the Cannon Thesis—the proposition advanced by Speaker Joe Cannon in 1910 that the majority party in the U.S. House was punished when it made major revisions to the tariff. We find that from 1877 to 1934 major tariff revisions were, on average, associated with a significant loss of votes for majority-party members—both regionally and nationally—that translated into a loss of House seats. We find support for the notion that major tariff revisions generated inordinate uncertainty among various business interests, which the opposition party could then use (by leveraging fear and market instability) to mobilize its base and gain ground in the following election. Our results provide a new explanation for the delegation of tariff policymaking to the executive branch.
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Alesina, Alberto, and Howard Rosenthal. "Partisan Cycles in Congressional Elections and the Macroeconomy." American Political Science Review 83, no. 2 (June 1989): 373–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962396.
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In the postwar United States the president's party has always done worse in the midterm congressional elections than in the previous congressional election. Republican administrations exhibit below-average, and Democratic administrations above-average, economic growth in the first half of each term, whereas in the latter halves the two see equal growth. Our rational expectations model is consistent with these two regularities. In presidential elections, voters choose between two polarized candidates. They then use midterm elections to counterbalance the president's policies by strengthening the opposition in Congress. Since presidents of different parties are associated with different policies, our model predicts a (spurious) correlation between the state of the economy and elections. Our predictions contrast with those of retrospective voting models, in which voters reward the incumbent if the economy is doing well before the election. Our model performs empirically at least as well as, and often better than, alternative models.
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Uscinski, Joseph, Michael S. Rocca, Gabriel R. Sanchez, and Marina Brenden. "Congress and Foreign Policy: Congressional Action on the Darfur Genocide." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 489–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090799.
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ABSTRACTAs of January 2008, more than 400,000 people have been killed and more than 2.5 million people have been displaced in the regions of Darfur and Chad. This event has not gone unnoticed in the United States, as the 109th United States Congress (2005–2006) considered several measures in the House of Representatives to provide funding and peacekeeping forces to quell the violence in Darfur. The goal of this article is to explain individual members' of Congress (MCs') support for Darfur legislation by examining the influence of their individual, district, and institutional characteristics. The Darfur case provides the opportunity to analyze factors critical to congressional behavior in a context where there is reason to expect an MC's usual set of incentives—e.g., reelection and adherence to party—to be less prominent. In all, we contribute to congressional and foreign policy research by parceling out the determinants of congressional support for foreign policy in comparison to domestic policy.
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Garber, Judith A. "THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT, THE FEDERAL COURTS, AND THE CONSTITUTION IN THE UNITED STATES." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 15, no. 1, 2 & 3 (July 24, 2011): 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9967g.
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Twenty-five years have passed since the newly formed Moral Majority helped put Ronald Reagan in the White House and a Republican majority in the United States Senate. The Moral Majority was one organization (and its founder, the Reverend Jerry Falwell, one figure) at the centre of an emerging evangelical Protestant social movement. This movement was galvanized by two aims: defeating the Equal Rights Amendment,3 which Congress submitted to the states for consideration in 1972, and contesting the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1973 Roe v. Wade4 ruling, which recognized a constitutional right to abortion. In the early 1980s, “New Christian Right” was an accurate description of the first widespread public engagement of evangelicals in half a century.
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Schultz, David. "The Implementation and Evaluation of the United States Affordable Care Act." Medicine, Law & Society 12, no. 1 (April 26, 2019): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/mls.12.1.17-38.2019.
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In 2010 the United States Congress adopted the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (“ACA”), more commonly referred to as Obamacare. The ACA was proposed by President Barack Obama while running for president and it was passed with a near straight party-line vote of Democrats in the US House and Senate in 2010. The ACA was meant to address several problems with the American health care delivery system, including cost, access and outcomes. This article describes the major features of the ACA including the context of the US health care system, evaluates the ACA’s implementation history and assesses its fate and future reforms throughout the presidency of Donald Trump. The overall conclusion based on its implementation is that while the ACA made significant reforms in terms of access to health care, it is not clear that it addressed affordability or began to improve health care outcomes in the US.
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Jenkins, Jeffery A. "Partisanship and Contested Election Cases in the Senate, 1789–2002." Studies in American Political Development 19, no. 1 (April 2005): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x05000039.
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While the Founding Fathers included a number of checks and balances in the U.S. Constitution as a way of dispersing power across the various branches of the federal government, they made no such allowance regarding the internal makeup of Congress. Specifically, Article I, Section 5, Clause 1 of the Constitution states that “Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns, and Qualifications of its own Members. . . .” This clause, in effect, provides each chamber of Congress with the exclusive authority to determine how its membership will be comprised. Thus, when an election is contested, that is, when a dispute arises regarding who is the rightful occupant of a seat after all votes have been counted and a winner announced, the given chamber operates as the sole arbiter, insulated completely from Executive and Judicial pressures or constraints.
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McKay, David. "Campaigning as Governing: The 1996 US Presidential Elections." Government and Opposition 32, no. 1 (January 1997): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb01207.x.
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ON TUESDAY, 5 NOVEMBER 1996 BILL CLINTON WAS REelected President of the United States by a comfortable margin. In addition, the Republicans retained control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate. Although these results were generally unsurprising, the election was an important one for students of American electoral behaviour. In particular, the results were widely expected to cast new light on two distinctive strands of thought in the literature: claims that we are in the midst of a realignment of the electorate towards the Republicans; and claims that American voters now consciously choose divided government so as to limit the scope of government and avoid the extremes in both parties. The second part of this article will address these questions and will discuss their implications for President Clinton's second term. First, however, it will be useful to examine the results in more detail.
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Macdonald, Stuart Elaine, and George Rabinowitz. "The Dynamics of Structural Realignment." American Political Science Review 81, no. 3 (September 1987): 775–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962676.
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Governments render decisions on how resources and values are allocated in a society. In the United States, Congress is the institution in which most of the key allocating decisions are made. To the extent the U.S. political system is integrated, the coalitions that form around the issues debated in Congress should be reflected in the coalitions that support presidential candidates and those that support the major political parties. We formulate a spatial theory of political change in which new ideological cleavages appear in congressional behavior and presidential elections and gradually reorganize the mass party base. The theory leads us explicitly to consider the question of dealignment and to specify conditions under which the parties will lose support from voters.
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McKEEVER, ROBERT J. "Race and Representation in the United States: the Constitutional Validity of Majority–Minority Congressional Districts." Journal of American Studies 33, no. 3 (December 1999): 491–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875899006210.
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In an effort to maximize the representation of African Americans and Hispanics in the United States House of Representatives, many state legislatures have consciously sought to create so-called “majority–minority” congressional districts. This involves carving out districts in which African Americans or Hispanics constitute more than 50 per cent of the voting age population. The expectation is that such districts will elect a minority member of the House, which in turn will lead to a Congress that is more sensitive and responsive to the needs and interests of America's two largest ethnic minorities. Indeed, this expectation has become an article of faith for the mainstream civil rights movement and its white sympathizers.However, like other forms of affirmative action, majority–minority districting sits rather uncomfortably alongside the Constitutional principle of race-neutrality. In a series of recent cases, the United States Supreme Court has declared that, by subordinating traditional districting principles to the overriding need to draw boundaries along racial lines, states have violated the Equal Protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
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Cleveland, Sarah H. "A Human Rights Agenda for the Biden Administration." AJIL Unbound 115 (2021): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2020.88.
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The Biden administration has much to do to restore the United States’ credibility as a human rights leader and to strengthen the human rights system in an era of rising right-wing nationalism, authoritarianism, and competition for global power. In doing so, it needs to lead by example by putting its own house in order, and act with both courage and humility in the face of deep global skepticism and distrust. Specifically, the administration should pursue five stages of engagement on human rights: reverse and revoke measures taken by the Trump administration, reaffirm the United States’ traditional commitments to human rights at home and abroad, rebuild the State Department and diplomatic corps, reengage with international and regional mechanisms through bilateral and multilateral diplomacy, and reconceptualize the United States’ twenty-first century relationship to human rights. All of the other topics addressed in this symposium—climate, health, elections, migration, structural racism, and trade—implicate human rights. None can be adequately addressed without a robust U.S. human rights agenda.
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Pitts, Britney. "“Uneasy Lies the Head that Wears a Crown”: A Critical Race Analysis of the CROWN Act." Journal of Black Studies 52, no. 7 (June 2, 2021): 716–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219347211021096.
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Black hair in the United States remains misunderstood and othered against Eurocentric standards of beauty and professionalism as evidenced by the ongoing policing of Black hair in schools and workplaces. The CROWN Act of 2019 was passed in several states to protect Black adults and children from hair-biased discrimination, and was introduced to the United States Congress in December 2019. In September 2020, the CROWN Act passed in the US House of Representatives, however, it has not been passed in the Senate, yet. In this paper, I provide a critical race analysis of hair policies and challenges collected from news articles, the CROWN Research Study, and testimonies in support of the CROWN Act to demonstrate the importance of this bill’s passing at the federal level.
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Zvezdova, Olesya. "Official US position on recognition of independence of Abkhazia and South." European Historical Studies, no. 4 (2016): 113–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.04.113-125.
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This article deals with the official position of the United States regarding independence recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia by the Russian Federation in 2008. The basic documents of the State Department, Presidential Administration and the US Congress, which are published on the official page, are analyzed. The applications and interviews of the President, Secretary of State and 124 other state officials are considered. It is concluded that Abkhazia and South Ossetia are Georgian regions; the United States does not recognize its independence and calls on the Russian Federation to reverse its recognition of the “de facto states”. US will not recognize the results of any parliamentary and presidential elections in these areas and only Georgian authority is considered as legitimate. Agreements that were signed by the Russian Federation and the leaders of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in 2014 and 2015 respectively have no legal force and are only Russian provocative step towards strengthening its influence in the region. Resolutions of Congress accuse Russia of occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and call to withdraw Russian troops from these territories. Since 2014 the situation in eastern Ukraine is compared with the situation in Abkhazia and South Ossetia in some press releases and speeches of the US official representatives.
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Shchyhelska, Halyna. "Interaction of Ukrainian Diaspora and the USA Government Regarding Celebration of Ukrainian Independence Day on January 22." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 1, no. 47 (June 30, 2018): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2018.47.136-145.
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2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. OnJanuary 22, 1918, the Ukrainian People’s Republic proclaimed its independence by adopting the IV Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, although this significant event was «wiped out» from the public consciousness on the territory of Ukraine during the years of the Soviet totalitarian regime. At the same time, January 22 was a crucial event for the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA. This article examines how American Ukrainians interacted with the USA Government institutions regarding the celebration and recognition of the Ukrainian Independence day on January 22. The attention is focused on the activities of ethnic Ukrainians in the United States, directed at the organization of the special celebration of the Ukrainian Independence anniversaries in the US Congress and cities. Drawing from the diaspora press and Congressional Records, this article argues that many members of Congress participated in the observed celebration and expressed kind feelings to the Ukrainian people, recognised their fight for freedom, during the House of Representatives and Senate sessions. Several Congressmen submitted the resolutions in the US Congress urging the President of United States to designate January 22 as «Ukrainian lndependence Day». January 22 was proclaimed Ukrainian Day by the governors of fifteen States and mayors of many cities.
Keywords: January 22, Ukrainian independence day, Ukrainian diaspora, USA, interaction, Congress