Academic literature on the topic 'United states, foreign relations, syria'
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Journal articles on the topic "United states, foreign relations, syria"
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Adigozelova, Meleyke. "US-Syria relations and specifics in the context of the second Iraq crisis." Scientific Bulletin 1, no. 1 (2021): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/vwdj8701.
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In this article the causes of the tensions, processes and consequences of the tensions between The United States and Syria will be explored. The second Iraqi crisis has sparked tensions between Syria and the United States-one of the leading countries in the Middle East. Although both sides try to relieve the current tensions, the development of the development of the cases has shown that it is impossible. In fact, it was expectable for Damascus that a superpower like the USA would be a continuation of the operations on the Syrian border. The decisive foreign policy course of the Assad government failed to prevent this interference.
2
Zavada, Yaryna. "Development of Syria-Iran Bilateral Relations in the 20-21st Centuries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.17-22.
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The article analyzes the evolution of Iranian-Syrian relations and describes their features. Iran and Syria are historically, politically and geographically related states, diplomatic relations between which were established in 1946. However, after the Islamic Revolution, in 1979 and the leadership of A. Khomeini, relations between the countries strengthened and began to develop rapidly. Because Syria was the first Arab country to diplomatically recognize the Islamic Republic of Iran and actively support Iran during the Iran-Iraq war of 1980-1988. It is worth to say that these two countries combine many factors, especially such as common interests and position on current regional issues and the presence of shared enemies. Оfficial Damascus and official Tehran consider themselves as part of the Middle East's "axis of resistance" of the defense alliance, thus responding to joint threats from Israel and the United States. The position and role of Iran in the civil war in Syria are highlighted. In fact, since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, Iran has provided political, economic and military support to Assad, and has since become a major player in the Syrian conflict. In the current context, Iranian leaders have described Syrian President Al-Assad as his main ally and are working hard to keep him in power. According to a study published by the Office of the US Special Envoy to Syria Staffan de Mistura, financial, military and economic assistance to Iran in Syria is estimated at about $ 6 billion USA per year. It is also investigated that Syria fully shares and supports the foreign policy of official Tehran and the active development of nuclear and missile programs. Syria strongly condemns the decision of former US President D. Trump to withdraw from the JCPOA and is in full solidarity with the leadership, government and people of Iran.
3
Mironowicz, Eugeniusz. "Rola Iranu, Iraku i Syrii w polityce białoruskiej." Politeja 15, no. 53 (June 30, 2018): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.53.07.
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The Role of Iran, Iraq and Syria in the Policy of the BelarusianRelations between Belarus and Iran, Iraq and Syria after 1998 took on the nature of political alliance. The factor connecting Belarus with these countries was their isolation by the West because of the policy of internal or foreign. Sanctions or restrictions imposed on these countries on the initiative or with the participation of the United States created an additional platform for Minsk agreements with Tehran, Baghdad and Damascus. Anti‑Americanism four countries has become a common feature of their foreign policy and defense cooperation. Closeness of political relations was accompanied by a desire to establish a broad economic cooperation between the four countries. At the beginning of 21st century it grew by leaps and bounds each year, the volume of trade between Belarus and Iran, Iraq and Syria. Level exchanges with Iran and Syria, however, quickly reached a level corresponding to the potential capabilities of the parties and far removed from the expectations of leaders. Any dealings with Iraq were interrupted as a result of the occupation of that country by the United States and the coalition.
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Pavlov, N., and K. Khderi. "German Federal Republic and Crisis in Syria: Active Mediator or Passive Observer?" World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 12 (2020): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-78-86.
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During the Cold War, the involvement of the Federal Republic of Germany into the settlement of regional conflicts was insignificant. The situation started to change after German reunification which lead to the increase in Germany’s role in the international arena. Political, diplomatic and economic instruments started to belong to the main features of German foreign policy in the region and created a positive image among the Arab countries. Today, at first sight, the Middle East does not belong to the top priorities of German foreign policy. However, in the foreign policy hierar¬chy, the region is among the top three after Europe and the United States, ahead of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Berlin’s increased focus on the Middle East is determined by a number of factors. Among them are German historical responsibility towards Jewish people and obligation to ensure Israel’s right to existence and security; dependence of the German economy on energy resources from the Arab countries; region’s proximity to Europe, and such arising threats as terrorism, illegal migration and regional conflicts. In its turn, regional conflicts are a unique opportunity for the Federal Republic of Germany to declare itself as an international mediator and to participate in peace processes on an equal footing with such world powers as the United States of America, Russian Federation or the People’s Republic of China. Maneuvering between the Arab countries and Israel, the United States and the European partners as well as explosive situation in the region lead to decreased efficiency of German policy towards the Arab countries. In such circumstances, is Berlin ready to assume the role of international mediator in this constantly sensitive region, or would it prefer to remain a passive observer? The analysis of Germany’s policy in the region in the context of the Syrian crisis will help to answer the above stated question.
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OYEN, MEREDITH. "Immigration Forum Comment: Foreign Relations and Migration." Journal of American Studies 50, no. 2 (March 31, 2016): 459–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875816000384.
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In the fall of 2015, a great debate began taking shape internationally and in the United States over how to reconcile foreign-policy interests, national security concerns, and a response to a profound refugee crisis emerging in Europe as a result of the conflict in Syria. World leaders vacillated, demagogues pontificated, and social media memes employed bad historical analogies to shame fellow citizens into action. Despite the sudden urgency, the arguments blasting from twenty-four-hour news stations and ill-drawn cartoons depicting seventeenth-century pilgrims as forlorn refugees given safe harbor by Native Americans at Plymouth Rock did not represent a new line of thinking in the longer history of international migration management. The public is once again debating how to balance humanitarianism against fear, and which sentiment should play the greater role in governing the decision to admit new migrants. As the papers in this forum ably show, policies, procedures, and perspectives on migration have always had an international-relations component that can trump the local concerns that often dominate domestic debates.
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Đukić, Anđelija, Dejan Vuletić, and Miloš Milenković. "The relations between Russia and Turkey in the context of contemporary international events." Vojno delo 74, no. 1 (2022): 1–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2201001d.
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In the context of international events, the relations between Russia and Turkey remain complex, although they are based on mutual recognition of security and other interests and cooperation that is mutually beneficial. The strained relations between Turkey and the United States, caused by disagreements in Syria and Turkish purchase of the S-400 missile system, have shown Turkey's growing commitment to a more independent foreign policy. Russia is under sanctions due to the annexation of Crimea and is an actor in the crisis over Ukraine due to the NATO threat of expansion to the Russian western borders, which escalated after the Russian recognition of the independence of the People's Republic of Donetsk and Lugansk (Donbas) and launching a "special military operation" in Donbas. In the foreign policy of Russia and Turkey and acting towards the third parties, their conflicting interests and providing direct or indirect support to parties to the conflict, without a direct conflict, are often present, which shapes their specific "competitive cooperation". The engagement of Turkey and Russia in Syria has proven to be effective, both in military operations and in mediating negotiations, which has reduced the influence of the United States and NATO in this area. The crisis management model implemented in Syria has not been successful in the Libyan crisis due to the Russian more passive attitude and greater influence of the Western powers and the UN mission. The common engagement in energy and military projects and technology transfer is an indicator of cooperation focused on the industries of strategic importance. The Russian interests in the NATO non-expansion and Turkey in entering the European Union markets can also have a positive effect on the current economic, political and security position of Serbia and the countries of the region.
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Zreik, Mohamad. "CHINA’S INVOLVEMENT IN THE SYRIAN CRISIS AND THE IMPLICATIONS OF ITS NEUTRAL STANCE IN THE WAR." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-1-56-65.
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China today is a powerful state and an influential player in the global arena, as was demonstrated during the Syrian crisis, when China took a counterposition to the United States’ stance in Syria and supported the Assad regime. Beijing put a veto on the international resolutions related to the Syrian crisis and abstained from voting, as it did in the past when dealing with the crises in the region. In a move that marked a new page in China’s foreign policy, Beijing backed what was known as the sixpoint plan, calling for a ceasefire and settlement of the crisis through internal dialogue and proclaiming the inviolability of Syrian national sovereignty. In a subsequent move, China sent its envoy Li Huaqing (former Chinese ambassador to Syria) to Damascus to encourage the initiation of a dialogue between government forces and opposition. Following that, China sent Assistant Foreign Minister Zhang Ming (who had previously visited Egypt, Saudi Arabia and France) to the region to discuss ways of approaching the Syrian crisis. For the first time in its modern history, China renounced its policy of non-interference in crises outside its direct interests and immediate geopolitical space. The following paper will focus on China’s stance in the Syrian crisis (supporting its peaceful settlement and keeping equal distance from all the parties in the conflict) and the future of Sino-Syrian relations based on the common history of the two countries.
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McFaul, Michael. "Putin, Putinism, and the Domestic Determinants of Russian Foreign Policy." International Security 45, no. 2 (October 2020): 95–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00390.
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Why did Russia's relations with the West shift from cooperation a few decades ago to a new era of confrontation today? Some explanations focus narrowly on changes in the balance of power in the international system, or trace historic parallels and cultural continuities in Russian international behavior. For a complete understanding of Russian foreign policy today, individuals, ideas, and institutions—President Vladimir Putin, Putinism, and autocracy—must be added to the analysis. An examination of three cases of recent Russian intervention (in Ukraine in 2014, Syria in 2015, and the United States in 2016) illuminates the causal influence of these domestic determinants in the making of Russian foreign policy.
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Stanton, Andrea L. "The Lion in Spring? Three Takes on Syria through the Presidential Lens." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i2.1618.
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Alan George, Syria: Neither Bread Nor Freedom. London and New York:Zed Books, 2003; Flynt Leverett, Inheriting Syria: Bashar’s Trial by Fire.Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 2005; David Lesch, The NewLion of Damascus: Bashar al-Asad and Modern Syria. New Haven: YaleUniversity Press, 2005.Since Hafez al-Asad’s death in June 2000, Syria has spent more time in theinternational spotlight than perhaps ever before, due primarily to the Bushadministration’s interest in the country’s relations with four of its neighbors:Iran, Iraq, Israel, and Lebanon. This interest has spurred the publication ofseveral “contemporary issues” books analyzing the country’s political situationand aimed at English-speaking policymaking, analyst, diplomatic, andjournalistic communities in the United States and elsewhere. Three of themost talked-about analyses are Alan George’s Syria: Neither Bread NorFreedom, Flynt Leverett’s Inheriting Syria: Bashar’s Trial by Fire, andDavid Lesch’s The New Lion of Damascus: Bashar al-Asad and ModernSyria. These three books have become well-known “recommended reads”for policymakers working on Syria and have circulated around the Europeanand American diplomatic, non-governmental organization (NGO), and businesscircles in Damascus.Like most of the books published on Syria since the 1970s, these threefocus on the president, and for good reason: the intense presidential personalitycult that characterized Syria under Hafez al-Asad (reigned 1971-2000) has continued into his son Bashar’s presidency, albeit in a softened form(fewer photos in public places and less frenzied “great leader” rhetoric).Those looking to explain current Syrian policies and to forecast future developmentsdo so by concentrating their analyses on the president – in this case,the son of the legendary and much-scrutinized Hafez. The transition from aregime led by a man about whom decades of information and analysis hadbeen collected to one led by his relatively unknown son has produced asense of uncertainty and lack of knowledge among American policymakers,foreign service officials, and journalists. For many seeking to understandSyria’s present and likely future, the primary questions to answer are: Whois Bashar and what has influenced his development as a political leader?What are his objectives as regards ideological, domestic, and foreign relationsconcerns? How strong is he vis-à-vis other regime officials, and whatcapacity does he have to make his objectives prevail? ...
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Melkumyan, E. S. "Israel in Foreign Policy of the United Arab Emirates: from Confrontation to Normalization." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-2-77-107-118.
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The article analyzes the transformation of the UAE policy towards Israel. Special at- tention is paid to the development of the country’s foreign policy priorities amid consolida- tion of the federal state. Strengthening relations with the Arab states during the first decades of the UAE history, participation in the Arab League, which consolidated the states of the Arab world, support of its opposition to Israel were the factors determining the anti-Israeli policy of the Emirates. The official position of the UAE was formulated under the influence of pan-Arab rhetoric and in no way differed from the position reflected in the documents of the Arab League summits. The peace process around the Arab-Israeli conflict launched since the 1991 in the framework of the Madrid Peace Conference did not result in the establish- ment of contacts between the UAE and Israel. The adjustment of Emirates’ foreign policy began after the aggravation in the Middle East, when countries such as Syria, Yemen and Libya were engulfed in conflicts. During this period, the Arab-Israeli conflict gradually lost its central role for the Arab world; the states of the Persian Gulf began to establish contacts with Israel, united by common fears about the strengthening Iran. The article discussed the path of stabilization between the United Arab Emirates and Israel including the role of their informal ties. The normalization between the UAE and Israel, outlined in August 2020 with the active participation of the United States, gave impetus to the establishment of relations between the two countries in various areas of mutual interest. The article traces the connec- tion between the specific areas of cooperation with Israel and those which were set byа Abu Dhabi as the key priorities of its national strategic development.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United states, foreign relations, syria"
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Pettersson, Emelie. "An analysis of foreign involvement within the Syria conflict. : Why had the United States and Russia a foreign interest in Syria." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90883.
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This study offers an alternative analysis of the current literature regarding foreign involvement in the Syria civil war. The initials briefly describe the current situation in Syria, international relations and why the conflict is interesting to analyse from a scientific standpoint. The relevant actors and theoretical construction are also introduced. In the previous research chapter, the current research is presented concerning the global superpowers as well as the interventions that have taken place in Syria. In the theory chapter realism and liberalism are presented, and a number of important factors are discussed. In the result, the decisions and events that have taken place during the conflict in Syria is analysed through the lens of previous named theories. The actors studied are the USA and Russia. There are both realistic and liberalist elements in the decisions made by the actors. The final part of the essay discusses the result. The underlying interest of the players largely determines which decision is ultimately taken. Moreover, there are underlying tones of realism even in clearly liberalistic decisions.
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Shivnani, Annushka. "The Perfect Storm: Failures of U.S. Foreign Policy and the Disintegration of U.S.-Russian Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1711.
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This paper examines the broader relationship between the United States and Russia since the end of the Cold War. In recent years, relations between the U.S. and Russia have seriously deteriorated. This thesis lists the four most important contributing factors: ineffective reforms of the 1990s, NATO’s continued expansion, escalation in Ukraine, and the failure to jointly address the Syrian conflict. It argues that one major consequence of the strained relationship is a stronger Russia-China partnership. If Washington continues to ignore Russia’s security and economic interests, relations are likely to further decline, harming U.S. objectives in the long term. In order to improve relations, this thesis recommends that the U.S. transform its existing NATO policy, reverse sanctions, and reorient U.S. foreign policy to focus less on Russia’s non-democratic system of government and more on geopolitical issues, such as coordinating measures with Moscow to stabilize Syria.
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Tigrak, Fatih. "Conflict And Cooperation: Syria-united States Relations Through 1970-2011." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615132/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the dynamics of bilateral relationship between the United States of America and Syrian Arab Republic from Hafez Asad&rsquos grasp of power in 1970 to the latest domestic uprising of 2011. The relationship will be considered under three main vectors
struggle over Lebanon, tensions regarding peace process and Israel, and rogue statehood of Syria attributed by the United States.
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Stevens, Bron. "President Carter and the Egypt-Israeli rapprochement." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114551.
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On 17 September 1978 Egypt and Israel signed the Camp David Accords}
these provided -frameworks within which a comprehensive peace and an
Egypt-Israel treaty could be negotiated. The Accords were heralded as
a breakthrough in the search -for peace in the Middle East and a
demonstration o-f the supreme power o-f the United States in the region.
The crucial American role in negotiating these Accords was the
culmination of a trend, exhibited as early as the Eisenhower
administration, as the United States became the only power able to
influence Israe1. Such inf1uence was best exerted directly by the
President; the Camp David Accords were a direct consequence of the
personal intervention of President Carter. Yet the Accords fell far
short of the comprehensive peace the Carter administration originally
sought and claimed to have achieved. Israel remains surrounded by
hostile neighbours, involved in intermittent wars and in occupation of
over one million unwilling Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza. The
weaknesses of the Accords and the hostile reception they received among
even 'moderate’ Arab regimes reflects the limitations on US power to
influence Israel or the Arabs.
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Nocetti, Julien. "La Russie de Vladimir Poutine au Moyen-Orient : analyses d'une ambition de "retour" (2000-2013)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCF007.
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Le Moyen-Orient représente un « Sud » souvent occulté dans l’analyse de la politique étrangère de la Russie. Or, la politique de Moscou au Moyen-Orient constitue un indicateur souvent révélateur des dynamiques, des atouts et des limites de la puissance russe. Sur la période étudiée (2000-2013), la poursuite d’objectifs « rationnels » – maximisation de la sécurité de l’État dans un système international perçu comme anarchique – n’exclut pas une quête identitaire éclairant la manière dont la Russie se perçoit au monde, souvent en opposition à l’Occident. Notre recherche interroge ainsi le réinvestissement du Moyen-Orient par la Russie de Vladimir Poutine en se penchant sur les logiques internes et extérieures de la politique russe. D’une part, à sa prise de fonctions, Vladimir Poutine est ainsi confronté au double défi d’éviter la polarisation ethnique et religieuse de la population russe et d’améliorer l’image de la Russie dans le monde arabo-musulman après les guerres de Tchétchénie. D’autre part, le Moyen-Orient reste le lieu traditionnel de l’affirmation de la puissance russe. À travers les grands dossiers sécuritaires de la région, Moscou jauge celle-ci à l’aune de l’Occident, en particulier des États-Unis, tout en faisant le pari, depuis la crise financière internationale et la guerre de Géorgie en 2008, d’un déclin inexorable de la puissance américaine. À partir de 2011, les « printemps arabes » révèlent une politique russe conservatrice par instinct, prudente dans son exécution, faite de manœuvres et de compromis si nécessaire et privilégiant les partenariats tactiques aux alliances contraignantesA highly and recurrent belligerent region, the Middle East represents a “South” which is often neglected in the study of Russian foreign policy. However, Moscow’s policy in the Middle East constitutes a particularly relevant indicator of the dynamics, assets, and limits of the Russian power. In our study period (2000-2013) the pursuit of “rational” objectives – the maximization of the state’s security within an international system perceived as anarchic – does not exclude an identity quest which enlightens the way Russia sees itself in the world, often in opposition to the West. Our research thus questions the reinvestment of the Middle East by Vladimir Putin’s Russia by addressing both the domestic and external rationales of Russian policy there. Once elected president in 2000, Vladimir Putin faced the twofold challenge of preventing an ethnic and religious polarization of the Russian population, and of improving Russia’s image in the Arab-Muslim world after the two wars fought in Chechnya. On the other side, the Middle East remains the traditional area for asserting Russia’s power. Through the main security issues in the region, Moscow mainly gauges the Middle East with regard to the West, most notable the United States, while betting, since the world financial crisis and the Georgia war in 2008, an inexorable decline of the American power. Since 2011, the “Arab Spring” uprisings have revealed a conservative by instinct and a cautious in its execution Russian policy, made of maneuvers and compromises if necessary and favoring tactic partnerships to constraining alliances
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Marks, Martha Staley. "United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II." PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.
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This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.
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Thompson, Maximillian. "Making friends : amity in American foreign policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:314db049-15df-4c1d-8a58-feaad76b1c28.
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This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.
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Blumel, Christina M. "A comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy in Iran and the Philippines." PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4295.
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This paper is a comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy towards Iran and the Philippines. The question which prompted this research topic was simple: why was the outcome for the United States so different in terms of subsequent relations with each state after the downfall of the Shah and Ferdinand Marcos? Both leaders were important U.S. allies in strategic states that had benefited from foreign aid. Opposition groups in each state resented this support of their repressive leaders. Unlike Iran, good relations with the Philippines continued during the Aquino presidency, without the resentment and mistrust which prevented good relations after the Shah's departure.
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Riley, Joseph. "Hedging engagement : America's neoliberal strategy for managing China's rise in the post-Cold War era." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:307b4b67-77d0-40f3-bcfc-26d9598aa6bb.
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This thesis examines America's post-Cold War relations with China in the context of the neoliberal vs. neorealist debate. It concludes that neorealism - the dominant school of thought in the international relations literature - is incapable of explaining America's response to China's rise in the post-Cold War era. Because America was the leading global power and China was its most obvious potential rival, a neorealist theory that prioritized the distribution of relative power would anticipate this relationship to be a most-likely case for American policymakers to pursue containment and prioritize relative gains. However, I leverage insights from more than 100 personal interviews to demonstrate that in reality American leaders have overwhelmingly preferred a strategy of neoliberal engagement with China that has remained decidedly positive-sum in nature. My explanation for this consistent, bipartisan preference is that American policymakers have not adopted the neorealist assumption that conflict is inevitable between existing and rising great powers. As a result, policymakers have not focused exclusively on how to minimize the relative costs of a potential conflict with China by trying to contain China's relative power and limit America' exposure to China (as they did with the Soviet Union in the Cold War). Instead, policymakers have subscribed to the neoliberal belief that conflict can be avoided, and that increasing engagement and interdependence is the best strategy to maintain peace. They have pursued this strategy despite acknowledging that engagement and interdependence have increased the costs of a potential conflict by helping to facilitate China's rise in both an absolute and relative sense, and by increasing America's exposure to China. This thesis helps to define the differences between hedging and containing strategies. It argues that while relative material power is often important in deciding whether to hedge or not hedge, these purely material calculations play no role in decisions of whether to pursue containment or engagement. Instead, the decision to contain or not hinges on the target state's behavior and what that reveals about the regime's underlying intentions. Within this new framework, I argue that American policymakers' strategy has been to engage China economically while simultaneously hedging militarily. Furthermore, to the extent that American policymakers have expressed increased concerns about China in recent years, this has been primarily a consequence of China's increased assertiveness - not changes in its relative power.
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McKercher, Asa. "Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.
Full textBooks on the topic "United states, foreign relations, syria"
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Syria. Farmington Hills, Michigan: Greenhaven Press, A part of Gale, Cengage Learning, 2015.
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The United States and Arab nationalism: The Syrian case, 1953-1960. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1996.
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Lesch, David W. Syria and the United States: Eisenhower's Cold War in the Middle East. Boulder: Westview Press, 1992.
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Lesch, David W. Syria and the United States: Eisenhower's Cold War in the Middle East. Boulder: Westview Press, 1992.
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Syria, the United States, and the war on terror in the Middle East. Westport, Conn: Praeger Security International, 2006.
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In the lion's den: An eyewitness account of Washington's battle with Syria. Chicago, Ill: Lawrence Hill Books, 2011.
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Rabil, Robert G. Syria, the United States, and the war on terror in the Middle East. Westport, CT: Praeger Security International, 2005.
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Brookings Institution. Saban Center for Middle East Policy., ed. Damascus, Jerusalem, and Washington: The Syrian-Israeli relationship as a U.S. policy issue. Washington, DC: Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution, 2009.
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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations. Syria: U.S. policy directions : hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Eighth Congress, first session, October 30, 2003. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2004.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "United states, foreign relations, syria"
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Ahmadian, Hassan, and Payam Mohseni. "Iran’s Syria Strategy: The Evolution of Deterrence." In NL ARMS, 231–60. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-419-8_13.
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AbstractIran has been a critical player in the Syrian war since 2011, crafting a complex foreign policy and military strategy to preserve its Syrian ally. What have been the drivers of Iranian decision-making in this conflict? And how has Iranian strategy evolved over the course of the war? This chapter argues that the logic of deterrence has been fundamental not just for shaping the contours of Iran–Syria relations since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, but also for determining the overall trajectory of Iranian strategy in the Syrian war. The authors outline Iran’s decision-making calculus and divide the country’s strategy on Syria after the Arab Spring into four primary phases: (1) a ‘Basij’ strategy to establish local militias in Syria; (2) a regionalization strategy to incorporate transnational fighters and militias in the war effort; (3) an internationalization strategy to incorporate Russia and balance the United States; and (4) a post-ISIS deterrence strategy to balance against the United States, Turkey and Israel. Iran’s Syria strategy progressively escalated in response to the possible defeat of its ally and the deterioration of its forward deterrence capacities against the United States and Israel. Today, the potential for direct inter-state conflict is rising as proxy warfare declines and Iran attempts to maintain the credibility of its forward deterrence.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo, and Andrew T. H. Tan. "China's relations with the United States." In China's Foreign Policy, 84–101. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-8.
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Ninkovich, Frank. "The United States and Imperialism." In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 79–102. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch6.
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Tunsjø, Øystein. "China and the United States in a new bipolar system." In US–China Foreign Relations, 41–49. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-5.
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Rivas, Darlene. "United States-Latin American Relations, 1942-1960." In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 230–54. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch14.
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Burchill, Scott. "United States Foreign Policy: Radical Islam and the West." In Misunderstanding International Relations, 107–32. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1936-9_7.
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Ferguson, Yale H., and Richard W. Mansbach. "Expanding Chinese influence and China-United States relations." In Foreign Policy Issues for America, 45–57. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies in US foreign policy: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351186872-4.
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Hahn, Peter L. "The United States and the Middle East since 1967." In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 375–86. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch20.
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Shoup, Laurence H. "Council on Foreign Relations and United States Imperialism." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_114-1.
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Shoup, Laurence H. "Council on Foreign Relations and United States Imperialism." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 470–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-9_114.
Full textConference papers on the topic "United states, foreign relations, syria"
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Toprak, Nuri Gökhan. "From Embargo to Blockade: An Evaluation of the United States Sanctions against Iran in the Context of the Use of Economic Impact Tools in Foreign Poli." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02219.
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The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.
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شریف اسماعیل, سركوت. "The impact of the foreign relations of the Iraqi state on the Anfal operations, (America) is a model." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/15.
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"The Anfal crime of 1988 was a series of political, military and propaganda campaigns carried out by Saddam's Ba'athist regime against a part of the Kurdish people.In this process, all the means of genocide were used, from killing, slaughter, arrest, expulsion and expulsion to the demolition of houses, burning of fields and gardens and looting of their livestock and belongings. The Ba'ath regime's excuse for this crime was nothing but religious and political propaganda that the Kurdish nation had deviated from Islam and had turned against the state These excuses were to justify his crime because the process was named after a chapter of the Holy Qur'an, which was Anfal. For such a big and heinous crime, of course, you have to make all the internal and external factors available before you start, because without the availability of both factors, it would have been impossible for such a big and important process to succeed Therefore, Saddam's Ba'athist regime had secured international and external factors along with the availability of domestic factors to a good extent, so it carried out the process in such a comprehensive and widespread manner. The United States, which was one of the most powerful and influential countries of the time, had a strong relationship with Saddam and the Iraqi government in all political, military, economic and other aspects The Americans, who served Saddam Hussein's regime in the success of the Anfal process, not only provided military and logistical assistance to the Iraqi government, but also provided intelligence assistance to the regime On the other hand, for the sake of the Ba'ath and Saddam regimes, he had cut off all kinds of cooperation from the Kurds and refused to even welcome the Kurdish representatives when they wanted to convey the truth about the Anfal crime to the US and the world.This was one of the reasons why Saddam's regime was protected from international condemnation and prosecution thanks to its cooperation and strong ties with the Americans."
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Widyarta, Mohammad. "Foreign Aid and Modern Architecture in Indonesia: Intersecting Cold War Relations and Funding for the Fourth Asian Games, 1962." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4014p90ju.
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Between 1950 and 1965, foreign aid played a crucial role within the Indonesian economy. With the Cold War as a backdrop, this aid came from both Western and Eastern blocs with the intention of drawing Indonesia into their spheres of influence. The aid also played a crucial role in the development of architecture in the archipelago. A major endeavour within this period was the construction of buildings and venues for the Fourth Asian Games to be held in Jakarta in 1962 which involved a new stadium, an international-standard hotel and a large by-pass road around part of the city. Financial and technical aid from the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States was obtained to realise these projects. All the while, the Asian Games, along with the modern structures constructed for the event, provided Indonesia an opportunity to advance its own agenda, which was to construct a sense of self-confidence and national pride and to situate itself as a leader among decolonised nations. Nevertheless, foreign financial and technical aid played an important role in the realisation of these projects. The availability of foreign aid was intrinsically tied to President Ahmad Sukarno’s ability to play the interests of all sides. This paper examines plans and preparations for the Fourth Asian Games as a case of engagement between the two Cold War blocs with Indonesia in the middle. By focusing on the key building projects for the Games, the paper reveals the role of foreign aid in the development of architecture in Indonesia during a critical period in its post-war and post-independence formation. This development took place through the interaction of different interests—those of the Western Bloc, the Eastern Bloc, and Indonesia—in the midst of the Cold War and decolonisation period. A glimpse into the interaction may suggest a case of competition. However, examination of the three projects indicates that it was a case of multipolar collaboration instead.
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Karatalov, Omurbek. "Open Economy and Economic Integration within the Framework of Eurasia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00633.
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The Kyrgyz Republic economy openness is studied within the framework of the Eurasia. Insufficient level of the financial and economic standing of Kyrgyzstan is clarified. Reasons for Governmental regulating use in the area of monetary, tax and budget policy in USA have been set up. Conditions of the development of industrial countries economy are under consideration. The necessity of financialisation of all capital of country is defined. Kyrgyzstan public budget’s permanent deficiency formation reasons are studied. A necessity of integration economic relations development within the framework of Eurasia is offered. A necessity of sustainable economic relations establishment as well as finding solution for external debt between Kyrgyzstan and Russia have been justified. It is recommended to strengthen effective fight against a scale corruption, «shadow» economy and criminalization of economy and finances. The increase of efficiency and responsibility of top managers of the public administration level have been offered. The necessity of the independent mastering of own gold-mining fields is justified. The need to attract the foreign direct investments to the area of mining and processing industry have been offered. Within the framework of acceleration of economic integration. Needs for the development of exploring and processing of hydrocarbons as well as building of large economic entities especially the hydroelectric power stations, namely Kambar-Ata-1 Hydro-Power Plants have been suggested. By this it is also suggested to Russia to develop this as strategic partner of Kyrgyzstan. Creation of integral customs system and energy cooperation suggested. It should be supported by establishment of unique equivalent among Eurasia states. By this it is to be possible to find acceptable solutions in finance and economy and to form a united economic cooperation considering a sovereignty of each state. It is necessary to develop the identical financial reporting of point-of-sale and payment balances, balance of international investments, compliable national republics and on the whole on Eurasia. To walk away from the calculation and actual use of dollar of the USA in finance and economic operations. Based on econometric prognosis of gross internal product and the public budget of Kyrgyzstan is made calculating on the per to 2025 year.
Reports on the topic "United states, foreign relations, syria"
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Lewis, Dustin, ed. Database of States’ Statements (August 2011–October 2016) concerning Use of Force in relation to Syria. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, May 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/ekmb4241.
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Many see armed conflict in Syria as a flashpoint for international law. The situation raises numerous unsettling questions, not least concerning normative foundations of the contemporary collective-security and human-security systems, including the following: Amid recurring reports of attacks directed against civilian populations and hospitals with seeming impunity, what loss of legitimacy might law suffer? May—and should—states forcibly intervene to prevent (more) chemical-weapons attacks? If the government of Syria is considered unwilling or unable to obviate terrorist threats from spilling over its borders into other countries, may another state forcibly intervene to protect itself (and others), even without Syria’s consent and without an express authorization of the U.N. Security Council? What began in Daraa in 2011 as protests escalated into armed conflict. Today, armed conflict in Syria implicates a multitude of people, organizations, states, and entities. Some are obvious, such as the civilian population, the government, and organized armed groups (including designated terrorist organizations, for example the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS). Other implicated actors might be less obvious. They include dozens of third states that have intervened or otherwise acted in relation to armed conflict in Syria; numerous intergovernmental bodies; diverse domestic, foreign, and international courts; and seemingly innumerable NGOs. Over time, different states have adopted wide-ranging and diverse approaches to undertaking measures (or not) concerning armed conflict in Syria, whether in relation to the government, one or more armed opposition groups, or the civilian population. Especially since mid-2014, a growing number of states have undertaken military operations directed against ISIS in Syria. For at least a year-and-a-half, Russia has bolstered military strategies of the Syrian government. At least one state (the United States) has directed an operation against a Syrian military base. And, more broadly, many states provide (other) forms of support or assistance to the government of Syria, to armed opposition groups, or to the civilian population. Against that backdrop, the Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict (HLS PILAC) set out to collect states’ statements made from August 2011 through November 2016 concerning use of force in relation to Syria. A primary aim of the database is to provide a comparatively broad set of reliable resources regarding states’ perspectives, with a focus on legal parameters. A premise underlying the database is that through careful documentation of diverse approaches, we can better understand those perspectives. The intended audience of the database is legal practitioners. The database is composed of statements made on behalf of states and/or by state officials. For the most part, the database focuses on statements regarding legal parameters concerning use of force in relation to Syria. HLS PILAC does not pass judgment on whether each statement is necessarily legally salient for purposes of international law. Nor does HLS PILAC seek to determine whether a particular statement may be understood as an expression of opinio juris or an act of state practice (though it might be).
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Barton, Frederick D. Testimony: Statement of Frederick D. Barton, Senior Fellow and Director, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Center for Strategic and International Studies, before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate on Accelerating Economic Progress in Iraq"". Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, July 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada438876.
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Burniske, Jessica, Dustin Lewis, and Naz Modirzadeh. Suppressing Foreign Terrorist Fighters and Supporting Principled Humanitarian Action: A Provisional Framework for Analyzing State Practice. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, October 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/nrmd2833.
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In 2014, reports suggested that a surge of foreign jihadists were participating in armed conflicts in Syria, Iraq, and elsewhere. The United Nations Security Council responded by imposing in Resolution 2178 (2014) an array of obligations on member states to counter the threat posed by “foreign terrorist fighters” (FTFs). In the intervening year, those states have taken a range of actions — though at various speeds and with varying levels of commitment — to implement the FTF obligations imposed by the Council. Meanwhile, many states continue to fund and otherwise throw their support behind life-saving humanitarian relief for civilians in armed conflicts around the world — including conflicts involving terrorists. Yet, in recent years, members of the humanitarian community have been increasingly aware of the real, perceived, and potential impacts of counterterrorism laws on humanitarian action. Part of their interest stems from the fact that certain counterterrorism laws may, intentionally or unintentionally, adversely affect principled humanitarian action, especially in regions where terrorist groups control territory (and thus access to civilians, too). The effects of these laws may be widespread — ranging from heightened due diligence requirements on humanitarian organizations to restrictions on travel, from greater government scrutiny of national and regional staff of humanitarian organizations to decreased access to financial services and funding. Against that backdrop, this briefing report has two aims: first, to provide a primer on the most salient issues at the intersection of counterterrorism measures and humanitarian aid and assistance, with a focus on the ascendant FTF framing. And second, to put forward, for critical feedback and assessment, a provisional methodology for evaluating the following question: is it feasible to subject two key contemporary wartime concerns — the fight against FTFs and supporting humanitarian aid and assistance for civilians in terrorist-controlled territories — to meaningful empirical analysis?
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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.
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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.