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Relevant bibliographies by topics / United States – Foreign relations – India

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Academic literature on the topic 'United States – Foreign relations – India'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "United States – Foreign relations – India"

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Shriparkash. "The Foreign Policies of India with the United States." Integrated Journal for Research in Arts and Humanities 2, no. 5 (October 30, 2022): 217–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.55544/ijrah.2.5.33.

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Based on common democratic principles and a growing union of interests on bilateral, global and regional concerns, India and the United States have grown their bilateral relations into a "global strategic partnership." The concentration on growth and decent governance by the Indian government has given a chance to strengthen bilateral ties and cooperation under the mottos "Sanjha Prayas, Sab ka Vikas" (Shared Effort, Progress for All) and "Chalein Saath Saath" (Forward Together We Go), which were adopted during the first two summits between Prime Minister Modi and President Obama in September 2014 and January 2015, respectively. India and the United States were described as "Enduring Global Partners in the 21st Century" in the summit-level joint statement released in June 2016. Regular high-level political meetings have sustainedly boosted bilateral cooperation, and the extensive and expanding dialogue architecture has laid the groundwork for future India-U.S. engagement. The business and funding, security and defence, educational, and other facets of the bilateral relationship between the United States and India have all expanded and become cross-cutting. Active interpersonal communication and support from the public in both countries help to strengthen our bilateral relationship.

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Abazalieva, M. M., and A. Yu Belokon. "India's foreign policy: main strategic directions." Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, no. 4 (44) (2023): 212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.4.26.

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The article deals with the problem of the formation of strategic directions of India's foreign policy, since the modern foreign policy of India is determined precisely by the need to overcome geographical and geopolitical isolation. It is concluded that the emphasis on the economic component in the modern system of international relations contributes to the solution of two basic tasks – creating conditions for the economic security of the country and strengthening its competitiveness at the macroeconomic level. The next conclusion is that the degree of rivalry between India and China for regional influence will increase, and the struggle for recognition by the world community will become essential for both Asian powers. In this context, India will rely on two factors: "Indian democracy" as opposed to "Chinese socialism" and Indian support for the United States in the issue of "containing China".

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Pant, Harsh V. "India: Domestic Politics, Foreign Relations and Cooperation with the United States." Asian Affairs 44, no. 2 (July 2013): 308–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.795301.

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Galistcheva, Natalia Valerievna, and Elena Vakhtangovna Nebolsina. "The U.S. and China in India’s Foreign Economic Policy: In Quest of Balance for Maintaining Strategic Autonomy." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 304–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-304-324.

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The paper investigates trade and investment relations between India and its two major trading partners, viz. the U.S. and China in the 2000-2010s. On the basis of mixed method research with equal use of quantitative and qualitative, as well as historical and statistical methods, the authors estimate the possibilities for expanding interstate interactions and the difficulties the countries might face. By comparing the scale and particulars of the product structure of Indo-American and Indo-Chinese trade, the authors reveal that intra-industry trade between India and the United States is at a fairly high level, which, in turn, is not typical for the trade between India and China, which is mostly inter-industry due to the sluggish cooperation of Indian and Chinese entrepreneurs. The authors assess the intensity of the Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral trade between 2000-2018 by means of indices of intensity of Indias exports and imports to / from the USA and China, as well as indices of intensity of exports and imports of its partners to / from India. The obtained results outline the upward trend of the share of Indian exports to the U.S. relative to other countries, which indicates that India is successfully conquering the U.S. market, and Indian goods are becoming increasingly competitive. Meanwhile, the volume of Indian-Chinese trade remains on a much lower level than it could be expected with the current share of India in the world trade. In the meantime, neither for the United States nor for China, India is a dominant partner. The article also investigates major obstacles hindering the development of both Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral relations. The obtained results enable the authors to predict that in the short- and mid-term economic cooperation between India and its leading partners is likely to strengthen, with India keeping striving for standing neuter while building the two most crucial vectors of its foreign economic policy.

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Garver, John W. "The Indian Factor in Recent Sino-Soviet Relations." China Quarterly 125 (March 1991): 55–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000030307.

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Chinese foreign policy is typically a complex mix of bilateral, regional and global considerations shaped by the perceptions and domestic political concerns of various participants in China's decision-making process. One significant factor shaping Chinese foreign policy over the past decade which has not been given adequate attention is Chinese consideration of South Asia, and especially India. India's size, substantial aggregate national power, central geographic position in South Asia, prominent role in the Third World/Non-Aligned Movement, and the determination of its leaders to establish India as the pre-eminent power in South Asia, have given India significant weight in Chinese foreign policy calculations. This includes, I will argue, Beijing's calculations regarding China's relations with the Soviet Union and the United States.

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Shur, Elizaveta A. "Engagement policy and formation of allied relations: India in the US foreign policy strategy under George W. Bush and B. Obama." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 5, no. 2 (2021): 571–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2021-5-2-7.

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The article presents an analysis of the engagement policy and the formation of allied relations which hold a central place in the foreign policy of the United States. It is noted that the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks demonstrated the ideological insecurity of the United States and forced Washington to join the global campaign against terrorism. Despite the untenable willingness to bear the burden of war alone, the American political establishment began to look for allies and partners. The purpose of this article is to identify India’s place in the system of American foreign policy strategies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama. When studying this topic, the author relied on the methods of analysis, synthesis, comparison and generalization. The phenomenon of using public diplomacy and the engagement policy for strengthening allied relations with India has been studied very little by domestic and foreign science. The article concludes that the White House showed considerable interest in India due to its favorable geographical location, experience in counterterrorism, tense relations with China (a potential competitor of the United States), and the status of the world’s largest democracy, which indicates the country’s commitment to democratic values which are actively promoted by Washington. The article reveals the obstacles in the way of India’s involvement in this cooperation: despite its interest in establishing a dialogue with the United States, the republic did not show any desire to move away from the traditional policy of equidistance in international relations for fear of becoming an American puppet. During the administration of Barack Obama, U.S.–India relations received a new impetus as part of the US Pivot to Asia. The scope of cooperation between the two countries was significantly expanded. The relations reached a new level after Narendra Modi took office as Prime Minister of India. The scientific significance of this study lies in the fact that previously this topic has been considered exclusively through the prism of Chinese politics and nuclear problems.

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Anusha, Tanneru, and Seema Nazneen. "India’s Major Trade Partners UK and US." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 8, no. 3 (January 1, 2021): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v8i3.3281.

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On the eve of planning the trade, the foreign trade of India with the US and the UK showed an excess of exports over imports from more than a decade. Foreign trade in India showed excess imports over exports. The trade deficit was largely due to the war pre-war and post-war. This paper is based on secondary data collected from commerce and industry and other various government reports and sources. It also demonstrates Indian trade from a global perspective. Indian trade with the United States and the United Kingdom and the relations trade terms are analyzed. The major sectors and products involved in the trade are studied. The Indian Institute of foreign trade promotes imports and exports trade terms and agreements and also envelops the full range of global business. Foreign trade policy or Exim policy along with simplification and merger reward schemes are studied. India’s trade for the past years was seen negative due to certain reasons. The trade analysis of India was done for the year 2019-20. The effect of India’s foreign trade for 2020 is studied. The world trade scenario in the recent estimated in the IMF.

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Pulipaka, Sanjay, and Libni Garg. "India and Vietnam in the Indo-Pacific." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 2 (May 7, 2021): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284211004984.

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The international order today is characterised by power shift and increasing multipolarity. Countries such as India and Vietnam are working to consolidate the evolving multipolarity in the Indo-Pacific. The article maps the convergences in the Indian and Vietnamese foreign policy strategies and in their approaches to the Indo-Pacific. Both countries confront similar security challenges, such as creeping territorial aggression. Further, India and Vietnam are collaborating with the United States and Japan to maintain a favourable balance of power in the Indo-Pacific. While Delhi and Hanoi agree on the need to reform the United Nations, there is still some distance to travel to find a common position on regional economic architectures. The India–Vietnam partnership demonstrates that nation-states will seek to define the structure of the international order and in this instance by increasing the intensity of multipolarity.

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Sarmad, Khwaja. "Dennis Kux. Estranged Democracies: India and the United States 1941-1991. New Delhi: Sage Publications. 1993. Hardbound. Indian Rupees 375.00." Pakistan Development Review 33, no. 2 (June 1, 1994): 200–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v33i2pp.200-201.

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Cold war US-Soviet relations were characterised by a large gap between hostile talk and cautious action, though both countries backed and armed rival sides in wars in the third world. During the cold war US foreign policy was detennined by the sole objective of containing Soviet territorial and ideological 'expansionism'. This was also the defining element in US-Indian subcontinent relations in the coldwar period. Thus the main reason for the estrangement in US-India relations is not hard to discern-while the US aggressively sought partners in its anti-Soviet alliance system, India nurtured its economic and military supplies relationship with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, while there persisted a fundamental conflict between Pakistan and India over the Kashmir issue, Pakistan participated in the US sponsored anti-Soviet alliance system and gained from US military and economic assistance.

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Ali, Rizwan. "The Politics of Energy Trade Between Iran and Pakistan." Forman Journal of Social Sciences 02, no. 01 (December 17, 2022): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32368/fjss.20220206.

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Pakistan and Iran are neighboring countries that have longstanding historical ties. However, there is little research available about Pakistan-Iran energy trade relations, especially with respect to the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline. This research is based on primary data collected through qualitative interviews with key policymakers, academicians, and social activists, from Australia, India, Pakistan, and the United States. Based on the analysis of the data, this paper argues that there are risks involved for Pakistan in either honoring United States’ sanctions on Iran or bypassing them. In the former, Pakistan is incurring a huge cost in terms of delayed energy import from Iran while in the latter Pakistan, its officials, and its relevant organizations may face heavy sanctions by the United States. The study concludes that Pakistan must adopt a safer policy to pursue energy import from Iran while conducting good relations with both U.S. and Iran. The participation of India in the Iran-Pakistan energy project can increase the likelihood of its success. Key Words: Iran-Pakistan Relations, Energy Trade, United States, Politics, Foreign Policy

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United States – Foreign relations – India"

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Pickens, Zachary E. "Hegemonic Ideas and Indian Foreign Policy to the United States: Changes in Indian Expectations and Worldviews." Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1195925395.

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Georgekutty, Thadathil V. (Thadathil Varghese). "India's Nonalignment Policy and the American Response, 1947-1960." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331601/.

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India's nonalignment policy attracted the attention of many newly independent countries for it provided an alternative to the existing American and Russian views of the world. This dissertation is an examination of both India's nonalignment policy and the official American reaction to it during the Truman-Eisenhower years. Indian nonalignment should be defined as a policy of noncommitment towards rival power blocs adopted with a view of retaining freedom of action in international affairs and thereby influencing the issue of war and peace to India's advantage. India maintained that the Cold War was essentially a European problem. Adherence to military allliances , it believed, would increase domestic tensions and add to chances of involvement in international war, thus destroying hopes of socio-economic reconstruction of India. The official American reaction was not consistent. It varied from president to president, from issue to issue, and from time to time. India's stand on various issues of international import and interest to the United States such as recognition of the People's Republic of China, the Korean War, the Japanese peace treaty of 1951, and the Hungarian revolt of 1956, increased American concern about and dislike of nonalignment. Many Americans in high places regraded India's nonalignment policy as pro-Communist and as one that sought to undermine Western collective security measures. Consequently, during the Truman and Eisenhower presidencies the United States took a series of diplomatic, military, and economic measures to counter India's neutralism. America refused to treat India as a major power and attempted to contain its influence on the international plane by excluding it from international conferences and from assuming international responsibilities. The Russian efforts to woo India and other nonaligned countries with trade and aid softened America's open resistance to India's nonalignment. As a result, although tactical, a new trend in America's dealings with India was visible during the closing years of Eisenhower's presidency. Therefore, America sought to keep nonaligned India at least nonaligned by extending economic aid.

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Askew, Joseph Benjamin. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.

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"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.

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Silvestri, Francesca. "US foreign policy towards India, 1993-2005 : a study emphasizing the importance of systematic selection and usage of documentary evidence." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/55433/.

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This thesis studies the implications of the selection of empirical evidence underpinning reported interpretations and conclusions about US foreign policy towards India. US-India relations have been investigated by a number of scholars whose work has been reported in well-regarded books and journal articles. Their studies typically rely for empirical evidence on official documents, and occasionally on interviews. In spite of their qualities, none of these studies provides explicit rational for their selection of US and Indian primary sources and about the procedures and the criteria used to identify relevant information from these sources. This shortcoming poses a risk for the validity of their conclusions. To assess the nature of this risk, this thesis reports a fresh study of US foreign policy towards India in which all publicly available US documents are used. These documents are the basis of a Qualitative Content Analysis (QCA), the results of which feed into the subsequent analysis. The substantive results of this research are compared with those in the existing literature. This comparison reveals, in addition to obvious similarities, important differences that can be attributed to unsystematic and incomplete use of empirical material in the existing literature. These differences, that emanate from a more explicit and systematic approach to evidence, provide grounds for a reassessment of the significance of many factors influencing US foreign policy towards India. This study identifies relevant factors that have so far been overlooked in the existing literature, and that need to be included in accounts to understand widely documented changes in this area of US foreign policy. Substantively, this thesis highlights the vital importance of the Clinton period in understanding the foreign policy of the United States, a period which had not been examined in sufficient detail by existing studies. Contrary to what most of the existing literature suggests, elements of continuity between the Clinton and the Bush administrations are particularly important to explain the evolution of US foreign policy towards India. In spite of the change in the presidency from Democrat to Republican, President George W. Bush (hereafter Bush) continued to hold the same level of commitment shown by his predecessor in developing closer strategic ties with India, making it a priority of his foreign policy. This aspect is particularly important to furthering a more thorough understanding of US relations with India.

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Li, Hak Yin. "China, India and Russia : cooperation and construction of the Asia-Pacific order in the 21st century." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2007. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/828.

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Rogers, Karen N. "The Indian neutral barrier state project: British policy towards the Indians south and southeast of the Great Lakes, 1783-1796." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/45925.

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Great Britain's policy towards British North America between 1783 and 1796 reflected the confusion caused by the loss of the thirteen Atlantic seaboard colonies. Britain proposed the Indian neutral barrier state project in an attempt to solve post-American Revolution British imperial and Anglo-American problems. According to the plan the American 'Old Northwest' would have become an Indian neutral barrier state between Canada and the United States. With the barrier state project, Great Britain hoped to regain limited control over the vast territory she had ceded to the United States in the Peace Treaty of 1783. Britain desired control over this region for two main reasons: 1) the protection of Canada from both Indian and American raids, and 2) control over the fur trade. This work traces the development of the barrier state project from the conclusion of the American Revolution until the end of the British presence in that region in 1796.

Master of Arts

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Stevens, Bron. "President Carter and the Egypt-Israeli rapprochement." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114551.

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On 17 September 1978 Egypt and Israel signed the Camp David Accords} these provided -frameworks within which a comprehensive peace and an Egypt-Israel treaty could be negotiated. The Accords were heralded as a breakthrough in the search -for peace in the Middle East and a demonstration o-f the supreme power o-f the United States in the region. The crucial American role in negotiating these Accords was the culmination of a trend, exhibited as early as the Eisenhower administration, as the United States became the only power able to influence Israe1. Such inf1uence was best exerted directly by the President; the Camp David Accords were a direct consequence of the personal intervention of President Carter. Yet the Accords fell far short of the comprehensive peace the Carter administration originally sought and claimed to have achieved. Israel remains surrounded by hostile neighbours, involved in intermittent wars and in occupation of over one million unwilling Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza. The weaknesses of the Accords and the hostile reception they received among even 'moderate’ Arab regimes reflects the limitations on US power to influence Israel or the Arabs.

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Marks, Martha Staley. "United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II." PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.

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This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.

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Thompson, Maximillian. "Making friends : amity in American foreign policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:314db049-15df-4c1d-8a58-feaad76b1c28.

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This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.

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Blumel, Christina M. "A comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy in Iran and the Philippines." PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4295.

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This paper is a comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy towards Iran and the Philippines. The question which prompted this research topic was simple: why was the outcome for the United States so different in terms of subsequent relations with each state after the downfall of the Shah and Ferdinand Marcos? Both leaders were important U.S. allies in strategic states that had benefited from foreign aid. Opposition groups in each state resented this support of their repressive leaders. Unlike Iran, good relations with the Philippines continued during the Aquino presidency, without the resentment and mistrust which prevented good relations after the Shah's departure.

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Books on the topic "United States – Foreign relations – India"

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Jain, B. M. India and the United States, 1961-1963. New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1987.

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D, Sokolski Henry, ed. United States and India strategic cooperation. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2009.

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D, Sokolski Henry, ed. United States and India strategic cooperation. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2009.

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Whitehurst, Clinton H. Improving United States-India relations: More commerce, less diplomacy. Clemson, S.C: Strom Thurmond Institute, 1988.

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Rao, Kilaru Ram Chandra. India, United States, and Pakistan: A triangular relationship. Bombay: Himalya Pub. House, 1985.

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Shankar, Kalyani. India & the United States: Politics of the sixties. New Delhi: Macmillan India, 2007.

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Brands, H. W. India and the United States: The cold peace. Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1990.

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1964-, Mitchell Derek, CSIS International Security Program, CSIS South Asia Program, and Nihon Kokusai Mondai Kenkyūjo, eds. Bridging strategic Asia: The United States, Japan, and India. Washington, DC: CSIS Press, 2009.

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Kux, Dennis. Estranged democracies: India and the United States, 1941-1991. New Delhi, [India]: Sage, 1993.

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Press, National Defense University, ed. India and the United States: Estranged democracies, 1941-1991. Washington, DC (Fort Lesley McNair, Washington 20319-6000): National Defense University Press, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "United States – Foreign relations – India"

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Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo, and Andrew T. H. Tan. "China's relations with the United States." In China's Foreign Policy, 84–101. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-8.

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Ninkovich, Frank. "The United States and Imperialism." In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 79–102. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch6.

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Saltzman, Ilai. "Israel and the United States." In Routledge Handbook on Israel's Foreign Relations, 167–79. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003048398-17.

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Tunsjø, Øystein. "China and the United States in a new bipolar system." In US–China Foreign Relations, 41–49. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-5.

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Rozman, Gilbert. "Japan, the United States, Australia, India." In Strategic Triangles Reshaping International Relations in East Asia, 114–24. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003296256-13.

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Rivas, Darlene. "United States-Latin American Relations, 1942-1960." In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 230–54. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch14.

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Tal, David. "Israel and the United States 1948–1973." In Routledge Handbook on Israel's Foreign Relations, 81–92. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003048398-9.

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Burchill, Scott. "United States Foreign Policy: Radical Islam and the West." In Misunderstanding International Relations, 107–32. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1936-9_7.

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Ferguson, Yale H., and Richard W. Mansbach. "Expanding Chinese influence and China-United States relations." In Foreign Policy Issues for America, 45–57. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies in US foreign policy: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351186872-4.

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Hahn, Peter L. "The United States and the Middle East since 1967." In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 375–86. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch20.

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Conference papers on the topic "United States – Foreign relations – India"

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Alikberov, Eduard Shabanovich, and Alfiya Rafisovna Alikberova. "THE ANALYSIS OF RELATIONS IN THE CHINA-INDIA-USA STRATEGIC TRIANGLE." In Chinese Studies in the 21st Century. Buryat State University Publishing Department, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18101/978-5-9793-1678-9-2021-1-14-20.

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The presented work is devoted to the study of the influence of such a form of rela-tionship as a triangle on the behavior of states and their interaction within the frame-work of a tripartite format. The relevance of this topic is due to the dominant position of the United States in the world, as well as the growing role in the system of interna-tional relations of two Asian giants, China and India, capable in the 21st century to-confront Western countries in the international arena. The role of the China–India–USA strategic triangle — key players in the world political arena — will increase in the near future. Using the example of the interaction of the three states of the People's Republic of China, the Republic of India and the United States of America, the study examines and analyzes the main principles of the successful coordination of the three sides in the triangle: balance of power, refraining, and security. The main conclusion of the presented study is the importance of maintaining a balance in the strategic tri-angle "China-India-USA", since the aforementioned countries occupy important posi-tions in the main areas of international relations: economy and security, the world or-der in the Asia-Pacific region depends on them. The methodological basis of the work is the general humanitarian research method-system analysis, which allowed us to analyze the principles of construction and functioning of the triangle as a system as a whole, and also to study the features of all components of this system, their interde-pendence and internal patterns of development. The materials of this article can be used in the future by international experts, orientalists and economists studying the Indo-Pacific and Asia-Pacific regions, as well as when reading a course of lectures and writing textbooks.

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Ismail, Noorilham, Mohd Kasturi Nor Abd Aziz, and Ahmad Hifzurrahman Ridzuan. "President Lyndon B. Johnson’s administration and the Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation, 1963-1966: A review of the foreign relations of the United States document." In ADVANCES IN MATERIAL SCIENCE AND MANUFACTURING ENGINEERING. AIP Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/5.0118119.

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Toprak, Nuri Gökhan. "From Embargo to Blockade: An Evaluation of the United States Sanctions against Iran in the Context of the Use of Economic Impact Tools in Foreign Poli." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02219.

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The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.

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Ismail, Noorilham, Mohd Kasturi Nor Abd Aziz, and Ahmad Hifzurrahman Ridzuan. "The John F. Kennedy administration and the formation of the federation of Malaysia 1961-1963: A review of foreign relations of the United States (FRUS)." In ADVANCES IN MATERIAL SCIENCE AND MANUFACTURING ENGINEERING. AIP Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/5.0118118.

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شریف اسماعیل, سركوت. "The impact of the foreign relations of the Iraqi state on the Anfal operations, (America) is a model." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/15.

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"The Anfal crime of 1988 was a series of political, military and propaganda campaigns carried out by Saddam's Ba'athist regime against a part of the Kurdish people.In this process, all the means of genocide were used, from killing, slaughter, arrest, expulsion and expulsion to the demolition of houses, burning of fields and gardens and looting of their livestock and belongings. The Ba'ath regime's excuse for this crime was nothing but religious and political propaganda that the Kurdish nation had deviated from Islam and had turned against the state These excuses were to justify his crime because the process was named after a chapter of the Holy Qur'an, which was Anfal. For such a big and heinous crime, of course, you have to make all the internal and external factors available before you start, because without the availability of both factors, it would have been impossible for such a big and important process to succeed Therefore, Saddam's Ba'athist regime had secured international and external factors along with the availability of domestic factors to a good extent, so it carried out the process in such a comprehensive and widespread manner. The United States, which was one of the most powerful and influential countries of the time, had a strong relationship with Saddam and the Iraqi government in all political, military, economic and other aspects The Americans, who served Saddam Hussein's regime in the success of the Anfal process, not only provided military and logistical assistance to the Iraqi government, but also provided intelligence assistance to the regime On the other hand, for the sake of the Ba'ath and Saddam regimes, he had cut off all kinds of cooperation from the Kurds and refused to even welcome the Kurdish representatives when they wanted to convey the truth about the Anfal crime to the US and the world.This was one of the reasons why Saddam's regime was protected from international condemnation and prosecution thanks to its cooperation and strong ties with the Americans."

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Widyarta, Mohammad. "Foreign Aid and Modern Architecture in Indonesia: Intersecting Cold War Relations and Funding for the Fourth Asian Games, 1962." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4014p90ju.

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Between 1950 and 1965, foreign aid played a crucial role within the Indonesian economy. With the Cold War as a backdrop, this aid came from both Western and Eastern blocs with the intention of drawing Indonesia into their spheres of influence. The aid also played a crucial role in the development of architecture in the archipelago. A major endeavour within this period was the construction of buildings and venues for the Fourth Asian Games to be held in Jakarta in 1962 which involved a new stadium, an international-standard hotel and a large by-pass road around part of the city. Financial and technical aid from the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States was obtained to realise these projects. All the while, the Asian Games, along with the modern structures constructed for the event, provided Indonesia an opportunity to advance its own agenda, which was to construct a sense of self-confidence and national pride and to situate itself as a leader among decolonised nations. Nevertheless, foreign financial and technical aid played an important role in the realisation of these projects. The availability of foreign aid was intrinsically tied to President Ahmad Sukarno’s ability to play the interests of all sides. This paper examines plans and preparations for the Fourth Asian Games as a case of engagement between the two Cold War blocs with Indonesia in the middle. By focusing on the key building projects for the Games, the paper reveals the role of foreign aid in the development of architecture in Indonesia during a critical period in its post-war and post-independence formation. This development took place through the interaction of different interests—those of the Western Bloc, the Eastern Bloc, and Indonesia—in the midst of the Cold War and decolonisation period. A glimpse into the interaction may suggest a case of competition. However, examination of the three projects indicates that it was a case of multipolar collaboration instead.

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Bal, Harun, Neşe Algan, and Mehmet Demiral. "Why do Developing Countries Fail to Attract Global Capital? Reinvestigation of the Lucas Paradox for the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00937.

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The neoclassical theory predicts that capital should flow from developed (rich) to developing (poor) countries until the differences of investment returns are equalized. However, in his famous example, Lucas (1990) pointed out that, even the marginal product of capital in India was roughly calculated as 58 times that of the United States in 1988, such a capital flow did not occur in practice. This observation somewhat still exists in general. This study tries to find out some possible explanations to why Lucas Paradox is still seen in such an increasingly integrated world and demonstrate what foreign direct investments (FDIs) really pursue, focusing on selected nine Balkan countries. The study performs gravity model estimation using annual balanced panel data sets covering the period of 2000-2012. Overall results demonstrate that there is some evidence supporting Lucas paradox for the Balkan countries investigated. Main findings show that, regulations, country risk and China’s increasing attraction of global FDI tend to hinder Balkan countries’ performances, while improvements in human capital, infrastructures and logistic services can help these countries increase their global shares in FDI. Besides, increases in the research and development investments and progress in the path of the European Union membership processes seem to promote attracting global FDI.

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Johnston, George B., and Wenbo Guo. "Cross Cultural Currents in Early 20th Century Chinese Architectural Practice." In 109th ACSA Annual Meeting Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.109.42.

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This paper considers the transplantation of the Western concept of architecture to China set against the backdrop of Western colonization from the mid-19th century. With the increasing presence of foreign populations, the urgent demand for a considerable number of new building types greatly spurred the Chinese construction market. Beyond consideration of the physical artifacts, this paper focuses upon the story behind the scenes, the mode of architectural production, and particularly how the intricate relationships among different professionals helped to shape the physical world. The West China Union University, constructed from 1915 through 1940s in Chengdu, Sichuan Province, serves as an apt case study to exemplify this process. A cooperative product of five missionary organizations from the United States, Britain and Canada, this project was designed by a British architect whose practice was based in England, super-intended on-site by an American architect, and constructed by local Chinese workmen. How were these professionals able to communicate and cooperate over such a long distance and across huge cultural gaps in architectural and building practice? This case study demonstrates that the relations among different actors in the field of architecture, specifically the tripartite interactions among client, architect and builder, were far more complex and nuanced than we might otherwise assume. This paper offers critical insights into the dramatic changes in the system of Chinese architectural practice under the sway of Western influence during the first half of 20th century.

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Zhang, Zhenhua, Bo Zhang, and Chaoying Zheng. "Study on the Water Intake of Heat Trap Blocked by Marine Life in Nuclear Power Plant." In 2022 29th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone29-90544.

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Abstract In recent years, the operational events that the water intake of heat trap was blocked by marine life in nuclear power plants have occurred repeatedly. Since 2000, there have been more than 200 shutdown events of biological (foreign body) blockage resulting in failure of cooling water system in the United States, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Arabia, India, Israel, Japan, South Korea and China. It has caused major safety risks and brought huge economic losses and has attracted wide attention from various governments, related industries and research institutions. It can be seen that water intake blockage event is a safety problem for all kinds of power plants to face. This paper introduces the typical design of water intake and analyses the potential effects of a large number of marine life into the heat trap water intake from the perspective of circulating water system (CRF) jump pump and essential service water system (SEC) loss of function. Based on the characteristics of the high frequency of such operation events and they may cause major safety risks, the reactor shutdown response time in different conditions is simulated. When a large number of marine organisms flood into the water intake of heat trap, the response of the operator on the potential impact of the unit condition and the operational response plan are analyzed. The impact of the unplanned changes in operating status caused by the blockage of the water intake is explained. Ultimately, based on the analysis as described above, suggestions on the design improvement of the heat trap water intake and seawater filtration system in the nuclear power plant are presented. At the same time, suggestions are put forward on the supervision analysis, dynamic monitoring of the surrounding environment of the water intake, establishing a rapid decision-making mechanism, improving the cold source emergency response plan and increasing the operation control strategy.

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Karatalov, Omurbek. "Open Economy and Economic Integration within the Framework of Eurasia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00633.

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The Kyrgyz Republic economy openness is studied within the framework of the Eurasia. Insufficient level of the financial and economic standing of Kyrgyzstan is clarified. Reasons for Governmental regulating use in the area of monetary, tax and budget policy in USA have been set up. Conditions of the development of industrial countries economy are under consideration. The necessity of financialisation of all capital of country is defined. Kyrgyzstan public budget’s permanent deficiency formation reasons are studied. A necessity of integration economic relations development within the framework of Eurasia is offered. A necessity of sustainable economic relations establishment as well as finding solution for external debt between Kyrgyzstan and Russia have been justified. It is recommended to strengthen effective fight against a scale corruption, «shadow» economy and criminalization of economy and finances. The increase of efficiency and responsibility of top managers of the public administration level have been offered. The necessity of the independent mastering of own gold-mining fields is justified. The need to attract the foreign direct investments to the area of mining and processing industry have been offered. Within the framework of acceleration of economic integration. Needs for the development of exploring and processing of hydrocarbons as well as building of large economic entities especially the hydroelectric power stations, namely Kambar-Ata-1 Hydro-Power Plants have been suggested. By this it is also suggested to Russia to develop this as strategic partner of Kyrgyzstan. Creation of integral customs system and energy cooperation suggested. It should be supported by establishment of unique equivalent among Eurasia states. By this it is to be possible to find acceptable solutions in finance and economy and to form a united economic cooperation considering a sovereignty of each state. It is necessary to develop the identical financial reporting of point-of-sale and payment balances, balance of international investments, compliable national republics and on the whole on Eurasia. To walk away from the calculation and actual use of dollar of the USA in finance and economic operations. Based on econometric prognosis of gross internal product and the public budget of Kyrgyzstan is made calculating on the per to 2025 year.

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Reports on the topic "United States – Foreign relations – India"

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DeMetri, Olga, Samuel Moreno, and Gerardo Funes. Seizing the Market Opportunity of the Growing Latino and Caribbean Community in the United States. Inter-American Development Bank, November 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005199.

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This study examines the transformative influence of the rapidly growing Latino and Caribbean community in the United States, both as a demographic and an economic powerhouse. Accounting for nearly one in five U.S. residents, this community is reshaping the nation's social, economic, and cultural landscapes. In 2019 alone, the economic output of Latinos in the U.S. was $2.7 trillion, marking them as a global economic force. The report highlights the community's role in enhancing trade and economic relations with Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), including its influence on foreign direct investment (FDI) and diaspora direct investment (DDI). Remittances to LAC countries remain strong, further solidifying economic ties. Culturally and politically, the Latino and Caribbean community is becoming mainstream in the U.S., as evidenced by its growing impact on music, food, and voter participation. The study includes case studies from Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, and New York to underline the community's diverse contributions across various sectors. In summary, the Latino and Caribbean community is not just growing in numbers but is a formidable force that is shaping the U.S. and strengthening its international ties with LAC. This growth presents numerous opportunities for both domestic and international economic and cultural collaborations.

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Barton, Frederick D. Testimony: Statement of Frederick D. Barton, Senior Fellow and Director, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Center for Strategic and International Studies, before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate on Accelerating Economic Progress in Iraq"". Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, July 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada438876.

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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.

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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.

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Wezeman, Pieter D., Justine Gadon, and Siemon T. Wezeman. Trends in International Arms Transfers, 2022. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/cpns8443.

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Imports of major arms by European states rose by 47 per cent between 2013–17 and 2018–22, while the global volume of international arms transfers fell by 5.1 per cent. There were decreases in arms transfers to Africa (–40 per cent), the Americas (–21 per cent), Asia and Oceania (–7.5 per cent) and the Middle East (–8.8 per cent) between the two periods. The ﬁve largest arms importers in 2018–22 were India, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Australia and China. The ﬁve largest arms exporters were the United States, Russia, France, China and Germany. The war in Ukraine had only a limited impact on the total volume of arms transfers in 2018–22, but Ukraine did become a major importer of arms in 2022. In addition, most European states substantially increased their arms import orders and the war will have significant ramifications for future supplier–recipient arms trade relations globally. From 13 March 2023 the freely accessible SIPRI Arms Transfers Database includes updated data on transfers of major arms for 1950–2022, which replaces all previous data on arms transfers published by SIPRI. Based on the new data, this fact sheet presents global trends in arms exports and arms imports, and highlights selected issues related to transfers of major arms.

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Rodríguez, Ennio, and Anneke Jessen. The Caribbean Community: Facing the Challenges of Regional and Global Integration. Inter-American Development Bank, January 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008676.

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On 4 July 1998, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) celebrated its twenty-fifth anniversary. CARICOM is one of the oldest integration schemes in the Western Hemisphere, the largest in terms of membership, yet by far the smallest in economic and geographic terms. In the wake of its historic anniversary, many have reflected on the Community's past achievements and future prospects. Has CARICOM served the development goals of its member states? Will it assist them in pursuing those goals into the next century? How can regional integration facilitate CARICOM's successful insertion into the global economy? The aim of this study is to answer those questions and, in doing so, to contribute to the ongoing debate on the future of CARICOM. With some exceptions, CARICOM economies have either stagnated or grown very slowly, and high unemployment has become chronic. Despite important policy changes, export diversification has been limited and insufficient for generating satisfactory growth rates. Size constraints have always hampered the potential for growth based on domestic markets and intra-CARICOM trade; decreased protectionism makes the size limitations even more evident. The region's overall export performance has been unsatisfactory despite privileged market access conditions. Today those conditions are becoming less favorable. Foreign aid, a key contributor to development in past decades, is also diminishing. CARICOM is clearly at a crossroads. Chapter I provides a general overview of the Caribbean Community, key features of its economies and the challenges facing the region on the eve of the new millenium. Chapter II offers an overview of the regional integration process, including progress on intra-regional trade liberalization, the deepening and the widening of CARICOM. Chapter III examines the external challenges facing the region today, particularly as regards its trade relations with Europe, the United States, Canada and Latin America. Chapter IV examines key areas of the services sector, both in terms of enhancing the region's export potential and supporting the establishment of a functioning single market. Chapter V briefly examines the Community's institutional structure, outlining existing bottlenecks to the effective design, implementation and enforcement of common policies. Chapter VI provides an analytical justification for promoting integration and cooperation initiatives in the region, and suggests a number of actions that could be taken to enhance the development prospects of CARICOM. The study argues that despite the limited contribution of regional integration efforts to economic development in the region so-far, integration can play a beneficial role if pursued under the right framework and with the right instruments.

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