To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: United States – Economic policy – 1971-.
Journal articles on the topic 'United States – Economic policy – 1971-'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'United States – Economic policy – 1971-.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Sedliar, Yulia. "US policy of economic sanctions against Cuba in 1990s years." Scientific Visnyk V. O. Sukhomlynskyi Mykolaiv National University. Historical Sciences 48, no. 2 (2019): 114–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33310/2519-2809-2019-48-2-114-118.
Full textAbstract:
The US economic embargo against Cuba has been in place for fifty years. During that period, its rationale and goals have not changed. As it is stressed in the article, principal purpose of the US sanctions strategy is either to modify the international behavior of Cuba, which Washington regarded as a threat to US strategic interests in the Latin America region, or to eliminate the Cuban political regime entirely. Measured against these goals, the sanctions clearly have failed. Author examines key factors having restricted sanctions’ ability to achieve American proclaimed goals regarding to Cuba. In this context, it is underscored that controversial maintenance of the US embargo against Cuba among US allies directly affected the results of sanctions strategy against Cuba. It is stressed that since the early 1960s, when the United States imposed a trade embargo on Cuba, the centerpiece of U.S. policy toward Cuba has consisted of economic sanctions aimed at isolating the government. The United States embargo against Cuba is a commercial, economic, and financial embargo imposed by the United States on Cuba. An embargo was first imposed by the United States on sale of arms to Cuba on the 14th of March 1958, during the Fulgencio Batista regime. On October 19, 1960 the U.S. placed an embargo on exports to Cuba except for food and medicine after Cuba nationalized American-owned Cuban oil refineries without compensation. On February 7, 1962 the embargo was extended to include almost all imports. Currently, the Cuban embargo is enforced mainly through six statutes: the Trading with the Enemy Act of 1917, the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, the Cuban Assets Control Regulations of 1963, the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992, the Helms–Burton Act 1996, and the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000. The stated purpose of the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992 is to maintain sanctions on Cuba so long as the Cuban government refuses to move toward democratization and greater respect for human rights. The article emphasizes that The Helms–Burton Act further restricted United States citizens from doing business in or with Cuba, and mandated restrictions on giving public or private assistance to any successor government in Havana unless and until certain claims against the Cuban government were met.
2
Jenkins, J. Craig, Kevin T. Leicht, and Heather Wendt. "Class Forces, Political Institutions, and State Intervention: Subnational Economic Development Policy in the United States, 1971–1990." American Journal of Sociology 111, no. 4 (January 2006): 1122–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/498467.
Full text
3
Cadart, Claude. "Du projet stratégique sino-soviétique au projet stratégique sino-américain : la Nouvelle Chine en quête d’une stratégie d’accès à l’influence planétaire." Études internationales 10, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 757–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700990ar.
Full textAbstract:
« From the Sino-Soviet strategic project to the Sino-American strategic project » is a purposely schematic interpretative essay on the evolution of Chinese foreign policy from 1949 to 1979 with emphasis on, the latter phase of that evolution, that of the 1969—1979 period, and more particularly on the last year of that decade, 1979. The project, both defensive and offensive, of American and Chinese co-leadership of the planet that Mao had undertaken to carry out in 1971-1972 with the encouragement of Nixon had to be more or less put aside from 1973 to 1978 because of the seriousness of the domestic crises that were successively shaking both China and the United States during those years. In 1978—79, it was able to be reactivated by Deng Xiaoping who sought, with the benediction of the White House, to add an economic and a cultural dimension to Us diplomatic and strategic dimension. It is unlikely however in the near future that the United States will consider China as other than an auxiliary aspect of the fundamental game of their relations with the most powerful of their adversary-partners, the U.S.S.R. As in the case of the Sino-Soviet strategic project that China promoted from 1949 to 1959, the Sino-American strategic project that China has sought to « sell » the United States since 1969 has not, therefore, much chance of success.
4
Dorofeev, M. L. "Impact of Monetary Policy on the Level of Economic Inequality in the United States." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 5 (November 11, 2020): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-5-74-97-114.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: After the reform of the world monetary system in 1971, the competition between countries for the global market is taking place in completely new conditions. Monetary and fiscal authorities have accumulated vast experience in regulating the economy and strengthening country competitive advantages through complex mechanisms of quantitative easing, foreign exchange rates manipulation, increasing debts, etc. Overcoming the consequences of the financial crises of the 21st century every time forces monetary regulators to implement increasingly radical measures in order to save the economy by injecting enormous amounts of liquidity into the market to buy out bad corporate debts as well as government debt securities. At the same time, the questions of how monetary policy affects the level of economic inequality and who is its beneficiary are becoming more relevant.The article seeks to analyze the impact of changes in monetary policy parameters on wealth inequality in the United States. Given the cyclical nature of economic inequality, the main method of research was chosen as a graphical statistical analysis, since it allows to identify trends effectively and keep in focus more than 100-year picture of changes in the analyzed indicators. For a more holistic picture, the dynamics of economic wealth inequality level were compared not only with key indicators of monetary policy, but also with the dynamics of marginal tax rates in US.One conclusion of the research is that wealth inequality depends more on fiscal adjustment and marginal tax rates than on monetary factors. Inadequate marginal income and inheritance tax rates are factors of rising of wealth inequality in US. Changing of monetary system settings also influences on the level of wealth inequality, because it affects the valuation of financial assets, and therefore the wealth of the richest people in US. Another important conclusion is the idea that the new monetary policy, despite all fears that it is a source of growing economic inequality, is acceptable with marginal income and inheritance tax rates of about 60% and with effective macroprudential regulation of US economy.
5
INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "Introduction to Special Issue: Japan–China Fragile Partnership: At Fortieth Anniversary of Diplomatic Normalization." Japanese Journal of Political Science 14, no. 1 (February 5, 2013): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810991200031x.
Full textAbstract:
The rise of China was not an issue in 1971 or 1972. Therefore, neither the United States nor Japan thought about the consequences of US–China and Japan–China rapprochement in the early 1970s (Kissinger, 2011). The diplomatic normalization between Japan and China took place in 1972 as an appendage of the United States–China rapprochement in 1971, at least in American eyes. At this time, the United States was waging war in Vietnam, while the Cold War was still at the heyday of massive nuclear buildups by the United States and the Soviet Union. China was in the midst of domestic turmoil called the Cultural Revolution, while facing the hostile Soviet Union. To ease their burdens, both countries concluded the surprising rapprochement. It was a great surprise to Japan because it had not been notified about this rapprochement even a couple of days before. In 1971, China entered the United Nations. Japan went ahead of the United States and had achieved diplomatic normalization by 1972. Japan wanted to develop a new market in China when its economy was booming whereby Japan wanted to alleviate the extreme of ‘leaning to one side’ (to the United States). China wanted to alleviate security threats coming from the Soviet Union (‘anti-hegemonism’) and to have Japan involved in the development of the half-frozen economy, especially with the massive Japanese official development assistance. On the disputed islands called Senkaku Islands/Diaoyu Islands, the Japanese government wanted to settle the issue, but the Chinese government saw no immediate urgency to do so. In 1978, both the United States and Japan consolidated their ties with China, again with Japan going ahead of the United States. In December 1978, Deng Xiaoping came back into power, paving the road to ‘economic reform and the opening to the world’. His famous sentence, yangguan taohui (keep low profile, nurture strength), was propagated as the new Chinese policy line, both internally and externally (Vogel, 2011). He focused on economic development while keeping peace on all borders. China started to grow in the 1980s in a strident fashion, although voices for political reform were also on the rise. Such voices culminated in 1989 after the death of former Secretary General Hu Yaopang, a reformist who was dismissed from office in 1987 by Deng Xiaoping. On 4 June 1989, large numbers of demonstrators assembled in Tiananmen Square, Beijing, demanding more freedom and democracy. Deng Xiaoping ordered the all-out suppression of the dissidents. The Tiananmen Square massacre led to embargos by the West and by Japan. The embargos were lifted in 1991. Both Japan and Europe were keen on this. The Chinese economy then registered a two digit annual growth rate for two decades until 2011. Meanwhile the terms of the Japan–China Friendship Treaty of 1978 − that is China forgiving Japan for not paying indemnity − became known in China, giving rise to opposition to the Friendship Treaty in the 1990s. The United States was preoccupied with anti-terrorism after 9/11 in 2001, and the thought of growth in China in the 2000s scarcely came to mind. But by 2011, the growth of China was visible and tangible; a fact that no one can deny is that China is expected to surpass the United States in terms of Gross National Product sooner or later.
6
Baker, Scott R., Nicholas Bloom, and Steven J. Davis. "Measuring Economic Policy Uncertainty*." Quarterly Journal of Economics 131, no. 4 (July 11, 2016): 1593–636. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjw024.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract We develop a new index of economic policy uncertainty (EPU) based on newspaper coverage frequency. Several types of evidence—including human readings of 12,000 newspaper articles—indicate that our index proxies for movements in policy-related economic uncertainty. Our U.S. index spikes near tight presidential elections, Gulf Wars I and II, the 9/11 attacks, the failure of Lehman Brothers, the 2011 debt ceiling dispute, and other major battles over fiscal policy. Using firm-level data, we find that policy uncertainty is associated with greater stock price volatility and reduced investment and employment in policy-sensitive sectors like defense, health care, finance, and infrastructure construction. At the macro level, innovations in policy uncertainty foreshadow declines in investment, output, and employment in the United States and, in a panel vector autoregressive setting, for 12 major economies. Extending our U.S. index back to 1900, EPU rose dramatically in the 1930s (from late 1931) and has drifted upward since the 1960s.
7
Basosi, Duccio. "Kathleen Rasmussen (ed.), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XXXI, Foreign Economic Policy 1973–1976." Journal of Contemporary History 47, no. 3 (July 2012): 681–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009412440542r.
Full text
8
Stine, Jeffrey K., and David M. Hart. "Forged Consensus: Science, Technology, and Economic Policy in the United States, 1921-1953." American Historical Review 105, no. 2 (April 2000): 562. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1571525.
Full text
9
Kleinman, Daniel Lee, David M. Hart, and Jessica Wang. "Forged Consensus: Science, Technology, and Economic Policy in the United States, 1921-1953." Journal of American History 86, no. 3 (December 1999): 1387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568698.
Full text
10
MacLeod, Roy. "Forged Consensus: Science, Technology and Economic Policy in the United States, 1921–1953." Research Policy 30, no. 7 (August 2001): 1159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0048-7333(00)00119-0.
Full text
11
Weatherford, M. Stephen, and Haruhiro Fukui. "Domestic adjustment to international shocks in Japan and the United States." International Organization 43, no. 4 (1989): 585–623. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300034457.
Full textAbstract:
Economic interdependence complicates domestic policymaking by interposing the decisions of foreigners in the loop that links policy instrument settings to economic outcomes. Nowhere was this vulnerability to external decisions demonstrated more forcefully—even for the world's major economies—than by the energy supply shocks of 1973 and 1979. The oil shocks posed challenges that offer unusual insight into the way nations choose policies: their severity forced a policy response; their unpredictable timing and (at least in 1973) unprecedented nature ruled out conventional formulas and brought to the fore explicit policy trade-offs. This article seeks to explain how policymakers in the world's two major economies responded to these external shocks. The analysis successively employs three vantage points—system, society, and state—in tracing the sources of domestic adjustment policies. It focuses specifically on the extent to which policies accommodated or extinguished each shock's inflationary impulses and on the coherence and consistency with which the executive in each government formulated and pursued particular policy goals. A comparison of these four cases illustrates the strengths and weaknesses of increasingly detailed theoretical frameworks for explaining policy choice. Although the research does not contradict the depiction of the United States and Japan in terms of state strength, it does underscore the importance of looking beyond formal institutional arrangements to consider how elite policy preferences, ambitions, and capacities can define the way constraints influence policy.
12
Rom-Jensen, Byron Z. "Yellow-Blue Collars: American Labor and the Pursuit of Swedish Policy, 1961-1963." American Studies in Scandinavia 50, no. 2 (October 30, 2018): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v50i2.5777.
Full textAbstract:
This article studies the Kennedy administration’s labor market policies as a case of lesson drawing during a transnational moment in the early 1960s. With the election of Kennedy, leaders in the labor movement rose to positions of policymaking influence, in the process reimagining the United States’ political and economic landscape. This spirit of reform led to the embrace of Sweden’s solidarity wage policy and Rehn-Meidner model as lessons on how to balance full employment, economic growth, and a powerful labor movement. However, Secretary of Labor Arthur Goldberg and Walter Reuther of the United Automobile Workers found implementing Swedish policies to be more difficult than they expected, even with the support of a sitting president. Their experiences demonstrate the possibility for policy diffusion from small states to the United States over a short period, as well as its risks and limitations.
13
Takeda, Yu. "Economic Superpower in an Age of Limits." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 21, no. 3 (September 11, 2014): 278–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02103003.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines macroeconomic policy coordination between Japan and the United States under the locomotive strategy from 1977 to 1979. Previous studies have described the strategy as a fiasco because of its negative economic impact. In fact, the Japanese government, after two years of stimulus packages, quit trying to be a locomotive bringing other developed countries out of their economic difficulties and the u.s. government admitted it in 1979. On the other hand, as this article shows, bilateral cooperation with the United States under this strategy expanded the roles and burdens of Japan, an emerging economic superpower, in international economic policy coordination. Japan’s efforts to implement the strategy made the u.s. government believe that Tokyo would continue to respond to its request to bear larger international responsibilities, while it also increased awareness of Japan’s global role in Tokyo. These bilateral perceptual changes paved the way for subsequent policy coordination and Japan’s assumption of greater burdens, notably the adoption of large-scale stimulus packages under belt-tightening budgets.
14
Abernethy, Avery M., and George R. Franke. "FTC Regulatory Activity and the Information Content of Advertising." Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 17, no. 2 (September 1998): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/074391569801700208.
Full textAbstract:
Meta-analysis of studies examining more than 66,000 U.S. advertisements indicates that advertisements contained significantly fewer objective information claims during a period of strict advertising regulation by the Federal Trade Commission (1971–1981) than in the subsequent, less stringent period (1982–1992). The results do not appear to be due to spurious effects of atypical studies, other contemporaneous trends in the United States, or global economic factors. An important implication for public policy is that strict advertising regulation may have reduced the amount of advertising information available to consumers.
15
Khochiani, Ramin, and Younes Nademi. "Energy consumption, CO2 emissions, and economic growth in the United States, China, and India: A wavelet coherence approach." Energy & Environment 31, no. 5 (November 7, 2019): 886–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958305x19881750.
Full textAbstract:
Climate change is one of the most dangerous threats to human beings, and therefore, it is of great importance for the researchers to inform the policy makers of the threats of climate change and global warming. One of the main causes of climate change is the greenhouse gas emissions, particularly CO2 emissions. In this paper, we try to find a nexus between energy consumption, CO2 emissions, and economic growth in the United States, China, and India, known as three most polluting countries in the world. For this purpose, we applied the wavelet correlation and the partial wavelet coherence approaches during the period 1971–2013. The empirical results for the United States show that the GDP is positively correlated with the CO2 emissions and energy consumption in all frequencies. For China, there is a significant positive relationship between the GDP and CO2 emissions/energy consumption for the short-term horizon. However, for India, although there is a significant positive relationship between the GDP and CO2 emissions, the nexus between the GDP and the energy consumption is not clear. Furthermore, the pollution haven hypothesis was confirmed by the obtained empirical results. Based on our study, we suggest the policy makers in these three countries making supportive decisions for the producers to use modern environment-friendly technologies and renewable energies in their products.
16
Oliinyk, O. "JAPANESE "ECONOMIC MIRACLE": HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE COUNTRY IN THE PERIOD OF 1945–1991." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 148 (2021): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.8.
Full textAbstract:
The article presents the experience of Japan in the post-war reconstruction of the country in the period 1945–1991. The socio-economic situation of the country after the Second World War was considered. The historical stages of the country's development in the period under study are determined. The historical conditions in which the country found itself in the postwar period are analyzed. Key historical figures who influenced the development of the country were identified. The directions and measures of reforming and development of the country are revealed and presented. The importance of external factors and foreign policy for the country's assertion on the world stage has been proved. The factors of creating an effective political system, effective public administration, sustainable social and human development are formulated. It was proved that the United States has played an important role in forcing both Japan's political and economic systems. The United States provided Japan with significant financial, economic, and food aid to Japan. During the war between the United States and Korea and Vietnam, the United States placed military orders in Japan, which contributed to the development of the country's industrial base. It was found that the quality of the labor force, its general education and professional level played an extremely important role in the reconstruction of the economy. The effective state regulation of economic development in Japan, which on the one hand was aimed at developing the civil sector of the economy, and on the other at concentrating efforts on cooperation between government and private business at the stage of developing solutions to economic development, played a critical role in "Japanese miracle".
17
Goncharenko, Anatoliy V., and Lybov G. Polyakova. "The Foreign Policy of the USA Towards the PRC During Gerald Ford Presidency: 1974-1977." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 32 (2019): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2019.i32.p.46.
Full textAbstract:
The article researches the US foreign policy towards the PRC during Gerald Ford presidency in 1974-1977. It describes the reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of the US foreign policy strategy in the Chinese direction during the investigated period. There was explored the practical realization of the “Pacific Doctrine”by Washington. The role of various groups in the American establishment in the question of the formation of the Chinese White House policy has been analyzed. The specific foreign policy actions of the administration of the US president Gerald Fordon the PRC in 1974-1977 are analyzed. The chief results of the foreign policy of the administration of the President of the United States Gerald Ford (1974-1977) concerning the PRC, which resulted from the real political steps taken by the leaders of both countries, was the establishment of systematic and reliable channels of bilateral ties, expansion of economic, scientific and cultural contacts, the beginning of a systematic exchange of views on the most important issues of international relations. In the second half of the 70’s of the twentieth century this dialogue ensured the continuity of China’s policy in Washington, which was based on the concept of a “balance of power”, while China played a complementary role in the foreign policy strategy of the White House. These factors formed the “Pacific Doctrine” of G. Ford, which gave Beijing the status of an American partner in maintaining a balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region and consolidated a positive assessment of the place and role of the People’s Republic of China in Asian politics in the United States of America. The return of American political thought to the ideas of the combination policy occurred in the formation of US-Soviet strategic parity and awareness of the ruling circles in the United States, due to the defeat in Vietnam, the limited resources of force influence on the international situation. Started in the United States the study of China’s behavior in the international arena and its power parameters made it possible then to draw a preliminary conclusion that the People’s Republic of China can fill the place of the missing link in the “triangle” of the global scheme – a place of counterweight to the USSR; this required the removal of a US-Chinese confrontation. However, the socio-political and ideological contradictions that were pushed to the foreground on the initial stage of the Chinese policy of the administration of G. Ford and the process of normalization of bilateral relations, again made themselves felt at a later stage. Their injection was promoted by the logic of the development of bilateral US-China relations, as well as by a number of internal objective and subjective reasons, as in the People’s Republic of China (a sharp increase in the struggle for power connected with the illness and death of Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong), and in the United States (Gerald Ford made certain curtseys towards the American right-wing conservative forces and began to intensify approaches to Beijing and Moscow, and also the presidential campaign of 1976). Keywords: the USA, PRC, China, foreign policy, American-Chinese relations, “Pacific Doctrine”, Gerald Ford, Henry Kissinger , Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping.
18
Miller, C. Arden, Elizabeth J. Coulter, Amy Fine, Sharon Adams-Taylor, and Lisbeth B. Schorr. "1984 Update on the World Economic Crisis and the Children: A United States Case Study." International Journal of Health Services 15, no. 3 (July 1985): 431–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/45vr-xybg-4kfv-n3wg.
Full textAbstract:
A previously published report by these authors on the impact in the United States of recession on children's health emphasized four points: 1) available monitoring systems are not adequate for reporting on the health of children in a timely fashion; 2) the monitoring of maternal and child health must emphasize data on population subgroups, i.e., minorities, the poor and those hardest hit by recession; 3) the health of poor children is adversely affected and their numbers dramatically increased during the recession of 1981–82; and 4) comparisons between the recession of 1974–75 and that of 1981–82 suggest that expansion of health services and social support systems during the recession of 1974–75 had a cushioning effect that protected the health of children, while the curtailment of many of these programs during the 1981–82 recession is associated with adverse health trends, especially among the most vulnerable population subgroups. Data on these issues are appreciably better now than they were nine months ago, thus further validating the points made above. As with the previous report, officially released current data are abundant for economic indicators (even for early 1984), but are sparse for health status indicators. The previous report also observed that the health status of children is influenced by interdependent and interlocking factors that include economic well-being and access to health services and social supports. A new analysis attempts to unlock those relationships and measure the impact of lost welfare benefits, implemented as a result of the Omnibus Reconciliation Act of 1981 (OBRA), and the separate impact of the serious recession of 1981–82. That analysis shows the poverty rate for children increased by 7.6 percentage points between 1981 and 1982. Approximately 60 percent of the increase is attributable to the recession and 40 percent to social policy changes effected after 1981.
19
Borovsky, Yury Viktorovich. "International Dimension of Contemporary U.S. Energy Policy: Challenges for Russia and the World." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 341–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-3-341-353.
Full textAbstract:
Since the mid-2000s, the American energy industry has undergone profound changes. Having made the so-called shale revolution and achieved impressive results in the field of energy efficiency and renewable energy, the United States of America has not only radically reduced its dependence on imported hydrocarbons, but has begun to increase exports of these commodities. Given the economic weight of the U.S., such changes have significantly transformed the global energy market, requiring leading oil and gas exporters (including Russia) to take non-standard steps (for example, the OPEC+ deal). They also created serious prerequisites for Washington’s revision of its traditional energy policy in the international arena. The author makes a conclusion that the United States has not yet come out of the paradigm of net oil importer, which was formed after the first world oil crisis of 1973-1974. This means that Washington is still committed to the traditional principles of it’s foreign energy policy: diversification of oil import sources; promotion of free trade in world energy; special relations with oil exporters in the Persian Gulf and the strategic importance of the Middle East; reliance on energy suppliers from the Western hemisphere, etc. However, having radically reduced oil and gas imports and having got the opportunity to export them, the United States could not help but bring something new to its energy policy. While still prioritizing security of energy supply, the U.S. under B. Obama has started talking about the American energy independence, and D. Trump has proclaimed the global energy dominance as a new key American goal. The author assumes that global energy dominance implies Washington’s aggressive promotion of the American energy exporters, as well as its intention to turn the U.S. into a technological leader and a key regulator in the global energy market. Moreover, the U.S. has become freer in the matter of sanctions and other pressure on major oil and gas exporters, guided by its geopolitical and economic interests. Due to the growth of the American oil and gas export potential, the confrontation between Moscow and Washington in the energy sector, which began during the Cold war, has now acquired an additional economic dimension. Previously, the United States has tried to restrain the development of the Soviet, later Russian energy industry, but acted purely in the logic of political rivalry, not economic competition. Thus, in the foreseeable future the United States is unlikely to abandon its attempts to politicize and discredit Russia as an energy supplier to Europe and other regions of the world.
20
Lin, Mao. "Traders as Diplomats: Trade and Sino-American Rapprochement, 1971-78." International Journal of Social Science Studies 5, no. 10 (September 26, 2017): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v5i10.2670.
Full textAbstract:
During the 1970s, U.S.-China relations went through a major strategic transformation. To oppose their common enemy, the Soviet Union, the two countries ended hostilities which lasted for more than two decades and became Cold War allies. Many scholars have discussed this major historic turning point, however, most scholars have focused exclusively on the strategic relations between the two countries, while ignoring bilateral economic and trade relations. This paper argues that trade relations actually constituted an important aspect of American foreign policy towards China. And the development of trade relations in the 1970s was mainly promoted by American businessmen. These American businessmen not only hoped to open the Chinese market, but also consciously regarded themselves as “unofficial ambassadors”, because they believed that trade will contribute to the improvement of the relations between the two countries. By developing trade with China, the United States expected to transform China into a market-oriented economy, and eventually change the political nature of the Chinese regime.
21
Plíhal, Tomáš, and Tomáš Urbanovský. "Increasing Impact Of Stock Market Performance On Government Tax Revenues." KnE Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (March 19, 2017): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.18502/kss.v1i2.667.
Full textAbstract:
<p class="AbstractText">The aim of this paper is to investigate the relationship between fiscal policy, economic growth and stock market in the United States. This issue has gained importance in the last decade because the market has changed. A significance break has been detected which impacts the nature of the nexus between certain variables. The correlation between the tax revenues and the stock market has increased noticeably, encouraging the revision of the current approach to fiscal policy. This study examines relationship between three variables, namely real GDP, federal government current tax receipts and the stock market represented by the Wilshire 5000 Total Market Index. Quarterly data from 1971 to 2015 are used, divided into two subsets in the year 2000, because there is an obvious change in trend and volatility of the variables. The analysis uses ADF and KPSS unit root tests to find the order of the integration of the data. Subsequent analysis applies Johansen cointegration test, vector error correction model, Granger causality tests and variance decomposition analysis. The results demonstrate that the selected variables are cointegrated, and performance of the stock market significantly increases its influence on government tax revenues in the second period. The findings of this paper are significant for policy makers. Understanding how stock market development and economic growth influence tax revenues and vice versa is crucial for the efficient implementation of successful fiscal policy. Investors in the economy of the United States will be also able to benefit from these results which will help them to understand economic conditions and improve their investment decisions. </p>
22
Dobson, Alan. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, vol. XXXIV, Energy Diplomacy and Global Issues Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, vol. III, Foreign Economic Policy, 1969–1972; International Monetary Policy, 1969–1972." Diplomacy & Statecraft 18, no. 3 (September 13, 2007): 645–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290701548903.
Full text
23
Neushul, Peter. "Forged Consensus: Science, Technology, and Economic Policy in the United States, 1921-1953. David M. Hart." Isis 91, no. 1 (March 2000): 207–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/384713.
Full text
24
Löfgren, Hans. "Economic Policy in Egypt: A Breakdown in Reform Resistance?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 25, no. 3 (August 1993): 407–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800058840.
Full textAbstract:
In the first half of the 1970s, Egypt turned away from the Soviet Union and initiated an economic open-door policy. Since then, the United States, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank have encouraged comprehensive reforms that would make Egypt an outward-looking market-oriented capitalist economy in which the private sector plays a dominant role. While the Egyptian economy had gone in that direction between 1974 and 1990, it had fallen far short of what they were looking for. In lengthy negotiations with the IMF, Egypt had, in spite of strong pressure, remained unwilling to implement many elements in this orthodox reform package. At the same time, most observers agreed that the government's own policies were not successful: living standards declined while the foreign debt grew rapidly, undermining the country's political independence. Analysts attributed this resistance to reform in the face of foreign pressure to a mix of domestic and foreign factors.
25
Lin-chun, Wu. "“One Drop of Oil, One Drop of Blood”: The United States and the Petroleum Problem in Wartime China, 1937-1945." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 19, no. 1 (2012): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656112x637151.
Full textAbstract:
In 1931, Japan occupied Manchuria and seemed intent on conquering China. Because Japan was devoid of petroleum, planners turned to exploration in the Western Pacific. In China, mobilization for a military invasion and preparations for economic survival made control of petroleum supplies more urgent than ever. As Irvine H. Anderson reminds us in The Standard-Vacuum Oil Company and United States East Asian Policy, 1933-1941, Standard-Vacuum, Shell, and the Anglo-American diplomatic corps accelerated their close cooperation especially after Japan created monopolies of the economies of Manchuria and North China, which violated the traditional principles of American Open Door Policy. However, the American de facto embargo policy and the Japanese resolve to seize the necessary supplies in the Dutch Indies made it inevitable that American companies would become involved in the formulation and execution of American policy both before and after Pearl Harbor. Building on Anderson’s extraordinary research, this article focuses on the petroleum problem in China and the American response, especially of the State Department and Foreign Service officers, during 1937-45.
26
Hughes, Geraint. "Britain, the Transatlantic Alliance, and the Arab-Israeli War of 1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 2 (April 2008): 3–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.2.3.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes the impact on transatlantic relations of the October 1973 Arab-Israeli war, focusing on the discrepancy between U.S. and British views of Middle Eastern security before and during the conflict. Despite the institutional factors shaping the U.S.-British “special relationship” and the much greater power of the United States compared to Britain, British policy during the 1973 war was sharply at odds with U.S. policy. This article shows that British policy toward the Middle East was shaped not only by economic concerns (namely the importance of Arab oil to the UK economy) but also by the strategic requirement to undermine Soviet influence in the region and strengthen ties between the Western powers and the Arab states.
27
Kim, Chong Min. "The United States’ Economic Disengagement Policy and Korea’s Industrial Transformation: Implications of the Textile Disputes (1969–1971) for the Quasi Alliance in East Asia." Seoul Journal of Korean Studies 27, no. 1 (2014): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/seo.2014.0002.
Full text
28
Papian, Ara. "The Arbitral Award on Turkish-Armenian Boundary by Woodrow Wilson (Historical Background, Legal Aspects, and International Dimensions)." Iran and the Caucasus 11, no. 2 (2007): 255–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338407x265487.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe paper is a complex study of the history of the involvement of Woodrow Wilson (the 28th President of the USA, 1913-1921), in the fate of Armenian people after WWI and the Republic Armenia (1918-1920), especially in determining the boundary between Armenia and Turkey. It presents an analysis of Wilson's Arbitral Award according to the international law and the United Nation's official methodology. The article focuses on the historical background, legal aspects and political implications of Wilson's Arbitral Award (November 22, 1920), officially titled: Decision of the President of the United States of America respecting the Frontier between Turkey and Armenia, Access for Armenia to the Sea, and the Demilitarization of Turkish Territory adjacent to the Armenian Frontier. The Arbitration's significance goes beyond Armenian-Turkish and Armenian-US relations. Border conflicts are still relevant issues on the regional and international agenda. American involvement in the Middle East is one of the key components of the United States' present foreign policy. An accurate and a broad understanding of the nuances of the extremely complex legal situation in the region and the bases for the behaviour of the players can be vital for the security, political and economic interests of the region. Moreover, due to the active participation of the United States in the Armenian-Turkish relations through Wilson's Arbitration, the Arbitral Award becomes a logical starting point for a stronger historical, political, and legal understanding of the conflict-prone region. The article also contributes to the better understanding of President Wilson's policy towards the Middle East during the dramatic period of 1917-1921 and its possible consequences for critical relationships in the region today.
29
Cohen, Jeffrey E. "The Telephone Problem and the Road to Telephone Regulation in the United States, 1876–1917." Journal of Policy History 3, no. 1 (January 1991): 42–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600004504.
Full textAbstract:
Between 1876 and 1917, government philosophy toward telephone regulation began moving away from laissez-faire and toward some kind of involvement in economic affairs. However, while some early studies of regulation suggest business hostility to that policy, AT&T actively sought regulation, jogging government and the public in that direction. But this study is not just a restatement of the interest-group-capture theory, as offered by such economists as Stigler or historians as Kolko. Regulation resulted from the convergence of interests of many affected players, including residential and business telephone subscribers, the independent telephone companies that competed with AT&T, and the state and federal governments, as well as AT&T. I employ a multiple interest theory to account for telephone regulation, but unlike other studies using such a framework, I suggest that government is an independent actor with impact on the final policy outcome, and not merely an arena where private interests battle for control over policy outcomes, as is so common among other multiple interest studies of regulation.
30
Nenno, Mary K. "Urban Policy Revisited—Issues Resurface with a New Urgency." Journal of Planning Literature 3, no. 3 (June 1988): 253–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088541228800300301.
Full textAbstract:
In 1969, U.S. Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, then Director of President Nixon's Urban Affairs Council, began a new national process of looking at the urbanization of the United States. This process was confirmed in the Urban Policy Reports required of the President under the 1977 Housing and Community Development Act. President Carter's two reports (1978 and 1980) detailed specific national initiatives to deal with urban problems. President Reagan's reports (1982, 1984, 1986, and 1988) sublimated urban issues under macro economic and fiscal strategies. In 1988, complex urban issues identified by Moynihan are resurfacing with a new urgency, building demand for revitalized federal initiatives.
31
Eizenstat, Stuart E. "Economists and White House Decisions." Journal of Economic Perspectives 6, no. 3 (August 1, 1992): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.6.3.65.
Full textAbstract:
While I served in the White House, [as Assistant to the President for Domestic Affairs and Policy and Executive Director of the White House Domestic Policy Staff from 1977–81], Ph.D. economists occupied the positions of Secretary of Labor, Secretary of Commerce, Secretary of Treasury, Director of the Council on Wage and Price Stability, the President's anti-inflation adviser, Chairman and Council Members of the Council of Economic Advisers, and many other senior positions throughout the government. Yet we presided over an economy with double-digit inflation and interest rates and a recession. Presidents of the United States and their White House Staff members expect economists to be omniscient prophets of the future course of the economy, unerring economic policy advisers, and teachers of the mysterious science of economics to often distracted pupils. They expect their economists to provide an economic blueprint for high growth, low inflation, and a guaranteed re-election—but without offending any important constituencies. What is the appropriate role for economists in the White House? What can they realistically be expected to do?
32
Loužek, Marek. "100 Years since the Birth of Milton Friedman." Review of Economic Perspectives 12, no. 3 (October 1, 2012): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10135-012-0008-4.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The paper deals with the economic theory of Milton Friedman. Its first part outlines the life of Milton Friedman. The second part examines his economic theories - “Essays in Positive Economics” (1953), “Studies in the Quantity Theory of Money“ (1956), “A Theory of the Consumption Function” (1957), “A Program for Monetary Stability” (1959), “A Monetary History of the United States 1897 to 1960” (1963), and “Price Theory” (1976). His Nobel Prize lecture and American Economic Association lecture in 1967 are discussed, too. The third part analyzes Friedman’s methodology. Milton Friedman was the most influential economist of the second half of the 20th century. He is best known for his theoretical and empirical research, especially consumption analysis, monetary history and theory, and for his demonstration of the complexity of stabilization policy.
33
Graetz, Michael J. "Energy Policy: Past or Prologue?" Daedalus 141, no. 2 (April 2012): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00144.
Full textAbstract:
The United States was remarkably complacent about energy policy until the Arab oil embargo of 1973. Since then, we have relied on unnecessarily costly regulations and poorly designed subsidies to mandate or encourage particular forms of energy production and use. Our presidents have quested after an elusive technological “silver bullet.” Congress has elevated parochial interests and short-term political advantages over national needs. Despite the thousands of pages of energy legislation enacted over the past four decades, Congress has never demanded that Americans pay a price that reflects the full costs of the energy they consume. Given our nation's economic fragility, our difficult fiscal situation, and the daunting challenges of achieving energy security and limiting climate change, we can no longer afford second- and third-best policies. This essay discusses the failures of the past and how we might avoid repeating them.
34
Mora, Frank O. "Sino-Latin American Relations: Sources and Consequences, 1977–1997." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41, no. 2 (1999): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166408.
Full textAbstract:
Diplomatic and economic relations between Latin American countries and the People’s Republic of China have become increasingly relevant for both sides, particularly in the areas of trade, investment, and scientific and technological cooperation. Relations have also intensified because of changes in the international balance of power; the PRC’s Third World policy is shaped by the friction between the PRC and the world’s great powers, including the United States. Competition from Taiwan for Latin American opportunities is another significant influence.
35
Kirton, John. "Les contraintes du milieu et la gestion de la politique étrangère canadienne de 1976 à 1978." Études internationales 10, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 321–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700943ar.
Full textAbstract:
The direction and pace of efforts to co-ordinate the foreign policy making process within the executive branch of middle-size states may depend on subtle but cumulatively important shiefs in domestic and external environments. The experience of the Canadian government from 1976 to 1978 suggests the effects which four types of environmental change can have. The approach of a federal election was accompanied by a reduced emphasis on the formal procedures of the structured cabinet committee System instituted in the early years of the first Trudeau government. An increased threat to national unity, as registered in the November 1976 election of a Parti Québécois majority provincial government, concentrated decisional activity at the very centre of government, and had only indirect effects on the formal foreign policy planning process. Concern with persistent economic dilemmas, registered most clearly in the imposition of an expenditure restraint programme in August 1978, directly increased the use of the budgetary process and prompted moves toward foreign service integration. And the intensification of a decline in tension in relations with the United States, and the accompanying emergence of new global problems, led, in turn, to a transfer of dynamic, creative co-ordinatively-oriented leadership into the Department of External Affairs, a reorganization of the Department, and a strong stress on re-orienting its role toward that of a modem central policy agency.
36
Yago, Kazuhiko. "Before the ‘locomotive’ runs: the impact of the 1973–1974 oil shock on Japan and the international financial system." Financial History Review 27, no. 3 (November 5, 2020): 418–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565020000177.
Full textAbstract:
This article offers a Japanese perspective on the debate about the international financial system immediately after the first oil shock of 1973–4. Using archival records from the OECD and Bank of Japan, I analyze the three key policy issues discussed at the meetings of Working Party 3 (WP3) of the OECD: petrodollar recycling, balance-of-payments adjustments, and the management of global growth. Documents show that the Japanese approach to capital controls, exchange rate management, state-led growth orientation and international banking strategies was rather strengthened by the impact of the oil shock. By 1975 the OECD viewed Japan, together with Germany and the United States, as one of the ‘locomotives’ that would trigger a revival of economic growth in the industrialized West.
37
Mikaelian, Arman Artakovich, and Vladimir Mikhailovich Morozov. "The U.S. Factor in Sino-Israeli and Indian-Israeli Relations." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 338–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-338-349.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyses the US influence on Israeli policy towards both China and India. The United States has had and still has a significant influence on the dynamics of Israeli-Chinese and Israeli-Indian relations. The relevance of the issue stems from the growing importance of China and India in the world affairs amid rising tensions between the US and China that are spilling into a trade war. The article aims to explore the US influence on Israels policy in Asia. It examines the way how the Israeli leadership has adapted to Washingtons influence while promoting its strategic cooperation with China and India. The study comprises historical method, comparative analysis and historical-systematic analysis. The author comes to the following conclusions. First, Washingtons influence on Sino-Israeli relations has gone through five development stages: the first stage (1971-1989): implicit US support for the development of Sino-Israeli relations; the second stage (1990-1998): American criticism of military and technical cooperation between Israel and China; the third stage (1999-2005): Washingtons shift from criticism to pressure policy in order to prevent the Israeli leadership from military cooperation with China; the fourth stage (2006-2016): Israels acceptance of US demands and refusal to supply arms to Beijing (with Tel Aviv focusing on the development of trade and economic relations with China); the fifth stage (2017 - present): U.S. criticism of Israeli-Chinese economic cooperation amid worsening contacts between Beijing and Washington. The Israeli government is trying to meet Washingtons demands as well as preserve its strategic economic relations with Beijing. Second, the US factor, on the contrary, contributed to normalization of Indian-Israeli relations, having a positive impact on the development of trade, economic and military cooperation between Tel Aviv and New Delhi. Third, the US actions can be explained by an attempt to preserve its national interests. At the same time, the author stresses that the US influence on Israels policy in Asia complies with Washingtons regional priorities set forth in the 2017 US National Security Strategy.
38
Andelic, Patrick. "“The Old Economic Rules No Longer Apply”: The National Planning Idea and the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act, 1974–1978." Journal of Policy History 31, no. 1 (November 30, 2018): 72–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030618000349.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:The campaign to pass the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act has been misunderstood by many historians. Rather than a failed attempt to resuscitate New Deal Keynesianism by an exhausted Democratic Party, it represented a radical effort to reconfigure the political economy of the United States by embracing national planning ideas that were enjoying a revival in response to the economic crisis of the 1970s. The fact that this bill proved politically viable challenges historians’ assumptions that this decade saw the American people turn away from “big government” and toward pro-market solutions for social and economic problems. This episode also forces us to reassess our understanding of the Democratic Party in this decade. It suggests that historians have erred in drawing a sharp distinction between the party’s “New Deal” and “New Politics” factions and that the policy goals of those factions dovetailed more often than has been appreciated.
39
Warlouzet, Laurent. "When Germany Accepted a European Industrial Policy: Managing the Decline of Steel from 1977 to 1984." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 58, no. 1 (May 24, 2017): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2017-0007.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract From 1977 to 1984, an ambitious European industrial policy was implemented by the European Economic Community for the first and only time in its history. It dealt with the crisis of the steel sector. This paper strives to understand why member states chose this solution, despite the fact that some of them were hostile to the devolution of power to supranational institutions, as for example Britain or France. The most reluctant state was Germany, whose officials usually associated any attempts of EEC-wide industrial policy with dirigism. The paper, based on archives of three governments (Germany, France, the United Kingdom) and of the European Commission, argues that the European solution was best for member states, and in particular for Germany, in order to control their neighbours and avoid a costly subsidy race.
40
Cunha-Cruz, J., P. P. Hujoel, and P. Nadanovsky. "Secular Trends in Socio-economic Disparities in Edentulism: USA, 1972–2001." Journal of Dental Research 86, no. 2 (February 2007): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/154405910708600205.
Full textAbstract:
For health care planning and policy, it is important to determine whether socio-economic disparities in edentulism, an ultimate marker of oral health, have improved over time. The aim of this study was to investigate the socio-economic disparities in edentulism between 1972 and 2001. Representative samples of the United States population, 25–74 years old, were obtained from NHANES I (1972), III (1991), and 1999–2002. Differences in the edentulism prevalence between high and low socio-economic positions (SEP) were compared. Differences in edentulism prevalence remained stable over approximately three decades (p = 0.480), being 10.6 percentage points in 1972, 12.1 percentage points in 1991, and 11.3 percentage points in 2001. Exploratory subgroup analyses suggested that disparities decreased for those individuals reporting a dental visit in the prior year and those reporting never having smoked. In conclusion, the absolute prevalence difference in edentulism between low and high socio-economic positions has remained unchanged over the last three decades.
41
György, Simon. "Ireland’s “economic miracle” and globalisation." Medjunarodni problemi 57, no. 1-2 (2005): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0502005s.
Full textAbstract:
The paper gives a comprehensive picture of fundamental issues connected with the Irish ?economic miracle?, with especial regard to globalisation effect. The analysis of Ireland?s economic development in the period from 1960 to 2003 answers the question why it decelerated, instead of accelerating, for a long time: two decades after the accession to the European Community in 1973 and mainly the enigma, the ?economic miracle? why the rate of growth accelerated in the decade after 1993 to an extent (on annual average to almost 8 percent) similar to that previously observed only in East Asia. The country has not only caught up economically with the European Union, but has approximated the level of development of the United States. The analysis shows that all this can be attributed not only to Ireland?s favourable conditions, but also to an adequate economic policy and foreign direct investment. The author reveals the so-called globalisation effect that in Ireland after 1993 had a decisive role in the extraordinary acceleration of economic growth.
42
Laser-Maira, Julie Anne, and Elsa Campos. "Working Towards a Culturally Competent Practice with Mexican Immigrants." International Journal of Social Work 5, no. 1 (March 8, 2018): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijsw.v5i1.12572.
Full textAbstract:
In this politically charged times, the plight of Mexican immigrants have been incorrectly characterized and ridiculed. We believe clinicians need to better understand who they are and how to become culturally competent to work effectively with Mexican immigrants. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (1951) defines a political refugee as “a person who owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality, and is unable to or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country…” In contrast, an economic refugee is a person seeking refugee status in another country for economic reasons. With political refugee status comes both legal and financial support by the U.S. government. However, an economic refugee is not afforded such opportunities. In the United States, there are 660,477 political refugees (Dovidio & Esses, 2001), additionally, it is estimated that there are five to eight million economic refugees who are without legal documents (Yakushko & Chronister, 2005). It is believed that of this five to eight million economic refugees, 95% are from Mexico (Yakushko & Chronister). This translates to 4,750,000 to 7,600,000 Mexican economic refugees. Though U.S. legislation has tried to control the number of economic refugees entering the country and expel economic refugees already living within its borders, the reality is that great majority of the 4,750,000 to 7,600,000 individuals are gainfully employed and will probably stay in the United States until they have earned sufficient money to be able to return to Mexico and survive economic deprivation. With such staggering numbers of economic refugees seeking the opportunity to make a living within the United States, it is becoming increasingly important to address the mental health needs of such individuals. Although federal policy often dictates the exclusion of funding opportunities for services to economic refugees, the reality is that there is an ethical responsibility to provide services to all individuals despite legal status or country of origin.
43
Desiatnikov, Ivan. "United States-Vietnam relations in light of geopolitics of the usa in Asia-Pacific region in 1945-1975." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 27 (2020): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-27-96-106.
Full textAbstract:
The article focuses on the analysis of US-Vietnam relations during the period from 1945 to 1975. The aim of the article is to trace the changes that took place in the US-Vietnam relationship over that period, to identify the factors that influenced them, as well as the approaches used by the heads of the countries to tackle their foreign policy objectives in the region. The author traces the evolution of US policy in Vietnam pursued by Presidents H. Truman, D. Eisenhower, J. Kennedy, L. Johnson and R. Nixon. The United States had diametrically opposed position on relations with the Vietnamese governments, namely, confrontation and military conflict with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and cooperation, military and economic aid to the Republic of Vietnam. The author concludes that the US attitude towards Vietnam was determined by the international situation at that time, including the beginning of the Cold War. The policies of Presidents D. Eisenhower and J. Kennedy were to restrain the expansion of the Communist bloc's sphere of influence. The direct involvement of the US military in the Vietnam conflict, initiated by L. Johnson, pursued the goal of enhancing the prestige of the United States in the global confrontation with the USSR. The split between the Soviet Union and China was used by the US to get out of the Vietnam War and mend relations with China as a counterweight to the Soviet Union in the Asia-Pacific region. Instead, the Republic of Vietnam, which had been the "junior partner" of the United States, was left to its fate.
44
S.V., Padmini. "An Overview on Organization for Economic Co-operation & Development." International Journal of Tax Economics and Management 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 16–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35935/tax/21.2416/.
Full textAbstract:
The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD; French: Organization de co-operation ET de development economies, OCDE) is an intergovernmental economic organization with 36 member countries, founded in 1961 to stimulate economic progress and world trade. It is a forum of countries describing themselves as committed to democracy and the market economy, providing a platform to compare policy experiences, seeking answers to common problems, identify good practices and coordinate domestic and international policies of its members. Most OECD members are high-income economies with a very high Human Development Index (HDI) and are regarded as developed countries. As of 2017, the OECD member states collectively comprised 62.2% of global nominal GDP (US$49.6 trillion) and 42.8% of global GDP (Int$54.2 trillion) at purchasing power parity. OECD is an official United Nations observer.
45
Scott, Peter, and James T. Walker. "The Comfortable, the Rich, and the Super-Rich. What Really Happened to Top British Incomes during the First Half of the Twentieth Century?" Journal of Economic History 80, no. 1 (December 26, 2019): 38–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050719000767.
Full textAbstract:
We examine shifts in British income inequality and their causes from 1911–1949. Using newly rediscovered Inland Revenue income distribution estimates, we show that Britain had an unusually high concentration of personal incomes in 1911 compared to other industrial nations. We also find that Britain’s substantial inequality reduction over the next four decades was largely driven by a collapse in top capital incomes. This parallels findings for France, the United States, and other western countries, that reduced inequality was mainly caused by declining top unearned incomes, owing to economic shocks, policy responses, and non-market mechanisms associated with the retreat from globalization.
46
Yungblyud, V., and D. Ilyin. "Jackson–Vanik Amendment and Development of Soviet-American Relations in 1972-1975." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 2 (April 28, 2020): 7–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-2-71-7-39.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to one of the key subjects of the detente period – the history of development and adoption of Jackson-Vanik Amendment to the Trade Act of 1974. The significance of the human rights problem in the USSR, in particular – the right to emigrate, for the development of American-Soviet relations at the peak of detente is shown. Special attention was paid to trilateral negotiations between the Soviet leadership, Nixon and Ford administrations and the legislators headed by Senator Henry Jackson. The Amendment, adopted in December 1974, created serious obstacles for the development of trade and economic relations between the superpowers, and it had a number of negative political consequences also. The Amendment constituted the issue of human rights in the USSR as one of the important components of the U.S. foreign policy, created a negative background for the American-Soviet dialogue, which significantly complicated the outlined convergence of superpowers and contributed to the curtailment of detente.The political struggle around the Jackson-Vanik Amendment became the quintessence of detente. Each of the parties involved regarded the Amendment differently: Soviet leaders saw it as a rude interference in the internal affairs of the USSR; Kissinger saw it as an untimely and too radical in form and methods attempt to transform the Soviet system; Jackson saw it as a good way to increase his popularity by exploiting a popular in the post-Vietnam era theme that was naturally consistent with American national values and traditions. Both the Kremlin and Jackson had a fairly clear set of concessions that they could make. However, in the context of the systemic crisis of power caused by Watergate, the US administration did not have enough resources to bring them to a common denominator. The Soviet leadership soon also faced new economic and political challenges, and the problem of restoring trade relations with the United States ceased to be a priority.The Jackson-Vanik Amendment of 1974 became the watershed separating the “high détente” from its downward phase. Its real significance far exceeded its immediate meaning embedded in the arguments of its creators. It was not an accident that the Amendment was not canceled in 1987 after the USSR liberated its emigration policy. After the collapse of the USSR American leadership used it as a political leverage against Russian Federation. Boris Yeltsin appealed to Bill Clinton multiple times in 1993-1994 requesting removal of discrimination measures in trade and economic relations inherited from the soviet times. The Amendment was not cancelled it was only temporarily suspended. It was officially canceled only in 2012, but only in order to give way to a law that allows the United States, at its discre tion, to impose sanctions on individuals allegedly responsible for human rights violations in Russia (the so-called Magnitsky Act) and remains an obstacle to the development of equal Russian-American economic ties.
47
Falicov, Tamara L. "Hollywood’s Rogue Neighbor: The Argentine Film Industry during the Good Neighbor Policy, 1939–1945." Americas 63, no. 2 (October 2006): 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500062994.
Full textAbstract:
‘During World War II, the United States created a political, economic, I land cultural policy aimed at improving hemispheric relations between the U.S. and Latin America. Dubbed the “Good Neighbor Policy,” its objectives were twofold: 1) to insure that nations in Latin America were joined in the Allied war effort and were not associated with the Axis or Communist sympathizers, and 2) to allow the U.S. access to Latin America as a source of raw materials and a market for goods, including films. Because Argentina did not side with the Allies, instead preferring neutrality, it was castigated by an economic boycott. Beginning in 1941, the U.S. sold small rations of raw film stock to Argentina, and over time, refused to sell it all together. The film industry in Argentina, at the time considered the most profitable and advanced in Latin America, began to lose its hold on the Spanish-language market.
48
Anderson, Elisabeth, Bruce G. Carruthers, and Timothy W. Guinnane. "An Unlikely Alliance: How Experts and Industry Transformed Consumer Credit Policy in the Early Twentieth Century United States." Social Science History 39, no. 4 (2015): 581–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.72.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the recently demonstrated importance of consumer credit for the economic health of nations and families, little is known about the history of consumer credit markets and their regulation. An important chapter in the history of consumer credit regulation came between 1909 and 1941, when policy experts at the Russell Sage Foundation (RSF) engaged in a national campaign to transform small loan markets and policy in the United States. Concentrating its efforts on state-by-state passage of the Uniform Small Loan Law, the foundation's political success hinged upon an alliance with the American Association of Personal Finance Companies. While most scholarship portrays experts as being dominated or co-opted by industry, our case provides a countervailing example. Far from controlling RSF experts, lenders became dependent on the foundation for legitimating their political lobbying and their business activities. We explain how the foundation built its expert reputation through a process of reputational entrepreneurship, and we trace how RSF experts deployed this reputation as a power resource in their negotiations with small loan lenders.
49
Lampe, John R. "Yugoslavia’s Foreign Policy in Balkan Perspective: Tracking between the Superpowers and Non-Alignment." East Central Europe 40, no. 1-2 (2013): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04001001.
Full textAbstract:
From 1960 forward, Yugoslavia based its independent foreign policy on three “special relationships”, balancing its accommodation with the Soviet Union by close relations with the United States and the new Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Paying special attention to the roles of Yugoslavia’s Foreign Ministry and the US State Department as well as President Tito, this article addresses three crucial periods in which the intersection of Yugoslavia’s relations with the US, the USSR and the NAM prompted a decisive turn in its foreign policy. In 1961–63, Tito’s support for the NAM damaged its US relations to Soviet benefit. But in 1967–71, NAM indifference to the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia turned Tito back toward the US, as advocated by his Foreign Ministry. And in 1976-79, Soviet and Bulgarian efforts to coopt the NAM through Cuba’s Presidency prompted a successful rebuff led by Yugoslavia and appreciated in Washington. After 1979, however, Belgrade’s post Tito reliance on economic relations with the NAM members had unintended and damaging domestic consequences, obstructing the Slovenian and Croatian commitment to West European trade while also dividing Bosnian Muslims from Bosnian Serbs.
50
Sarmad, Khwaja. "Dennis Kux. Estranged Democracies: India and the United States 1941-1991. New Delhi: Sage Publications. 1993. Hardbound. Indian Rupees 375.00." Pakistan Development Review 33, no. 2 (June 1, 1994): 200–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v33i2pp.200-201.
Full textAbstract:
Cold war US-Soviet relations were characterised by a large gap between hostile talk and cautious action, though both countries backed and armed rival sides in wars in the third world. During the cold war US foreign policy was detennined by the sole objective of containing Soviet territorial and ideological 'expansionism'. This was also the defining element in US-Indian subcontinent relations in the coldwar period. Thus the main reason for the estrangement in US-India relations is not hard to discern-while the US aggressively sought partners in its anti-Soviet alliance system, India nurtured its economic and military supplies relationship with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, while there persisted a fundamental conflict between Pakistan and India over the Kashmir issue, Pakistan participated in the US sponsored anti-Soviet alliance system and gained from US military and economic assistance.