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1
Shriparkash. "The Foreign Policies of India with the United States." Integrated Journal for Research in Arts and Humanities 2, no. 5 (October 30, 2022): 217–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.55544/ijrah.2.5.33.
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Based on common democratic principles and a growing union of interests on bilateral, global and regional concerns, India and the United States have grown their bilateral relations into a "global strategic partnership." The concentration on growth and decent governance by the Indian government has given a chance to strengthen bilateral ties and cooperation under the mottos "Sanjha Prayas, Sab ka Vikas" (Shared Effort, Progress for All) and "Chalein Saath Saath" (Forward Together We Go), which were adopted during the first two summits between Prime Minister Modi and President Obama in September 2014 and January 2015, respectively. India and the United States were described as "Enduring Global Partners in the 21st Century" in the summit-level joint statement released in June 2016.
Regular high-level political meetings have sustainedly boosted bilateral cooperation, and the extensive and expanding dialogue architecture has laid the groundwork for future India-U.S. engagement. The business and funding, security and defence, educational, and other facets of the bilateral relationship between the United States and India have all expanded and become cross-cutting. Active interpersonal communication and support from the public in both countries help to strengthen our bilateral relationship.
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Abazalieva, M. M., and A. Yu Belokon. "India's foreign policy: main strategic directions." Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, no. 4 (44) (2023): 212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.4.26.
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The article deals with the problem of the formation of strategic directions of India's foreign policy, since the modern foreign policy of India is determined precisely by the need to overcome geographical and geopolitical isolation. It is concluded that the emphasis on the economic component in the modern system of international relations contributes to the solution of two basic tasks – creating conditions for the economic security of the country and strengthening its competitiveness at the macroeconomic level. The next conclusion is that the degree of rivalry between India and China for regional influence will increase, and the struggle for recognition by the world community will become essential for both Asian powers. In this context, India will rely on two factors: "Indian democracy" as opposed to "Chinese socialism" and Indian support for the United States in the issue of "containing China".
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Pant, Harsh V. "India: Domestic Politics, Foreign Relations and Cooperation with the United States." Asian Affairs 44, no. 2 (July 2013): 308–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.795301.
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Galistcheva, Natalia Valerievna, and Elena Vakhtangovna Nebolsina. "The U.S. and China in India’s Foreign Economic Policy: In Quest of Balance for Maintaining Strategic Autonomy." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 304–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-304-324.
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The paper investigates trade and investment relations between India and its two major trading partners, viz. the U.S. and China in the 2000-2010s. On the basis of mixed method research with equal use of quantitative and qualitative, as well as historical and statistical methods, the authors estimate the possibilities for expanding interstate interactions and the difficulties the countries might face. By comparing the scale and particulars of the product structure of Indo-American and Indo-Chinese trade, the authors reveal that intra-industry trade between India and the United States is at a fairly high level, which, in turn, is not typical for the trade between India and China, which is mostly inter-industry due to the sluggish cooperation of Indian and Chinese entrepreneurs. The authors assess the intensity of the Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral trade between 2000-2018 by means of indices of intensity of Indias exports and imports to / from the USA and China, as well as indices of intensity of exports and imports of its partners to / from India. The obtained results outline the upward trend of the share of Indian exports to the U.S. relative to other countries, which indicates that India is successfully conquering the U.S. market, and Indian goods are becoming increasingly competitive. Meanwhile, the volume of Indian-Chinese trade remains on a much lower level than it could be expected with the current share of India in the world trade. In the meantime, neither for the United States nor for China, India is a dominant partner. The article also investigates major obstacles hindering the development of both Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral relations. The obtained results enable the authors to predict that in the short- and mid-term economic cooperation between India and its leading partners is likely to strengthen, with India keeping striving for standing neuter while building the two most crucial vectors of its foreign economic policy.
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Garver, John W. "The Indian Factor in Recent Sino-Soviet Relations." China Quarterly 125 (March 1991): 55–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000030307.
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Chinese foreign policy is typically a complex mix of bilateral, regional and global considerations shaped by the perceptions and domestic political concerns of various participants in China's decision-making process. One significant factor shaping Chinese foreign policy over the past decade which has not been given adequate attention is Chinese consideration of South Asia, and especially India. India's size, substantial aggregate national power, central geographic position in South Asia, prominent role in the Third World/Non-Aligned Movement, and the determination of its leaders to establish India as the pre-eminent power in South Asia, have given India significant weight in Chinese foreign policy calculations. This includes, I will argue, Beijing's calculations regarding China's relations with the Soviet Union and the United States.
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Shur, Elizaveta A. "Engagement policy and formation of allied relations: India in the US foreign policy strategy under George W. Bush and B. Obama." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 5, no. 2 (2021): 571–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2021-5-2-7.
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The article presents an analysis of the engagement policy and the formation of allied relations which hold a central place in the foreign policy of the United States. It is noted that the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks demonstrated the ideological insecurity of the United States and forced Washington to join the global campaign against terrorism. Despite the untenable willingness to bear the burden of war alone, the American political establishment began to look for allies and partners. The purpose of this article is to identify India’s place in the system of American foreign policy strategies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama. When studying this topic, the author relied on the methods of analysis, synthesis, comparison and generalization. The phenomenon of using public diplomacy and the engagement policy for strengthening allied relations with India has been studied very little by domestic and foreign science. The article concludes that the White House showed considerable interest in India due to its favorable geographical location, experience in counterterrorism, tense relations with China (a potential competitor of the United States), and the status of the world’s largest democracy, which indicates the country’s commitment to democratic values which are actively promoted by Washington. The article reveals the obstacles in the way of India’s involvement in this cooperation: despite its interest in establishing a dialogue with the United States, the republic did not show any desire to move away from the traditional policy of equidistance in international relations for fear of becoming an American puppet. During the administration of Barack Obama, U.S.–India relations received a new impetus as part of the US Pivot to Asia. The scope of cooperation between the two countries was significantly expanded. The relations reached a new level after Narendra Modi took office as Prime Minister of India. The scientific significance of this study lies in the fact that previously this topic has been considered exclusively through the prism of Chinese politics and nuclear problems.
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Anusha, Tanneru, and Seema Nazneen. "India’s Major Trade Partners UK and US." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 8, no. 3 (January 1, 2021): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v8i3.3281.
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On the eve of planning the trade, the foreign trade of India with the US and the UK showed an excess of exports over imports from more than a decade. Foreign trade in India showed excess imports over exports. The trade deficit was largely due to the war pre-war and post-war. This paper is based on secondary data collected from commerce and industry and other various government reports and sources. It also demonstrates Indian trade from a global perspective. Indian trade with the United States and the United Kingdom and the relations trade terms are analyzed. The major sectors and products involved in the trade are studied. The Indian Institute of foreign trade promotes imports and exports trade terms and agreements and also envelops the full range of global business. Foreign trade policy or Exim policy along with simplification and merger reward schemes are studied. India’s trade for the past years was seen negative due to certain reasons. The trade analysis of India was done for the year 2019-20. The effect of India’s foreign trade for 2020 is studied. The world trade scenario in the recent estimated in the IMF.
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Pulipaka, Sanjay, and Libni Garg. "India and Vietnam in the Indo-Pacific." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 2 (May 7, 2021): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284211004984.
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The international order today is characterised by power shift and increasing multipolarity. Countries such as India and Vietnam are working to consolidate the evolving multipolarity in the Indo-Pacific. The article maps the convergences in the Indian and Vietnamese foreign policy strategies and in their approaches to the Indo-Pacific. Both countries confront similar security challenges, such as creeping territorial aggression. Further, India and Vietnam are collaborating with the United States and Japan to maintain a favourable balance of power in the Indo-Pacific. While Delhi and Hanoi agree on the need to reform the United Nations, there is still some distance to travel to find a common position on regional economic architectures. The India–Vietnam partnership demonstrates that nation-states will seek to define the structure of the international order and in this instance by increasing the intensity of multipolarity.
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Sarmad, Khwaja. "Dennis Kux. Estranged Democracies: India and the United States 1941-1991. New Delhi: Sage Publications. 1993. Hardbound. Indian Rupees 375.00." Pakistan Development Review 33, no. 2 (June 1, 1994): 200–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v33i2pp.200-201.
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Cold war US-Soviet relations were characterised by a large gap between hostile talk and cautious action, though both countries backed and armed rival sides in wars in the third world. During the cold war US foreign policy was detennined by the sole objective of containing Soviet territorial and ideological 'expansionism'. This was also the defining element in US-Indian subcontinent relations in the coldwar period. Thus the main reason for the estrangement in US-India relations is not hard to discern-while the US aggressively sought partners in its anti-Soviet alliance system, India nurtured its economic and military supplies relationship with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, while there persisted a fundamental conflict between Pakistan and India over the Kashmir issue, Pakistan participated in the US sponsored anti-Soviet alliance system and gained from US military and economic assistance.
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Ali, Rizwan. "The Politics of Energy Trade Between Iran and Pakistan." Forman Journal of Social Sciences 02, no. 01 (December 17, 2022): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32368/fjss.20220206.
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Pakistan and Iran are neighboring countries that have longstanding historical ties. However, there is little research available about Pakistan-Iran energy trade relations, especially with respect to the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline. This research is based on primary data collected through qualitative interviews with key policymakers, academicians, and social activists, from Australia, India, Pakistan, and the United States. Based on the analysis of the data, this paper argues that there are risks involved for Pakistan in either honoring United States’ sanctions on Iran or bypassing them. In the former, Pakistan is incurring a huge cost in terms of delayed energy import from Iran while in the latter Pakistan, its officials, and its relevant organizations may face heavy sanctions by the United States. The study concludes that Pakistan must adopt a safer policy to pursue energy import from Iran while conducting good relations with both U.S. and Iran. The participation of India in the Iran-Pakistan energy project can increase the likelihood of its success. Key Words: Iran-Pakistan Relations, Energy Trade, United States, Politics, Foreign Policy
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Chaminda K, Wijekoon Herath Mudiyanselage. "SRI LANKA’S STRATEGIC LOCATION AND FOREIGN POLICY RESPONSE TOWARDS INDIA AND US ON CHINESE INVESTMENTS IN SRI LANKA." Jurnal Diplomasi Pertahanan 8, no. 2 (June 6, 2022): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jdp.v8i2.1009.
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Sri Lanka is a small state strategically placed between two powerful States India and China, the island nation is significant for India as its closest maritime neighbor and on the other hand China has become an all-weather friend to Sri Lanka who has not interfered into the internal political issues and a supporting character in international politics. Sri Lanka has been sandwiched between the great power politics of these powerful nations since the U.S. is carrying out its strategy using the strategic alliance of the United States, India, UK, Japan, and Australia to counter the growing influence of China. Most importantly, Sri Lanka being a small state, having balanced relations with the big powers is effective to foster the development goals of the countries. Having understood this paper discusses Sri Lanka’s strategic location and foreign policy response towards India and United States on Chinese investments in Sri Lanka. This paper further discusses external and internal factors, core issues, and intentions of above mentioned powerful nations and Sri Lankan foreign policy towards these powerful nations by fostering closer ties in world politics with two regional giants and the United States.
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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.
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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.
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Dhawan, Ranjit Kumar. "Korea’s ‘New Southern Policy’ Towards India: An Analysis." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 24, no. 1 (February 23, 2020): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598420906248.
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The Moon Jae-in administration in South Korea (hereafter Korea) initiated the ‘New Southern Policy’ in 2017 to foster closer relations with ASEAN and India and bring them at par with the four major powers—the United States of America (USA), China, Russia and Japan, which have traditionally played a dominant role in Korea’s foreign affairs. Korea’s strategy through this new policy has been to diversify its foreign relations and lessen dependence on these four major powers of the Northeast Asian region. In this policy shift India is projected as one of the key partners for Korea. However, there has not been much progress in Korea’s relations with India in the last 2 years. The New Southern Policy is also not compatible with US-led ‘Indo-Pacific strategy’ in which India is an integral component. This article argues that Seoul’s New Southern Policy toward New Delhi shall remain limited and would largely focus on developing economic relations rather than building security cooperation between the two countries.
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Gul, Noman, Fareed Ullah, and Azmat Ali Shah. "Sino-US Global Competitive Dynamics Post 9/11 and its Impacts on Pakistan's Security." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 162–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-ii).16.
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In this paper we examine the security implications for Pakistan after the engagement of two powerful states, China and United States. After the incident of September 11, 2001 (9/11) and their security impacts in the capacity of Pakistan's domestic and peripheral front. Their rivalry in the 21st century at the geo strategic, geopolitical and geo-economic level have been explained on the basis of realism, neo-realism and complex interdependence philosophies of international relations. The drastic political and strategic change in the status of Kashmir propelled Pakistan and China to review their foreign policies in future. In response, China wants Pakistan a strategic partner to closely look onto Afghanistan's political crisis during and after the withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan. However, the strategic relationship nuclear partnership between America and India has allowed the Sino-Pak strategic and nuclear partnership to level the magnitude of the United States' influence in South Asia. The issue of cross border terrorism, infiltration from Afghanistan and Indian espionage policy further sabotaged peace and security calculus in Pakistan's internal and external levels. India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership has further deteriorated Pakistan's relations with Afghanistan.
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Iakimova, E. A. "ISRAEL'S APPROACH TO LIMITATION OF FOREIGN INVESTMENTS ON THE EXAMPLE OF COOPERATION WITH CHINA, JAPAN AND INDIA." International Trade and Trade Policy 10, no. 1 (May 4, 2024): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2024-1-130-143.
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The article focuses on the specifics of the Israeli mechanism of foreign investments control that was created primarily under the influence of the political will of Israel's main global partner, the United States, but not on the basis of the country’s economic interests. The author considers the course of negotiations between the government of B. Netanyahu and the administration of D. Trump on the formation of an advisory committee for foreign investment approval, its goals, objectives and directions of work, as well as the differences from the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS). The cases of China, Japan and India are consistently analyzed. The choice of these examples is motivated by both by the level of their business activity in Israel and the dynamics of contacts with the United States, which forces the White House to support or hinder their cooperation with its Middle Eastern partner. The author comes to conclusion that the Israeli government did not completely repeat the American experience of control over foreign investment, although it is moving towards tightening this practice. The study shows that that the main focus of the Israeli advisory committee since its creation in 2019 has been transactions with China, while relations with representatives of Japan and India have particularly no restrictions.
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Krylov, Alexander V., and Arman A. Mikaelian. "Israel in the Context of the “New Bipolarity”." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 24, no. 1 (March 15, 2024): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2024-24-1-23-39.
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The study is dedicated to the main guidelines of the foreign policy of the State of Israel in the context of the current transformation of the world order. Before the start of the special military operation, despite a fairly strong strategic alliance with the United States, Israel pursued a pragmatic foreign policy and maintained mutually beneficial bilateral relations with the leading powers of the non-Western world - especially Russia, China and India. However, the sharp escalation of the situation in the Palestinian territories in October 2023 put Israel in front of an existential choice under the conditions of the emerging new bipolarity, and this choice was made in favor of the United States and its NATO allies. Now the official rhetoric in Israel has become consonant with the one that prevailed during the period of the severed relations between Russia and Israel. Nevertheless, in formulating policies where Russian and Israeli positions do not coincide, both sides continue to coordinate all actions within the framework of a joint dialogue. The article focuses on the main issues on which Russia and Israel differ: Ukrainian, Iranian, and Palestinian factors. China and India occupy a special place among Israel’s foreign policy priorities. The importance of these countries for the Jewish state will be increasing due to the inevitable isolationist tendencies in the region, which are growing against the backdrop of the worsening Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The article examines the main trends in Israel’s relations with some Arab countries, China and India.
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Hwang, Wonjae, and Hayoun Jessie Ryou-Ellison. "Taking a side between the United States and the People’s Republic of China: Strategic hedging of South Korea and India." International Area Studies Review 24, no. 2 (May 13, 2021): 60–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22338659211013650.
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This paper explores how South Korea and India have taken positions between the United States and the People’s Republic of China over diverse foreign policy issues. By adopting dual engagement and strategic ambiguity as hedging strategies, both regional powers reduce their vulnerability to the influence and pressure of the two great powers. Thanks to their strategic importance and prominence in regional politics enhanced by such strategies, South Korea and India can independently pursue their foreign policy preferences to a great extent. The analysis of voting behavior of these regional powers in the United Nations General Assembly between 1991 and 2018 confirms our expectations.
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Khurshaid, Ahmad Ali, and Syed Ali Shah. "THE REGION OF PAKISTAN, CHINA, AND INDIA: GEOPOLITICAL CURRENTS AFTER THE COLD WAR TILL 9/11." Global Political Review 2, no. 1 (December 30, 2017): 90–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(ii-i).10.
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After the Cold War Pakistan, China and India had opportunities to adjust each other according to the geopolitical trends of the time. In the post-Cold War era, there was no Soviet Union to influence relations between India and China. On the other side, Pakistan did not lose its Cold War ally, United States; to make independent relations in the region on its choices. American sanctions would turn Pakistan into a selfassumed path of foreign policy. The resultant regional geopolitical scenario, after the Cold War, may best be explained by applying the theoretical model of Saul B. Cohen- Shatterbelt. The shatterbelt means such volatile areas that would not allow the states to go for friendly relations. The study is qualitative in nature. The data is secondary which is interpreted through Thematic Approach.
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Singh, Priti. "India and Latin America: Potential Partners in a Changing World." National Security 6, no. 4 (February 10, 2024): 252–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32381/ns.2023.06.04.2.
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India’s relations with Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) have seen an effective change in the last few years. The change reflects the ‘energetic’ foreign policy of India and its increasing dynamism in global politics. The Latin American and the Caribbean region, so far overlooked by India, is increasingly becoming one of the focal points of its various foreign policy overtures. This article draws attention to the growing significance of the Latin American region for India both in terms of resources and a political-diplomatic partnership. Given the recent setbacks of the pandemic, followed by the Ukraine war and the rising tensions between the United States and China, Latin American countries are looking for strategic partners without aligning themselves with any power. While India has growing relations with some LAC countries and has signed several strategic partnerships, it needs to engage with the region much more. Several economic factors favour an increased engagement. Positive perceptions about India in the region also help.
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Rano Tuychiyeva Almamatovna. "Specific aspects of indian foreign policy: stagnation and changes." International Journal on Integrated Education 3, no. 5 (May 25, 2020): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i5.382.
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This article focuses on how India organized its foreign policy from the time of independence until the beginning of the 21st century and on the basis of which strategies it pursued. The paper also examines in detail the internal and external factors that have helped the country to achieve effective, positive results in foreign policy and, conversely, have had a significant negative impact. In addition, the article pays special attention to India's relations with the United States, China and Russia, which are currently striving for global hegemony, and the competition between these countries in India. At the same time, the successes, shortcomings and conflicts in India’s relations with its neighbors - Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal and Bhutan - are highlighted, as well as their specific reasons. Chronological approach, comparison and synthesis-analysis methods were used in writing the article. It consists of an abstract, keywords, introduction, main part, conclusion and bibliography.
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Davis, Christina L., Andreas Fuchs, and Kristina Johnson. "State Control and the Effects of Foreign Relations on Bilateral Trade." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 2 (November 23, 2017): 405–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002717739087.
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Can governments still use trade to reward and punish partner countries? While World Trade Organization (WTO) rules and the pressures of globalization restrict states’ capacity to manipulate trade policies, politicization of trade is likely to occur where governments intervene in markets. We examine state ownership of firms as one tool of government control. Taking China and India as examples, we use new data on bilateral trade disaggregated by firm ownership type as well as measures of political relations based on bilateral events and United Nations voting data to estimate the effect of political relations on import flows since the early 1990s. Our results support the hypothesis that imports controlled by state-owned enterprises are more responsive to political relations than imports controlled by private enterprises. This finding suggests that politicized import decisions will increase as countries with partially state-controlled economies gain strength in the global economy. Extending our analysis to exports for comparison, we find a similar pattern for Indian but not for Chinese exports and offer potential explanations for these differential findings.
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Rahman, Md Sayedur, and Shakila Tul-Kubra. "Economic dimension of India’s foreign policy towards Russia: Late 20th- early 21st century." Contemporary Research: An Interdisciplinary Academic Journal 4, no. 1 (November 8, 2020): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/craiaj.v4i1.32757.
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In the international framework India is finding a larger position for itself. This hope is focused on the belief that India is a prosperous democracy with substantial human and material resources; it is an increasingly strong economic power; it has a proven record as a responsible and law-abiding regime, and as a member of the non-aligned party it has consistently shared the interests of the developing nations. Indian foreign policy makers argue that India wants to re-invent itself at this point of 'take-off' as a great force. India needs new alliance for the proposed new position, including the dominant superpower, the United States of America (US). The US has said it would turn India into a great force. This essay attempts to examine the old pattern of relations with Russia that India had enjoyed. There's an Indo-US triangular alliance taking its place. How is this current type of strategic partnership distinct from that of the Indo Soviet/ Russian alliance? However, both countries' natural desire to strive towards multi polarity in world politics has helped restore the relationship, particularly over the past decade. Remarkably, ties with the US no longer stand in the way of stronger relations between India and Russia. The turbulent security climate marked by what is frequently assumed to be the state-sponsored insurgency invulnerable Asian areas, the war in Afghanistan, and the political turmoil in both Afghanistan and Central Asian countries has paved the way for a strategic alliance between India and Russia.
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Khanal, Gopal. "Blending Foreign Policy with Nepal’s Geostrategic Location." Journal of Foreign Affairs 2, no. 01 (September 5, 2022): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jofa.v2i01.44021.
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Over the course of a century, the Western world’s power hegemony has gradually shifted to Asia. China is emerging as a superpower with technological advancement, cashless transactions, 5Gdevelopment, and one of the most powerful military forces. China’s power in Asia has added worries to the United States of America. The purpose of this research is to emphasize Nepal’s geostrategic location and its impact on foreign policy. Nepal is located between the two rising economies in the world, China, and India, who have had conflicting and competitive relations, and therefore requires to delicately balance its relations given the sensitive geopolitical location. But it doesn’t mean Nepal should compromise her sovereignty and territorial integrity while maintaining geopolitical balance. Similarly, India and China need to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Nepal. This has been a major challenge for Nepal to design its foreign policy based on sound geopolitical theories. Although literature on Nepal’s geostrategic importance is limited, this paper explores the impact of its geographic location on foreign policy in the changing global order.
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Butler, Nick. "Food trade and foreign policy: India, the Soviet Union, and the United States." International Affairs 62, no. 4 (1986): 665. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618578.
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Diebold, William, and Robert L. Paarlberg. "Food Trade and Foreign Policy: India, the Soviet Union, and the United States." Foreign Affairs 64, no. 2 (1985): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042599.
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Chattha, Amer Liaquat. "Foreign Policy Of Pakistan Major Determinant And Relations With Countries." Global Foreign Policies Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2023): 94–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(vi-ii).10.
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This research paper delves into the foreign policy of Pakistan with a primary focus on major determinants. The study is conducted by analyzing the historical dimensions of Pakistan's foreign policy and highlighting the key factors in its formulation considering the relations with other countries. A comprehensive analysis is established by utilizing the qualitative method of research and scholarly literature available on the subject. There is a number of factors that influence Pakistan's relations with countries: economic vitality, security dynamics, and geo-political landscape; particularly, in the context of its relations with key stakeholders such as India, Afghanistan, China, and the United States. In concluding remarks, the study underscores the inevitability of the geo-economic aspect of the security-oriented foreign policy paradigm of Pakistan. In the contemporary hyper-globalized world mega projects like One Belt One Road (OBOR) have extreme potential to make Pakistan an important competitor in the global arena.
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Srinivas, Junuguru. "Modi’s Cultural Diplomacy and Role of Indian Diaspora." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 13, no. 2 (June 26, 2019): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130201.
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Ever since Prime Minister Narendra Modi came into the helm of affairs, he has stressed the role of the Indian Diaspora in Indian foreign policy making because he had realized the importance of the Diaspora in his development strategy. More than 25 million members of the Indian Diaspora are scattered around the world, which includes more than 3 million Indian origin Diaspora in the United States (US). According to the Ministry of Indian Overseas Affairs [This Ministry has been scrapped during National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government], the Indian Diaspora is the second largest in the world after China. Thus, it is imperative to give importance to Indian foreign policy framing. This trend is new in Indian policy making as India had hardly focused on its Diaspora to tap their resources, potential and assets that they have. In 2015, former Indian Foreign Ministry’s spokesperson Syed Akbaruddin said that ‘India’s soft power diplomacy now goes beyond books, culture and cinema’. Mr Modi made a total of 49 foreign trips by May 2017 to woo the Indian Diaspora. In almost every meeting during his foreign visit, he urged the Indian Diaspora to be a part of Indian development by investing in the Indian economy, by donating to the clean river Ganges program, and participating in Indian rural development programmes as well. In this context, this article expounds the role of the NDA government’s cultural diplomacy in Indian foreign policy making. This article also seeks to answer what the Indian government’s strategy to tap the ‘resources’ of the Indian Diaspora is. Finally, the article examines the role of the Indian Diaspora in the development strategy of India.
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Corell, Hans. "Legal Advisers Meet at UN Headquarters in New york." American Journal of International Law 85, no. 2 (April 1991): 371–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000010113.
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On October 29 and 30, 1990, a meeting was held of the heads of the offices responsible for international legal services of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of the member states of the United Nations—the Legal Advisers. The meeting was organized at the invitation of the Legal Advisers of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Canada, India, Mexico, Poland and Sweden, and with the assistance of the Legal Counsel of the United Nations, Under-Secretary-General Carl-August Fleischhauer. Some twenty-five Legal Advisers and thirty-two of their deputies or other representatives attended, including all five colleagues representing the permanent members of the Security Council.
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Lukash, Olha, and Iryna Tykhonenko. "The concept of the Indo-Pacific region: role and significance of India." Acta de Historia & Politica: Saeculum XXI, no. 08 (June 16, 2024): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.26693/ahpsxxi2024.08.121.
Full textAbstract:
The term ‘Indo-Pacific region’ (IPR) was first used in international studies by the Indian researcher G.S. Khurana, who included in this concept the maritime space that unites the Indian Ocean and the Western Pacific, all Asian (up to the Middle East) and even North African countries, highlighting the connecting elements of ‘energy routes’. Therefore, this article is devoted to the concept of the Indo-Pacific region (IPR), which is a new geopolitical concept in which India is being introduced. This Asian country is now seen as one of the most important elements of the region because of its enormous potential. Therefore, Western countries are trying to ‘win’ it over and bring it into the ‘leading four’ of the ITR (the United States, Japan, India, and Australia). To understand how India has become a "key element" of the RIIT, the authors analyse the main factors that influenced this. It is shown that the US views interaction with India as a ‘bearing axle’ in the American strategy in the Asia-Pacific region. The concept of the Indo-Pacific region has a clear anti-Chinese orientation and is created as a counterweight to the main initiative of the People’s Republic of China ‘One Belt, One Road’. As for India’s participation in the new format, Delhi’s difficult relations with Beijing, the rivalry of the two countries on the Asian continent, and the concerns of India, the United States, Japan and many Asian countries about China’s actions in the South China Sea are taken into account here. The role of the concept of IPR as a key element of the modern India’s foreign policy strategy is considered, the importance of economic, security, civilizational and cultural factors in this process is analyzed.
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Leonova, O., and J. Khatri. "Strategic Partnership between India and the United States: Examining Driving and Restraining Forces." MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, no. 3 (July 2, 2023): 180–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-180-198.
Full textAbstract:
This article aims to analyze the historical trajectory and current state of relations between India and the United States, spanning from India's independence in 1947 to the present, with a focus on identifying key stages of development, outcomes, and prospects. The establishment of a strategic partnership between the two countries has evolved through various phases, driven by economic, political, and ideological factors. However, certain limitations hinder the further deepening of this partnership, including disagreements on international political issues, India's pursuit of an independent foreign policy and reluctance to assume a subordinate role, inadequate US support on critical matters, and India's continued cooperation with Russia. Conversely, factors stimulating the growth of the strategic partnership encompass India's robust economic growth, its potential role as a counterbalance to China's expanding influence in Asia, shared interests in maintaining peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region, mutual concerns about regional security, recent progress in nuclear policy agreements, and expanding avenues for cooperation in diverse domains. The article further examines the unique characteristics of India's relationship with the United States, which shape the nature of their existing strategic partnership, such as the shifting focus from the political and strategic realm to economic interactions, India's commitment to maintaining "strategic autonomy" and non-alignment in its deepening cooperation, its ability to differentiate between political partnership and economic collaboration, and the preservation of a multi-vector foreign policy approach. Based on the analysis, the authors assert that while a strategic military and political alliance between the two powers is unlikely in the near future, their relationship will continue to evolve within the framework of a strategic partnership. The findings of this study will provide insights for policymakers in the South and Southeast Asia region to anticipate developments and adjust their policies accordingly.
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Wang, Rui, and Linwei Wang. "Changes and Features of Indian Diplomacy in the Context of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy." Asia Social Science Academy 10, no. 2 (April 30, 2023): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/jass.2023.10.2.103.
Full textAbstract:
During the Trump administration (January 2017 to December 2020), the United States formulated the “Indo-Pacific Strategy” and officially established a strategic competition with China throughout the government. The strategy aimed to woo allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region and accelerate the construction and promotion of the “Quadrilateral Security Dialogue”. India, as the “world's largest democracy”, has unresolved border issues with China, making it a key target for the United States to woo, and thus forcing India to change its foreign policy. On February 11, 2022, the Biden administration introduced a new version of the “Indo-Pacific Strategy”, which further clarified the overall framework of strategic competition with China, continued to deepen the strategic setting with the prominent features of wooing allies and confronting China, emphasized the core role of the Quad and the central position of ASEAN countries, highlighted the military deterrence of the US-UKAustralia alliance, and created an “anti-China circle” in multiple fields such as biosecurity, science and technology, economic finance, and climate change. Although India is the founding country of the Non-Aligned Movement and has long relied on “independent and autonomous” foreign policy, the current new geopolitical environment where Sino-Indian relations are at a low point due to the border issue, Russia-Ukraine conflicts continue due to NATO's eastward expansion, and the rapid development of the Quad, signifies the power balance in the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean regions. This also indirectly reflects the progress of India's own “Indo-Pacific Strategy” and the implementation of the US “Indo-Pacific Strategy”, thus providing a dimension for predicting the development trend of the strategic competition between China and the US.
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O’Brochta, William, and Sunita Parikh. "Anomalous responses on Amazon Mechanical Turk: An Indian perspective." Research & Politics 8, no. 2 (April 2021): 205316802110169. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680211016971.
Full textAbstract:
What can researchers do to address anomalous survey and experimental responses on Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk)? Much of the anomalous response problem has been traced to India, and several survey and technological techniques have been developed to detect foreign workers accessing US-specific surveys. We survey Indian MTurkers and find that 26% pass survey questions used to detect foreign workers, and 3% claim to be located in the United States. We show that restricting respondents to Master Workers and removing the US location requirement encourages Indian MTurkers to correctly self-report their location, helping to reduce anomalous responses among US respondents and to improve data quality. Based on these results, we outline key considerations for researchers seeking to maximize data quality while keeping costs low.
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Titarenko, M. L., and Ajoy Karnati. "Significance of Russia-China-India Cooperation in the Backdrop of Present Global and Regional Changes." China Report 41, no. 4 (October 2005): 379–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550504100403.
Full textAbstract:
The world is experiencing an intricate period of changes and new dimensions in international relations. Other issues prevalent in international life are the problems of international terrorism together with other modem challenges and threats including weapons of mass destruction. There have been official visits at state levels between Russia and India, between China and India and between Russia and China. Intensive political contacts and trade collaboration between our countries on a bilateral level have been significant developments in the present. An important event has been the trilateral meeting of the foreign ministers of India, China and Russia in Vladivostok. In a Joint Communiqué, it was highlighted that strategic cooperation between the three countries is not directed against any other country. Russia, India and China continue to look for effective ways of developing a constructive partnership with the United States. The vital issue today remains the problem of strengthening the leading role of the United Nations (UN), justified reformation of this organisation by considering the interests of majority of members of the world community. Russia, as well as its Indian and Chinese friends, continues to proceed from the fact that the central role of uniting the efforts of the world community in deciding the key issues must belong to the UN.
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Kondori, Amir, and Seyed Hossein Sadeghi. "Review of the nature of Iran's foreign policy in its constitution and its comparative study with other countries." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 72 (March 7, 2022): 856–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4072.52.
Full textAbstract:
Iran's constitution, which was drafted after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, was mainly influenced by Islamic ideology. In this constitution, foreign policy is one of the categories that is well considered and taking a text of a revolutionary nature and influenced by the ideological atmosphere of the regime, aims to draw up a special strategy in the foreign relations of the Persian country. Therefore, the purpose of reviewing the foundations and structure of the foreign policy of the Republic of Iran and, at the same time, explaining how it develops at the stage of approval and revision of its constitution prevails. In addition, a comparative study of Iran's foreign policy with some countries is carried out, among them: the United States, France, Turkey, and India. The method used was the documentary and was based on the interpretation of textual sources with descriptive and comparative techniques, together with the analysis of the content of the constitution. The findings show that Iran's foreign policy after the Islamic Revolution is based on Islamic principles and seeks interaction with all countries through friendly relations.
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van Noort, Carolijn, and Thomas Colley. "How do strategic narratives shape policy adoption? Responses to China's Belt and Road Initiative." Review of International Studies 47, no. 1 (November 10, 2020): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210520000388.
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AbstractStrategic narratives are increasingly considered important for domestic and international support for foreign policy. However, debate continues about why some strategic narratives successfully shape policy outcomes, while others are rejected. How states construct strategic narratives is well established. We know less about how states appropriate the strategic narratives of others, and the role this plays in policy adoption. Addressing this, we introduce a theoretical framework to trace the relationship between strategic narratives and policy adoption. Its central premise is that a state is more likely to adopt a new policy if it can strategically narrate about it in a way that promises material gain but without undermining its ontological security. We test our framework using states’ responses to China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Examining the Second Belt and Road Forum in 2019, we trace how far China's strategic narratives are appropriated by multiple states – Kazakhstan, Italy, United Kingdom, Netherlands, United States, India, and Mexico. Countries appropriate China's narrative emphasis on connectivity, trade, and prosperity. However, they contest that China's intentions are benign, based on its human rights record, assertive foreign policy, and fears of indebtedness. Finally, we discuss our framework's utility in explaining what makes strategic narratives persuasive in International Relations.
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Varma, Roli. "To Be or Not to Be on H-1B Visas: Engineers from India in the United States." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 19, no. 3 (September 8, 2020): 281–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341557.
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Abstract Foreign-born scientists and engineers are increasingly present in technology companies in the United States. Some of them are immigrants, that is, aliens admitted to the US for lawful permanent residence; others are non-immigrants, that is, aliens admitted to the US for a specific period of time for temporary work. Whether immigrant or non-immigrant, an overwhelming majority of foreign-born scientists and engineers enter the US technology sector through one single H-1B visa program. Using a case study of Indian engineers, this article shows different sub-paths of the H-1B visa program, which leads to significant differences in their immigration, work, and socio-economic experiences. The article is based on the secondary sources and 40 in-depth interviews conducted with Indian engineers working in US technology companies.
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Corell, Hans. "Third Legal Advisers’ Meeting at UN Headquarters in New York." American Journal of International Law 87, no. 2 (April 1993): 323–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203827.
Full textAbstract:
On October 26 and 27, 1992, a meeting was held of the heads of the offices responsible for international legal services of the foreign ministries of the member states of the United Nations—the Legal Advisers. The meeting—the third of its kind—was organized at the invitation of the Legal Advisers of Canada, India, Mexico, Poland and Sweden, and with the assistance of the Legal Counsel of the United Nations, Under-Secretary-General Carl-August Fleischhauer. Thirty Legal Advisers and sixteen of their deputies attended, together with nearly fifty other interested participants. All five colleagues representing the permanent members of the Security Council were present.
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Chuprii, Leonid. "China's Geopolitical Role in the Modern Globalized World." Ukrainian Studies, no. 2(83) (July 24, 2022): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.2(83).2022.261062.
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The article examines the strengthening of China’s foreign policy activity in the conditions of the activation of modern challenges. It is pointed out that today China is increasing its political, economic, and cultural influence in the world. It is noted that China is one of the fastest-growing economies in the world, it has become the largest exporter in the world, while also increasing imports. Thus, the average growth of Chinese exports in recent decades has increased by 5 times, and the growth of imports - by 4.7 times. It is emphasized that in response to China's economic growth in the West and some Asian countries, including Japan, the concept of the "Chinese threat" has emerged, the founders of which, believe that China has a negative impact on the Asian security system because of its increased economic growth and its desire to play a dominant role in the region, while not always taking into account the interests of other Asian countries. The peculiarities of the current foreign policy course of China are determined, in particular, it is noted that, as before, serious attention is paid to relations with the great states. Thus, Xi Jin Ping is in active contact with the United States, the European Union, and India. Significant emphasis is placed on a balanced foreign policy course. Much attention is paid to the BRICS countries, including Russia, India, and South Africa. China is also strengthening relations with developing countries. This is evidenced by Xi Jinping's visit to South Africa and the Countries of the Caribbean. Particular attention is paid to the Russian vector, which is aimed at jointly confronting the United States and NATO. It is emphasized that China's economic and geopolitical growth is also holding back several issues that need to be addressed. These are, first of all: incomplete transition to a market economy, excessive state intervention in the economy, in the banking sector, lack of rule of law, violation of human rights and freedoms, high dependence on exports, strong excess credit and growing debt, environmental problems.
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NETKHUNAKORN, CHANATTAPORN. "Thailand’s hedging strategy under the strategic competition between China and the United States." Berumpun: International Journal of Social, Politics, and Humanities 7, no. 1 (May 21, 2024): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/berumpun.v7i1.122.
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Thailand's foreign policy stance has shifted dramatically since the Prayuth regime staged a coup in 2014. The purpose of this study: 1) Complement and expand on the theoretical meaning of hedging strategy. 2) It can theoretically support Thailand in the face of strategic conflict between China and the United States. 3) Be aware of why Thailand implements a hedging strategy and know the specific performance of Thailand’s hedging strategy. 4) It will aid in the growth of Thailand's connections with the two big countries. 5) This article can provide certain reference for research related to Thailand’s diplomatic strategy. The method of this study adopts content documentary analysis, case analysis method, literature research and historical method. According to the findings of this study, Thailand has begun to tilt more toward requesting assistance from China in Prayuth goverment. Many researchers are concerned about Thailand's neutrality. However, Thailand has not yet vanished from the United States. Just a few steps removed from the Obama and Trump administrations. Thailand has begun to rebuild its old friendship with America as the Joe Biden era looms. But anyway Thailand cannot choose a side. Because Thailand is a reliable ally on both sides. This has caused the Prayut government to seek cooperation from other organizations and countries, including Japan, India, and ASEAN. Thailand has accelerated the development of economic links with Japan. Accelerate the political development of relations with India. and establishing ties with ASEAN and Southeastern countries in order to find a way for small countries to maintain their own interests as much as possible in the fight between the two superpowers. Although hedging techniques are currently the preferred option for smaller countries, the variables driving this strategy differ. In Thailand, the majority of the factors that influence hedging tactics originate within the country. But all bordering countries are influenced by foreign causes. As a result, Thailand has become another special case of hedging among ASEAN countries.
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Bayly, C. A. "South Asia and the ‘Great Divergence’." Itinerario 24, no. 3-4 (November 2000): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300014510.
Full textAbstract:
Indian nationalism was born out of the notion that India's poverty and backwardness was not a natural result of technical inferiority or inefficient use of resources, but that it was a consequence of colonial rule. Even before the development of scientific nationalist economics in the 1890s, the moralists of Young Bengal had called for a protectionist ‘national political economy’ on the lines advocated by Friedrich List in Germany, whom they had read as early as 1850. Bholanath Chandra asserted in 1873 that India had once been the greatest textile producer in the world and had initiated the industrial revolution. By 1970,.he predicted, Britain would be eclipsed by the United States and by India as the greatest industrial producers. This would be brought about by rigorous protectionism and by the growth of what he called ‘moral hostility’ to the consumption of foreign goods which had even polluted the materials used in the making of the sacred threads of orthodox Hindus. This emphasis on the culture of consumption and the structure of external economic relations was central to different varieties of Indian nationalist thought as they developed from Dadhabhai Naoroji through to Mahatma Gandhi.
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Lukin, A. "Shall We See «Demographic Peace»?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2011): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-4-79-88.
Full textAbstract:
The author discusses the relationships between the demographic processes taking place in the leading countries of the world, particularly the United States, Russia, India, countries in North-East Asia, and the prospects of the evolution of their domestic and foreign policies. The principal features of the great powers’ evolution are picked out, including steadily ageing of the population, slowing down of economic growth and even its absolute reduction. In the author’s view, in the future this will reduce the material possibilities and socio-psychological inclination of aging states to pursue power politics. This may contribute to the creation of preconditions for a “demographic peace”.
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Ishfaq, Uroosa, Kashif Ashfaq, and Wajeeha Aslam Khan. "An Analysis of Washington Role in South Asian Balance of Power." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 96–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-i).10.
Full textAbstract:
United States' long-term strategic interest in South Asia has made it a dynamic area for its foreign policy priorities. The cold war, the 9/11 incident, and the rise of China as a global power are the main factors responsible for U.S. involvement in the region. Over decades, the U.S. has under gone ups and downs in its relations with Pakistan and India to accomplish its strategic objectives.Against this backdrop, the paper examines the U.S. changing interests in South Asia, its attempts to fulfill its strategic objectives, its ties with India and Pakistan, and its role in the balance of power between Pakistan and India. While doing so, a descriptive-analytical method has been used to study and present facts with the optimum level of objectivity. The study's findings concluded that U.S. changing policy towards South Asia and its quest for containing the rising Chinese influence in Euro-Asia is playing a significant role in the balance of power between Pakistan and India.
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Chupriy, Leonid. "STRENGTHENING CHINA'S GEOPOLITICAL POTENTIAL IN THE CONDITIONS OF CURRENT CHALLENGES." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, no. 6 (2022): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2022/6-10/13.
Full textAbstract:
The article highlights the peculiarities of the development of China's geopolitical potential in the face of modern challenges. It is pointed out that today China is increasing its political, economic and cultural influence in the world. It is noted that China is one of the fastest growing economies in the world, it has become the largest exporter in the world, while also increasing imports. Thus, the average growth of Chinese exports in recent decades has increased 5 times, and the growth of imports – 4.7 times. It is emphasized that in response to China's economic growth in the West and in some Asian countries, including Japan, the concept of the "Chinese threat" has emerged, not always taking into account the interests of other Asian countries. The peculiarities of the current foreign policy course of China are determined, in particular, it is noted that serious attention is still paid to relations with the great powers. Yes, Xi Jin Ping is in active contact with the United States, the European Union and India. Significant emphasis is placed on a balanced foreign policy course. Much attention is paid to the BRICS countries, including Russia, India and South Africa. China is also strengthening relations with developing countries. This is evidenced by Xi Jinping's visit to South Africa and the Caribbean. Much attention is paid to the Russian vector, which is aimed at jointly confronting the United States and NATO. It is emphasized that China's economic and geopolitical growth is also holding back a number of issues that need to be addressed. These are, first of all: incomplete transition to a market economy, excessive state intervention in the economy, in the banking sector, lack of rule of law, violation of human rights and freedoms, high dependence on exports, strong excess credit and growing debt, environmental problems.
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Zulfiqar Ali, Usman. "Sino-US Contestation and Its Implications for South Asia." Academic Journal of Social Sciences (AJSS ) 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 017–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/ajss.2023.07011890.
Full textAbstract:
The United States and China are facing a contestation across the world as Beijing’s rise and its economic indicators show their emergence in global mainstream. There are apprehensions that it can pose a challenge to the US led liberal world order, formatting alternate mechanism of global governance. China is competing with US in global technological trade along with having flagship projects such as BRI containing 147 countries in it. US and its allies are also doing some counter measures in the form of B3W etc. to contain China yet faces no success. In South Asia, Pakistan and India are having multiple benefits from China such as the huge trade of technological equipment etc. as compared to the United States which is losing its place as a major trade partner. This has generated a test case scenario for the South Asian neighbours to pick either of the major powers. Earlier studies have claimed the growing tendencies of good relations between India and China, but lacked the topic on South Asia with respect to Sino-US rivalry as it is nascent debate in scholarly clubs. Meanwhile, Islamabad as well as New-Delhi find a prudent policy approach in longer future. In this way, using the qualitative techniques of data collection the paper addressed the rising question of Impacts on Foreign Policy of Pakistan and India in such a situation.
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Korzhevsky, A. S., V. V. Tolstykh, and I. A. Kopylov. "Modern development of the international system and its impact on the management of the national defense of the Russian Federation." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 5 (September 27, 2022): 348–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2205-02.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the current state of the system of international relations in the context of the transformation of the modern world order. It is determined that cardinal changes in the system of international relations occur due to the destructive policy of the collective West led by the United States, aimed at maintaining a unipolar world and dominance in the world political process. Under these conditions, the new centers of world development, to which the authors include Russia, China and India, tend to pursue an independent and uncontrolled foreign policy, which is not supported by Washington. It is noted that the confrontation between the leading centers of regional and world development for global leadership is accompanied by the destruction of the architecture of international security and the unleashing of a new arms race. It is stated that during the presidency of D. Trump, the United States, trying to stop the economic development of China, unleashed world sanctions wars, which resumed with the greatest force after the arrival of the new US President D. Biden and the start of a special military operation in Ukraine. It is determined that the sanctions wars gave rise to global risks, to which the authors include the destruction of the institutions of international law, the support of the West for organized transnational criminal groups in the areas of drug traffi cking and the organization of illegal migration, the fi nancing and support of the United States and its allies of terrorist and extremist organizations, radicals and Nazis. Numerous examples of numerous sanctions imposed against the Russian Federation in the political, economic, military, social, legal and other spheres of public life are given, which required the states to coordinate their actions to ensure the national security of the Russian Federation, and the federal executive authorities to develop and apply numerous countermeasures against them. The modern activities of the military-political leadership of the Russian Federation are analyzed, which made it possible to neutralize the main challenges and threats to the Russian state, increase the level of the country's defense capability, and protect the main spheres of public life of Russian society from the destructive impact of foreign policy factors. The results are summed up and the authors make a forecast about the further development of the system of international relations, as well as the place and role of the Russian Federation in them.
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Stankiewicz, Wojciech. "Indie – „wschodzące” mocarstwo XXI wieku." Studia Orientalne 6, no. 2 (2014): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/so2014208.
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The article states, that India’s policy is focused on deepening international economic relations at simultaneous strengthening political cooperation. State’s activity on a worldwide level manifests itself in the new perception of India through remaining powers. The constructive approach to the international cooperation intensifies political and economic transformations and enables to start a dialogue with powers from outside the region. Foreign policy of India aspires to achieve the world power position by means of: consolidating strategic partnership with United States of America, including nuclear and space cooperation; keeping the strategic partnership with Russia mainly on the military and energy basis; enhancing of the cooperation and/or competition with China in order to make India’s national economy the most dynamically developing in Asia and in the world. On it’s way to the position of superpower Republic of India will have to face many challenges. The increase in the power of the state depends on both: implementing free market reforms and effectiveness in fighting problems like poverty in society, a country’s budget deficit, the corruption or the bureaucracy in the Civil Service. A development of infrastructure and the privatization of the public sector will also be essential.
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Dr. Karim Haider Syed and Dr. Imran Khan. "Articles 370 and 371 of the Indian Constitution in the Context of Kashmir." sjesr 4, no. 1 (March 6, 2021): 286–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol4-iss1-2021(286-294).
Full textAbstract:
Occupied Jammu and Kashmir is not the only state in the Indian constitution with special status but in addition to Article 370, there is also an Article 371 in the Indian Constitution which has 10 sub-clauses that give special status to other 9 states and territories. The nature of relations of these states is explained in these clauses of article 371 which is very helpful to understand article 370 of the Indian constitution. As far as Kashmir and Article 370 are concerned, the Indian government of Narendra Modi has axed the Indian position itself as all other states with constitutional guarantees are suspicious about their future in the Indian union. By repealing Article 370, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has brought to an end the false or true annexation of Kashmir with India. Thus, if there was any annexation of Kashmir with India, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had cut down that relation on 5 August 2019. Article 370 is not a myth, it is a historical fact as Article 370 specifies that apart from Foreign Affairs, Defense, Communications and subsidiary matters (matters that were specified in the Instrument of Accession to India), in all other matters and subjects Parliament of India needs the approval of assembly of the people of Kashmir. Thus, Kashmir residents lived under a distinct set of laws, together with those linked to fundamental rights, citizenship, and ownership of property as compared to other citizens of India. Occupied Jammu and Kashmir were the only states to be stripped of its status of special unite of Indian federation. As of August 5, 2019, India had 29 states in principle, but with the repeal of Article 370, there are now 28 states. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s actions regarding Occupied Jammu and Kashmir have raised concerns in these 28 states especially the states with special status like Kashmir. These concerns and reservations will sow the seeds of insincerity in the Indian Union. Expressing concern over national security, the Indian Home Ministry spokesman said separatist activities were on the rise in 200 of the country's 600 districts. Not only separatist movements but racial conflicts and caste disputes have increased after the August 5 action in Kashmir. The main reason for this unrest in India is that the states with special status under article 370 and 371 have started to ponder the federation of India as a union that is established through a system of repression. In the intellectual circles, these development are not normal as intellectuals of India are not happy with the approach of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi as they are taking it dangerous for the federation of India that will be left with no confidence of the federating unite.
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Lee, Kihyun, Jangho Kim, and Yeon-jung Ji. "In-regime manager: China’s strategy against nuclear India." International Area Studies Review 24, no. 2 (June 2021): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22338659211019960.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines China’s strategy toward India’s emergence as a nuclear weapons state that reflects boundary work and delineates Beijing’s bond and boundaries of solidarity among member states in the nuclear nonproliferation regime. China’s preferred approach toward India is to maintain an asymmetrical position, to continue with a group-based resistance, and to leverage the scope of conflicts. While many previous studies indicate that China’s foreign policy toward India was an offshoot of a Cold War rivalry and its competition with the United States, with which we agree, this study explores how China’s India policy has shaped a border zone that requires a separate risk management approach. Our study has two findings: First, while Beijing perceives India’s threat as moderate, there has been an increase in New Delhi’s capability to create greater space for future bargaining tasks. Second, to keep India’s threat circumscribed, China has built a challenge-proof group arrangement that proposes a group-binding policy agenda, thus lowering the diplomatic cost for members in the current regime structure. Thus far, Beijing’s strategic action has been more cost-beneficial than India’s counterapproach. Overall, this case study indicates that a regime matters between two competing global powers.
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Ryazantsev, S. V., and L. S. Ruban. "GEOPOLITICAL TRANSFORMATION AND NEW TRENDS OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONDITIONS OF GLOBALIZATION." BULLETIN 2, no. 390 (April 15, 2021): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32014/2021.2518-1467.75.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the process of globalization and the role of the Russian Federation in this process. The relevance of considering the current stage of globalization is due to the strengthening of the inter-connectedness and interdependence of the world, which requires the improvement of interstate relations and mechanisms of global governance with the primacy of the economic aspect of the development of society in the conditions of the functioning of the global scale of production. The historiography presents the regulation of international relations from the Westphalian system (state-centrist model of the world) to the Vienna Congress and the attempt to create a system of collective security and regulation of international relations: to the League of Nations and the United Nations. The formation of global governance institutions is shown: the largest international intergovernmental organizations (UN, WTO, IMF, IBRD, G-8, G-20, etc.), the most important function of which is to determine the norms and rules of interstate interaction. The main idea of the authors of the article is to show the historical conditionality of the transition to a polycentric model of development, as it most fully meets the needs of society on a global scale. The main purpose of this work was to substantiate and confirm the characteristics of the role of Russia in the international arena at the present stage of development by empirical material obtained during international surveys of experts from sixteen APR countries (VIPs and decision-makers). Thus, among the current trends in global development, the authors highlight the dilemma globalism - sovereignty and the correlation of globalism - transregionalism, in particular, the concept of the Indian-Pacific region (Indo-Pacific) instead of the Asia-Pacific region, put forward by the United States, Japan, Australia and India and the concept of "One belt is one road ”, initiated by China. Another trans-regional structure, such as BRICS, remains largely insufficiently structured, institutionalized and little realized in the specific political and economic activities of the countries that gave the name to this abbreviation.
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KARTTUNEN, MARIANNA, and MICHAEL O. MOORE. "India–Solar Cells: Trade Rules, Climate Policy, and Sustainable Development Goals." World Trade Review 17, no. 2 (April 2018): 215–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745617000647.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIndia–Solar Cells is one of a growing number of WTO disputes that highlight the continuing tensions between climate change polices (and renewable energy manufacturing initiatives in particular) and established multilateral trading rules. The United States alleged that Indian policies discriminated against foreign solar cell suppliers operating in the Indian market. The Appellate Body broadly rejected India's arguments to justify the measure either under Article III.8 public procurement derogations or as a general exception under ‘short supply’ and ‘compliance with laws and regulations’ provision of Article XX of the GATT. We argue that the Appellate Body was correct both on legal and economic grounds. The case does highlight the continuing need for clarity about the allowed parameters for climate change policies within the multilateral trade system.