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1
Adigozelova, Meleyke. "US-Syria relations and specifics in the context of the second Iraq crisis." Scientific Bulletin 1, no. 1 (2021): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/vwdj8701.
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In this article the causes of the tensions, processes and consequences of the tensions between The United States and Syria will be explored. The second Iraqi crisis has sparked tensions between Syria and the United States-one of the leading countries in the Middle East. Although both sides try to relieve the current tensions, the development of the development of the cases has shown that it is impossible. In fact, it was expectable for Damascus that a superpower like the USA would be a continuation of the operations on the Syrian border. The decisive foreign policy course of the Assad government failed to prevent this interference.
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Zavada, Yaryna. "Development of Syria-Iran Bilateral Relations in the 20-21st Centuries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.17-22.
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The article analyzes the evolution of Iranian-Syrian relations and describes their features. Iran and Syria are historically, politically and geographically related states, diplomatic relations between which were established in 1946. However, after the Islamic Revolution, in 1979 and the leadership of A. Khomeini, relations between the countries strengthened and began to develop rapidly. Because Syria was the first Arab country to diplomatically recognize the Islamic Republic of Iran and actively support Iran during the Iran-Iraq war of 1980-1988. It is worth to say that these two countries combine many factors, especially such as common interests and position on current regional issues and the presence of shared enemies. Оfficial Damascus and official Tehran consider themselves as part of the Middle East's "axis of resistance" of the defense alliance, thus responding to joint threats from Israel and the United States. The position and role of Iran in the civil war in Syria are highlighted. In fact, since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, Iran has provided political, economic and military support to Assad, and has since become a major player in the Syrian conflict. In the current context, Iranian leaders have described Syrian President Al-Assad as his main ally and are working hard to keep him in power. According to a study published by the Office of the US Special Envoy to Syria Staffan de Mistura, financial, military and economic assistance to Iran in Syria is estimated at about $ 6 billion USA per year. It is also investigated that Syria fully shares and supports the foreign policy of official Tehran and the active development of nuclear and missile programs. Syria strongly condemns the decision of former US President D. Trump to withdraw from the JCPOA and is in full solidarity with the leadership, government and people of Iran.
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Mironowicz, Eugeniusz. "Rola Iranu, Iraku i Syrii w polityce białoruskiej." Politeja 15, no. 53 (June 30, 2018): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.53.07.
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The Role of Iran, Iraq and Syria in the Policy of the BelarusianRelations between Belarus and Iran, Iraq and Syria after 1998 took on the nature of political alliance. The factor connecting Belarus with these countries was their isolation by the West because of the policy of internal or foreign. Sanctions or restrictions imposed on these countries on the initiative or with the participation of the United States created an additional platform for Minsk agreements with Tehran, Baghdad and Damascus. Anti‑Americanism four countries has become a common feature of their foreign policy and defense cooperation. Closeness of political relations was accompanied by a desire to establish a broad economic cooperation between the four countries. At the beginning of 21st century it grew by leaps and bounds each year, the volume of trade between Belarus and Iran, Iraq and Syria. Level exchanges with Iran and Syria, however, quickly reached a level corresponding to the potential capabilities of the parties and far removed from the expectations of leaders. Any dealings with Iraq were interrupted as a result of the occupation of that country by the United States and the coalition.
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Pavlov, N., and K. Khderi. "German Federal Republic and Crisis in Syria: Active Mediator or Passive Observer?" World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 12 (2020): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-78-86.
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During the Cold War, the involvement of the Federal Republic of Germany into the settlement of regional conflicts was insignificant. The situation started to change after German reunification which lead to the increase in Germany’s role in the international arena. Political, diplomatic and economic instruments started to belong to the main features of German foreign policy in the region and created a positive image among the Arab countries. Today, at first sight, the Middle East does not belong to the top priorities of German foreign policy. However, in the foreign policy hierar¬chy, the region is among the top three after Europe and the United States, ahead of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Berlin’s increased focus on the Middle East is determined by a number of factors. Among them are German historical responsibility towards Jewish people and obligation to ensure Israel’s right to existence and security; dependence of the German economy on energy resources from the Arab countries; region’s proximity to Europe, and such arising threats as terrorism, illegal migration and regional conflicts. In its turn, regional conflicts are a unique opportunity for the Federal Republic of Germany to declare itself as an international mediator and to participate in peace processes on an equal footing with such world powers as the United States of America, Russian Federation or the People’s Republic of China. Maneuvering between the Arab countries and Israel, the United States and the European partners as well as explosive situation in the region lead to decreased efficiency of German policy towards the Arab countries. In such circumstances, is Berlin ready to assume the role of international mediator in this constantly sensitive region, or would it prefer to remain a passive observer? The analysis of Germany’s policy in the region in the context of the Syrian crisis will help to answer the above stated question.
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OYEN, MEREDITH. "Immigration Forum Comment: Foreign Relations and Migration." Journal of American Studies 50, no. 2 (March 31, 2016): 459–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875816000384.
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In the fall of 2015, a great debate began taking shape internationally and in the United States over how to reconcile foreign-policy interests, national security concerns, and a response to a profound refugee crisis emerging in Europe as a result of the conflict in Syria. World leaders vacillated, demagogues pontificated, and social media memes employed bad historical analogies to shame fellow citizens into action. Despite the sudden urgency, the arguments blasting from twenty-four-hour news stations and ill-drawn cartoons depicting seventeenth-century pilgrims as forlorn refugees given safe harbor by Native Americans at Plymouth Rock did not represent a new line of thinking in the longer history of international migration management. The public is once again debating how to balance humanitarianism against fear, and which sentiment should play the greater role in governing the decision to admit new migrants. As the papers in this forum ably show, policies, procedures, and perspectives on migration have always had an international-relations component that can trump the local concerns that often dominate domestic debates.
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Đukić, Anđelija, Dejan Vuletić, and Miloš Milenković. "The relations between Russia and Turkey in the context of contemporary international events." Vojno delo 74, no. 1 (2022): 1–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2201001d.
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In the context of international events, the relations between Russia and Turkey remain complex, although they are based on mutual recognition of security and other interests and cooperation that is mutually beneficial. The strained relations between Turkey and the United States, caused by disagreements in Syria and Turkish purchase of the S-400 missile system, have shown Turkey's growing commitment to a more independent foreign policy. Russia is under sanctions due to the annexation of Crimea and is an actor in the crisis over Ukraine due to the NATO threat of expansion to the Russian western borders, which escalated after the Russian recognition of the independence of the People's Republic of Donetsk and Lugansk (Donbas) and launching a "special military operation" in Donbas. In the foreign policy of Russia and Turkey and acting towards the third parties, their conflicting interests and providing direct or indirect support to parties to the conflict, without a direct conflict, are often present, which shapes their specific "competitive cooperation". The engagement of Turkey and Russia in Syria has proven to be effective, both in military operations and in mediating negotiations, which has reduced the influence of the United States and NATO in this area. The crisis management model implemented in Syria has not been successful in the Libyan crisis due to the Russian more passive attitude and greater influence of the Western powers and the UN mission. The common engagement in energy and military projects and technology transfer is an indicator of cooperation focused on the industries of strategic importance. The Russian interests in the NATO non-expansion and Turkey in entering the European Union markets can also have a positive effect on the current economic, political and security position of Serbia and the countries of the region.
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Zreik, Mohamad. "CHINA’S INVOLVEMENT IN THE SYRIAN CRISIS AND THE IMPLICATIONS OF ITS NEUTRAL STANCE IN THE WAR." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-1-56-65.
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China today is a powerful state and an influential player in the global arena, as was demonstrated during the Syrian crisis, when China took a counterposition to the United States’ stance in Syria and supported the Assad regime. Beijing put a veto on the international resolutions related to the Syrian crisis and abstained from voting, as it did in the past when dealing with the crises in the region. In a move that marked a new page in China’s foreign policy, Beijing backed what was known as the sixpoint plan, calling for a ceasefire and settlement of the crisis through internal dialogue and proclaiming the inviolability of Syrian national sovereignty. In a subsequent move, China sent its envoy Li Huaqing (former Chinese ambassador to Syria) to Damascus to encourage the initiation of a dialogue between government forces and opposition. Following that, China sent Assistant Foreign Minister Zhang Ming (who had previously visited Egypt, Saudi Arabia and France) to the region to discuss ways of approaching the Syrian crisis. For the first time in its modern history, China renounced its policy of non-interference in crises outside its direct interests and immediate geopolitical space. The following paper will focus on China’s stance in the Syrian crisis (supporting its peaceful settlement and keeping equal distance from all the parties in the conflict) and the future of Sino-Syrian relations based on the common history of the two countries.
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McFaul, Michael. "Putin, Putinism, and the Domestic Determinants of Russian Foreign Policy." International Security 45, no. 2 (October 2020): 95–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00390.
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Why did Russia's relations with the West shift from cooperation a few decades ago to a new era of confrontation today? Some explanations focus narrowly on changes in the balance of power in the international system, or trace historic parallels and cultural continuities in Russian international behavior. For a complete understanding of Russian foreign policy today, individuals, ideas, and institutions—President Vladimir Putin, Putinism, and autocracy—must be added to the analysis. An examination of three cases of recent Russian intervention (in Ukraine in 2014, Syria in 2015, and the United States in 2016) illuminates the causal influence of these domestic determinants in the making of Russian foreign policy.
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Stanton, Andrea L. "The Lion in Spring? Three Takes on Syria through the Presidential Lens." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i2.1618.
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Alan George, Syria: Neither Bread Nor Freedom. London and New York:Zed Books, 2003; Flynt Leverett, Inheriting Syria: Bashar’s Trial by Fire.Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 2005; David Lesch, The NewLion of Damascus: Bashar al-Asad and Modern Syria. New Haven: YaleUniversity Press, 2005.Since Hafez al-Asad’s death in June 2000, Syria has spent more time in theinternational spotlight than perhaps ever before, due primarily to the Bushadministration’s interest in the country’s relations with four of its neighbors:Iran, Iraq, Israel, and Lebanon. This interest has spurred the publication ofseveral “contemporary issues” books analyzing the country’s political situationand aimed at English-speaking policymaking, analyst, diplomatic, andjournalistic communities in the United States and elsewhere. Three of themost talked-about analyses are Alan George’s Syria: Neither Bread NorFreedom, Flynt Leverett’s Inheriting Syria: Bashar’s Trial by Fire, andDavid Lesch’s The New Lion of Damascus: Bashar al-Asad and ModernSyria. These three books have become well-known “recommended reads”for policymakers working on Syria and have circulated around the Europeanand American diplomatic, non-governmental organization (NGO), and businesscircles in Damascus.Like most of the books published on Syria since the 1970s, these threefocus on the president, and for good reason: the intense presidential personalitycult that characterized Syria under Hafez al-Asad (reigned 1971-2000) has continued into his son Bashar’s presidency, albeit in a softened form(fewer photos in public places and less frenzied “great leader” rhetoric).Those looking to explain current Syrian policies and to forecast future developmentsdo so by concentrating their analyses on the president – in this case,the son of the legendary and much-scrutinized Hafez. The transition from aregime led by a man about whom decades of information and analysis hadbeen collected to one led by his relatively unknown son has produced asense of uncertainty and lack of knowledge among American policymakers,foreign service officials, and journalists. For many seeking to understandSyria’s present and likely future, the primary questions to answer are: Whois Bashar and what has influenced his development as a political leader?What are his objectives as regards ideological, domestic, and foreign relationsconcerns? How strong is he vis-à-vis other regime officials, and whatcapacity does he have to make his objectives prevail? ...
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Melkumyan, E. S. "Israel in Foreign Policy of the United Arab Emirates: from Confrontation to Normalization." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-2-77-107-118.
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The article analyzes the transformation of the UAE policy towards Israel. Special at- tention is paid to the development of the country’s foreign policy priorities amid consolida- tion of the federal state. Strengthening relations with the Arab states during the first decades of the UAE history, participation in the Arab League, which consolidated the states of the Arab world, support of its opposition to Israel were the factors determining the anti-Israeli policy of the Emirates. The official position of the UAE was formulated under the influence of pan-Arab rhetoric and in no way differed from the position reflected in the documents of the Arab League summits. The peace process around the Arab-Israeli conflict launched since the 1991 in the framework of the Madrid Peace Conference did not result in the establish- ment of contacts between the UAE and Israel. The adjustment of Emirates’ foreign policy began after the aggravation in the Middle East, when countries such as Syria, Yemen and Libya were engulfed in conflicts. During this period, the Arab-Israeli conflict gradually lost its central role for the Arab world; the states of the Persian Gulf began to establish contacts with Israel, united by common fears about the strengthening Iran. The article discussed the path of stabilization between the United Arab Emirates and Israel including the role of their informal ties. The normalization between the UAE and Israel, outlined in August 2020 with the active participation of the United States, gave impetus to the establishment of relations between the two countries in various areas of mutual interest. The article traces the connec- tion between the specific areas of cooperation with Israel and those which were set byа Abu Dhabi as the key priorities of its national strategic development.
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Hall, Ian. "Perilous Interventions and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 9, no. 2 (April 18, 2017): 203–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00902005.
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This article analyses Perilous Interventions: The Security Council and the Politics of Chaos by Hardeep Singh Puri, a retired senior diplomat and India’s former Permanent Representative to the United Nations in New York. It outlines the structure and argument of the book, which addresses foreign interventions in various conflicts over the past three decades, including those in Libya, Syria, Yemen, Ukraine, and Sri Lanka, and the emergence of the concept of Responsibility to Protect. It argues that Perilous Interventions is a significant, if problematic, book insofar as it signals that deep scepticism about r2p persists in important sections of the policymaking elite in New Delhi, despite India’s rising power, growing capabilities, and changing relationships with major powers, including the United States. It also introduces the remaining three articles in this special section.
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Khizhnyak, Anastasiya Vladimirovna. "Military cooperation of Russia with the Syrian Arab Republic as an instrument of the Russia's New Middle East Policy (2000-2008)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 5 (May 2022): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.5.38078.
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The article examines the key aspects of military-technical cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Syrian Arab Republic in the first two terms of Vladimir Putin's tenure as President of Russia. Relations between Moscow and Damascus in the sphere of arms and special equipment supplies are considered in the general context of the updated foreign policy of the Russian Federation, initiated by Vladimir Putin, and which implied, among other things, the return of Russia's position as an active geopolitical player in the Middle East. Having long-standing political and economic ties with Moscow, Syria was rightly considered by the Russian leadership as the most suitable ally in solving the task mentioned above. Analyzing the history of supplies to Syria of the main articles of Russian military products, the author comes to the conclusion that during the period under review, Moscow managed to lay a new solid foundation for bilateral relations, even though it had to be done to a certain extent with an eye to the position of other regional players and, above all, the countries of the collective West. When building its political course towards the SAR in the period under review, the Kremlin adhered primarily to the principle of restraint and pragmatism, taking into account the realities of international relations in the Middle East region and setting as its main goal the counteraction of the hegemonic claims of the United States, which sought to turn this already conflictogenic point of the planet into a zone of "controlled chaos".
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Grafov, D. B. "Strategy of Balancing in Turkish Foreign Policy." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 3 (July 7, 2022): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-3-84-115-142.
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The new offensive approach of Turkey's foreign policy is the sign of President Erdogan's ambitions to redistribute power in the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean and a way to legitimize his own regime. On the one hand, this can be seen as the ambitions of «neo-Ottomanism», on the other hand, there is a new attempt to solve five foreign policy problems: the «Kurdish issue», the «Aegean dispute», the return of territories mentioned in the “National Oath” (Misak-i Milli), breakthrough from disillusionment with integration with the EU and overcoming inequality in allied relations with the United States to satisfy antiAmerican nationalism.The article examines Turkey's foreign policy since Erdogan gained full control of power and intervened in the civil war in Syria in 2014-2015. The aim is to determine the reason for Turkey's offensive strategy from the perspectives of Neorealism theory of International Relations and Bargaining model of war. The main findings are as follows. Erdogan's policy of power redistribution has focused on relations with the United States, the EU, and Russia as well as regional powers and has employed dominance in bargaining power as the main tool. A show of Turkey's force makes counterparts more compliant and serves as a tool to convince that the cost of deterring Turkey will be greater than the cost of concession.The main feature of Erdogan's policy is the use of contradictions between partners. According to Neorealism, if a state becomes too powerful, the balancing coalition occurs. But Turkey's offensive policy does not face a balancing coalition (or an international system, especially on the NATO and the EU directions), because there are many contradictions between potential opponents, which Erdogan masterfully uses. At some point, Turkey balances each of them by the threat to move closer to its opponent thus creating a balancing lever in “balancing triangle”. In this way Erdogan uses a series of “balancing triangles” to put pressure on Russia, the US, and the EU simultaneously.
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Can Donduran. "THE PERENNIAL DILEMMA OF US FOREIGN POLICY." Journal of International Studies 18 (October 16, 2022): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2022.18.1.
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The endless struggle between two seemingly incompatible but occasionally convergent concepts, namely liberal values and national interests, has determined United States (US) foreign policy and its implementation throughout the nation’s history. Based on the neoclassical realist assumptions shored up by the methodological insights offered by the five-dimensional pre-theory of foreign policy, this article reveals a persistent dichotomy in US foreign policy through the analysis of Washington’s response to the Arab Spring uprisings in Egypt, Libya, and Syria. Throughout history, US foreign policy has had a pendular behavioral pattern, swinging across a policy spectrum ranging from moralpolitik to realpolitik. While the inherent values-interests dilemma lies at the root of the inveterate oscillation of US foreign policy, the interplay of international stimulus and societal factors stands out as the principal source of its ambivalence, if not inconsistency, in the face of the upheavals that swept across the Middle East.
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Docherty, Benedict, Xavier Mathieu, and Jason Ralph. "R2P and the Arab Spring: Norm Localisation and the US Response to the Early Syria Crisis." Global Responsibility to Protect 12, no. 3 (July 29, 2020): 246–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-984x-20200005.
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This article explains why R2P failed to motivate action to protect vulnerable Syrians in the first two years of the crisis. We focus on the United States and argue that official discourse ‘localised’ the meaning R2P by grafting it on to preconceived ideas of America’s role in supporting democratic revolutions, which is how the situation was understood. American ‘exemplarism’ demanded the US support democracy by calling on Assad to go while not corrupting the ‘homegrown’ revolution through foreign intervention. The call for political and criminal accountability aligned exemplarist democracy promotion to R2P, but it did nothing to protect vulnerable populations from the conflict that ensued. This refraction of the norm complicated the United Nations sponsored peace process, which provided an alternative means of protecting the Syrian population. We address a gap in the literature by examining Western localisation and draw policy lessons, namely the importance of examining national predispositions when implementing R2P.
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Ip, John. "RECONCEPTUALISING THE LEGAL RESPONSE TO FOREIGN FIGHTERS." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 69, no. 1 (December 4, 2019): 103–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589319000447.
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AbstractThe Syrian civil war has highlighted the phenomenon of foreign fighting, in which individuals leave their home State to join an armed conflict overseas. The predominant paradigm for regulating foreign fighting, centred on United Nations Security Council Resolution 2178, is based on counterterrorism, which in essence treats foreign fighting as a form of terrorism. This paradigm is largely reflective of the domestic legislation of the United Kingdom, United States, Canada and Australia. This article argues that this approach is problematic, and that an alternative paradigm based on the international law of neutrality and related domestic legislation provides a better means for regulating foreign fighting.
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Okhoshin, O. V. "RUSSIAN-BRITISH RELATIONS: FROM COOLING TO CONFRONTATION." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 6, no. 4 (December 24, 2022): 472–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-4-472-480.
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The article considers the crisis of Russian-British relations, which actively manifested itself during the years of the premiership of T. May, B. Johnson, L. Truss (2016-2022), which transformed the foreign policy of the United Kingdom in the wake of the geopolitical confrontation with Russia and the strengthening of the defense and strategic cooperation with the US and EU countries within the framework of the NATO military-political bloc. After the referendum on the UK's withdrawal from the European Union in 2016, the concept of "Global Britain" finally took shape in the country's foreign policy doctrine, which assumed the expansion of its presence in different regions of the world and active participation in the European Security and Defense Policy. In connection with the clash of the positions of London and Moscow in relation to the military conflict in Ukraine, the accession of Crimea to the Russian Federation and the war in Syria, the formats of bilateral intergovernmental cooperation were curtailed, and the previously established strong trade, economic and diplomatic ties were violated. The author comes to the conclusion that the growth of confrontation between states was largely due to the fact that the UK did not perceive Russia as an equal partner seeking to take its rightful place in pan-European politics and sought to limit its role in solving modern global problems.
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Krylov, Danila Sergeevich. "Offensive and Defensive Models of US Foreign Policy in the Middle East." Международные отношения, no. 3 (March 2022): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.3.38757.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the US foreign policy in the Middle East. The study analyzes the military-political, energy and information aspects of the offensive and defensive models of the Middle East policy of the United States at the present stage. The purpose of the study was to examine the results of the implementation of expansionist and exploitative geopolitical projects of the United States in the Middle East, taking into account the influence of the information factor and the Russian-American confrontation in the region. The methodological basis of the study is a systematic approach. The historical approach, statistical methods, event analysis, case-study method, analysis, comparison, induction and deduction were also applied. The novelty of the work lies in considering the offensive and defensive models of the US political course in the Middle East and the results of expansionist and exploitative geopolitical projects in specific regional situations. Attention is paid to the consequences of Washington's offensive foreign policy on the example of the invasion of Iraq and the occupation of Syria. The article considers the defensive model of US policy in the Persian Gulf with an emphasis on US-Saudi relations against the background of the visit of the US president to the region in July 2022. Examples of Russia's successful creative policy in the Middle East are given. The conclusion is made about the destructive nature and low effectiveness of both offensive and defensive models of the US geopolitical strategy in the Middle East. Against the background of Washington's weakening influence on regional processes, the sovereignty of states is gradually increasing, and it becomes possible for them to pursue an independent political course. The turn of a number of traditional Middle Eastern partners of the United States towards Russia and the system of multipolarity world order proposed by Moscow is becoming more and more noticeable. A change in the balance of power in the Middle East region in the future may lead to a gradual decrease in information influence and a deterioration in Washington's image, with a very likely continuation of conflict interaction between Russia and the United States.
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Grafov, Dmitry B. "The Turkish Art of Offensive-Balancing from the Perspective of Neorealism." Contemporary Arab Affairs 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 72–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2022.15.2.72.
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In his foreign policy, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has reconsidered commitments to the United States and NATO allies that limit his political ambitions. Turkey’s military power is actively involved in Syria, Iraq, Libya, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the South Caucasus in an attempt to alter the existing regional orders. Offensive realism, as a branch of neorealism, asserts that states are willing to use force to advance their own interests, and that their survival in the international system requires a maximization of power. Defensive neorealism holds that aggressive expansion clashes with the interests of other states and their desire to ensure their own security. According to the balance of power theory, the expansion and maximization of power reduces the security of an offensive state by countering a coalition of balancing states. At the same time, Turkish foreign policy strongly supports the formation of an Islamist, neo-patrimonialist, populist, and security-obsessed ruling bloc representing the resentment of Turkish society of the historical injustices committed by the West. This article attempts to determine Erdoğan’s strategy, examines it from the standpoint of the offensive/defensive approach of neorealism, and evaluates its effectiveness. Erdoğan has created a multi-polar balancing structure of foreign relations in which Turkish rivals restrain each other. This structure is similar to a pentahedron with Turkey in the center and its main rivals–partners arrayed around it at each point. Ankara, by shifting closer to one or another rival–partner, can effectively bargain with others using threats.
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Trunov, Philipp. "Germany’s security and defense policy : transformation in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 1 (2022): 254–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.01.10.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has created significant obstacles to the implementation of national foreign policies, including the reduction of the resource base. This article analyzes the schemes and forms of government activities that can reduce the negative impact of the pandemic factor. The object of the study is the Federal Republic of Germany, which is currently at a turning point in its development: the end of A. Merkel’s «era» (autumn 2021) is accompanied by a large number of unresolved foreign policy tasks that prevent Germany from establishing itself as a world power. The article provides a detailed overview of these tasks and the ongoing efforts to solve them, presented on a problem-geographic principle. Issues related to the restart of relations between Germany and the United States under the Biden administration, the FRG’s involvement in building up the political and military potential of the EU, as well as the dynamics and nature of the FRG’s dialogue with the leading European NATO member states – Great Britain, Italy and especially France – are analyzed in the context of the ongoing pandemic crisis. Particular attention is paid to the problems associated with deepening cooperation within the framework of the German-French tandem. The paper also explores the difficulties that have appeared during the pandemic and new opportunities for expanding the political and military presence of Germany in Libya, «G5 Sahel» countries, Syria and Iraq. The consequences that a decision of the United States to carry out the «deal» with the Afghan Taliban may have for Germany are analyzed. The FRG’s attempts to strengthen its positions in the post-Soviet space and the Far East are presented in the context of deteriorating relations with the Russian Federation and China. In conclusion, an assessment of Germany’s activity in the sphere of security and defense during the first year of the pandemic is given.
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Abad Castelos, Montserrat. "Foreign Terrorist Fighters and the UN Investigative Team to Support Domestic Efforts to Hold ISIS Accountable for War Crimes, Crimes Against Humanity and Genocide Committed in Iraq: Building a Bridge that Should Be Used." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 16 (June 14, 2021): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.v16.6302.
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After examining the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions referred to the foreign fighters who joined the ranks of ISIS in Iraq and Syria andthe UN Investigative Team to support domestic efforts to hold ISIS accountable for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide committed in Iraq (UNITAD or the Investigative Team) this article brings both contents together in order to ascertain whether there may be gaps or problems which should be addressed, since both developments were prompted by the UNSC. It is explored whether there may be certain inconsistencies, such as the one relating to the emphasis placed on different crimes, depending on the resolutions in question. Thus, those related to FTFs focus on terrorism crimes, while those related to UNITAD refer to atrocity crimes. Hereinafter the action and evolution of UNITAD is examined, in order to determine whether it might be helpful to overcome some existing barriers and avoid impunity for atrocity crimes. It will be concluded that UNITAD may provide substantial support, not only in relation to trials in Iraq, but also in third States, by providing useful tools or evidence to prosecute FTFs. Seizing this opportunity will require further action, which will be crucial to promote accountability and justice.
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Shumilina, I. "Domestic Factors of the Biden Administration’s Strategy in the Middle East." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-24-30.
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In the early months of Joe Biden’s administration in the White House, Middle East issues were not identified as a priority of its foreign policy. Individual steps in this direction, however, suggest that the administration will adhere to the principal lines of conduct for the United States towards American partners and allies (Israel, the Arab monarchies of the Gulf and others), as well as towards the main conflict nodes in the region (Syria, Libya, Yemen). At the same time, it is also obvious that its tactical emphasis has shifted in its approach to a number of the most important problems of the region – in particular, the Palestinian-Israeli standoff (namely, restoration of relations with the government of Mahmoud Abbas) and the situation around Iran (return to the renewed nuclear deal – JCPOA) and Turkey (overcoming the cooling of relations with Ankara). Apparently, we can talk about Biden’s revival of the Middle East policy pursued under Barack Obama’s administration. This process is largely due to the domestic political calculations of the Biden team and the Democratic Party as a whole. The author of the article tries to assess the influence of American immigrant’s communities from the Arab countries and Turkey on Joe Biden’s Middle East policy.
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Pribicevic, Ognjen. "Trump, Brexit and Russia." Medjunarodni problemi 73, no. 1 (2021): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2101087p.
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The relations with Russia rank among the most important and most complex issues in the US and UK foreign policy. The years after the Second World War have been marked by an exhausting arms race between the Western and Eastern bloc that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the break-up of the Soviet Union and the victory of the United States and its Western allies. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the relations between the US and the United Kingdom on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, during the mandate of President Trump and after Brexit and point to possible directions that these relations may take in the aftermath of Biden?s victory in the 2020 US Presidential elections. The author proceeds from a hypothesis that the efforts of President Trump, who, contrary to his predecessors, felt that the relations with Russia should be based on interests rather than ideology, have failed. He has not been successful primarily due to the huge resistance mounted by the state structures, mainstream media and anti-Russian coalition forged by the Republican and Democratic parties. The relations between the UK and Russia remain cold after Brexit as well due to the severe problems between the two countries. The first part will deal with the strained relations between the United States and Russia following the West?s victory in the Cold War, the efforts of President Trump to improve these relations and his failure to do so. The second part of the paper will address the relationship between the United Kingdom and Russia, which is in many respects even more complicated than that between Russia and the US. After Brexit, the relations between the two countries continue to be plagued by the activities of the Russian agents in Great Britain, the crisis in Ukraine and different views on the war in Syria. In the third part, the concluding part of the paper, the author tried to answer the question of how the relations between the US and Russia will develop after Joseph Biden won the 2020 US Presidential elections. According to him, the new President will continue to pursue the traditional policy towards Russia agreed upon by both US parties. It can be expected that Biden will, despite the policy of sanctions pursued by his predecessors, Obama and Trump, engage more in supporting the opposition and civilian sector in Russia. Given the cold and strained relations between these two states, it may be assumed that Great Britain will readily follow a new, tougher course of action pursued by President Biden towards Russia and Putin. It is especially important for UK politics that Biden returns to the ideas of liberalism because, as we have seen on previous pages, in London, in addition to the actions of Russian agents on the UK territory, Putin is most resented precisely for his activities to overthrow the ruling liberal order. Despite the good ties between Prime Minister Johnson and the former US President who supported Brexit, Biden's victory will bring relief to the UK because of his commitment, as opposed to Trump, to bring back America to the world political stage, where London is likely to expect to find space for its new global role after leaving the EU. On the other hand, Moscow will probably continue with its past foreign policy strategy in anticipation of the moves to be taken by the new US President without high expectations regarding the future relations between the two countries. Russia has even fewer expectations when it comes to relations with the UK, given the gravity of the problems that burden the relations between the two countries
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Kadhim, Mohammed Karim. "Iraq and the international and regional environment Read the challenges and opportunities." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 16 (July 2, 2019): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i16.137.
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The international and regional changes that the world and the Especially the Arab region, are still continuing, from the demise of old regimes and the replacement of new regimes with increasing anarchy and instability, such as the war on Yemen and the regional and international conflict in Syria, between countries that support change in political regimes and others opposed to this, Which is clearly defined and orientations according to international interests. The problem that is discussed in the research is the following questions: What is the location of Iraq in the midst of these challenges? Can Iraq, with these contradictions and internal crises, face these regional and international challenges? Through our study, We came out with a result That is "we must work to consolidate the relations between the regional neighboring countries, especially with the international parties that are friendly to both Iraq and neighboring countries, as with the United States of America, which can achieve politically, economically, military and security support to achieve national goals and interests, The Iraqi foreign policy-makers must try to determine what are the most important challenges facing the regional environment and work to confront them individually or cooperatively with the friendly countries and reach the Iraqi interest".
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Gotin, Maksim. "Atlantic Unity Restoring: The European Policy of the Obama Administration According to the Development of the ESDP / CSDP (2009–2011)." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 2(58) (July 3, 2022): 182–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2022-58-2-182-196.
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The subject of the article is the European policy direction of the Obama administration. Obama’s European policy was aimed at leveling the foreign policy consequences of the unilateral actions of the previous Bush administration (2001–2009).
The author examines the transformation of the ESDP into the CSDP of the EU from the position of the United States in the context of developing a common strategy for cooperation in Afghanistan. The global financial crisis of the 2008–
2009s turned out to be one of the most powerful factors of rapprochement between the EU and NATO. The crisis has started the process of assigning responsibilities
in the general security system. The chronological framework is determined by a new stage in relations between the US and the EU on issues of collective security caused by the election of Democrat B. Obama as US President and the Lisbon Treaty (2009) entring into force. This stage ends in 2011 with the beginning of
the Arab Spring and the formation of several coalitions within NATO and the EU on the Libyan and Syrian issues, as well as the signing of the Framework Agreement on participation of the United States in CSDP missions (2011).
The author concludes that the change in Washington’s perception of the CSDP development process has objective prerequisites. It is like an exchange of positions with the EU. The purpose of the exchange was the desire of the United States to maintain global American leadership. These events were of great polit-
ical importance for transatlantic relations, as for the first time they openly indicated the inability of the United States to abandon its interest in preserving and strengthening NATO.
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Kurylev, Konstantin P., and Nickolay P. Parkhitko. "Russian Policy in the Mediterranean: Historical Continuity and International Context." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-609-624.
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The article considers the main directions of the Russian Federations foreign policy in the Mediterranean region in the period from 2015 to autumn 2021. The authors present a historical analysis of Russias military presence in the Mediterranean Sea since its first deployment in the 18th century and separately during the Cold War, since the key strategic goals and operational-tactical tasks facing the 5th Soviet Navy operational squadron in those years, as a whole, remained unchanged. Only their scale was adjusted. Three key aspects that determine the need for Russias presence in the Mediterranean are researched. These are the military, political and economic (raw) components that form the determinant of Russian foreign policy in the region. The expansion of the military activity of NATO countries - in particular, the United States, Great Britain and France - in the Mediterranean Sea and the Middle East, especially since the beginning of the civil war in the Syrian Arab Republic in 2011, requires an asymmetric response from Russia in the context of protecting its national interests. As far as geopolitics is concerned, Russias return of at least partial of those Soviet influence in the region also contributes to strengthening our countrys international positions. Finally, Russias presence in a part of the world, which is a natural logistics hub in the context of both world trade and energy supplies, conceptually complements the military-political agenda. The authors use the methods of historical and political analysis and practical systematization in order to formulate the main hypothesis of the study and come to scientific and theoretical conclusions. The main hypothesis is that the expansion of Russias military, political and economic presence in the Mediterranean will be intensified as the countrys economic potential grows. The authors suggest the following order as tools for implementing the strategy: speeding up efforts to ensure the permanent military presence of the Russian Navy in the Mediterranean, deepening bilateral ties with Syria and conducting a pragmatic economic policy towards Turkey, which claims to be an important actor in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East as a whole.
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Martin, Kevin W. "“Behind Cinerama's Aluminum Curtain”: Cold War Spectacle and Propaganda at the First Damascus International Exposition." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 4 (October 2015): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00597.
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In September 1954 the United States Information Service presented Cinerama's panoramic widescreen projection and surround-sound technology at the First Damascus International Exposition. This exercise in “soft-power” cultural diplomacy underlay the U.S. government's participation in the event, a “festival” of national progress and development staged in the midst of three interrelated contests—the Cold War, the Arab-Israeli conflict, and a multisided struggle for Arab supremacy via control of Syria's foreign policy orientation. Drawing on declassified U.S. diplomatic correspondence, Syrian press coverage of the exposition, and the content of the film This Is Cinerama, this article compares U.S. and Syrian perceptions of the exposition and the multimedia spectacle it embodied. In the process, the article explores the reach of U.S. “soft-power” cultural diplomacy efforts in the Arab world after World War II, as well as the relationship among politics, technology, and cultural representation.
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Gutenev, Yuriy. "The Arab Spring in the Syrian Arab Republic and Russian Interests." Oriental Courier, no. 2 (2022): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310021463-7.
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The article examines the dynamics of political processes in the Middle East after the beginning of the Arab Spring at its various stages, how the foreign policy changes of recent years in the Middle East reflected important events in the international arena and influenced the Syrian crisis. Using the example of the Syrian Arab Republic (SAR), the author analyzes the relations of the main actors of political processes whose interests were affected by the Arab Spring, as well as the approaches of the Russian Federation to ensuring collective security in the region. Special attention is paid to the complex relations between the Russian Federation, the United States and the Republic of Turkey. The differences in the sphere of regional interests are analyzed. The author also examines the confrontation between the State of Israel and the Islamic Republic of Iran as one of the imbalances that hinder the settlement of the Middle East conflict. A brief analysis of the imbalances that are the driving force in international relations and aggressive actions of the actors, such as military intervention and the struggle for regional influence, are the main subject of the study in this article. The author relies in the analysis mainly on the works of domestic orientalists who gave a tentative assessment of the driving forces of the Arab Spring, paying special attention to the change in the position of the Russian Federation from expectant observation at the beginning of the events under consideration to subsequent active intervention and transition to influencing the situation in the region at the present time.
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Aksenov, I. A. "Features of the application of economic sanctions against the Russian Federation." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 11 (November 18, 2022): 780–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2211-02.
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Today, Russia tops the list of countries against which sanctions have been imposed by the world community. At the moment, 11,579 punitive measures have been introduced against the Russian Federation and persons with citizenship. The closest "pursuer" is Iran, which has only 3,637 restrictive measures in its international portfolio, which is 68.59 % less than the leader of the list. The third and fourth lines are occupied by Syria and North Korea (2624 and 2136 sanctions respectively). Belarus closes the top fi ve with 1133 restrictions.Russia took the leading position after the decision on the Special Military Operation in Ukraine was made. Until February 22, 2022, 2,754 restrictive measures were introduced against Russia (which is 76.22 % less than the current ones) in connection with the previous events in Ukraine. For example, the United States of America has doubled this value since 2014. Statistics analyzed and collected using an online restriction tracking service. Almost all countries can be noted as aff ected by the change in the architecture of the world economy. The rejection of dollar transactions, the freezing of assets of the Central Bank of Russia, the violation of the usual supply chains, the bipolarization of the world, the open violation of international law and other facts and events have spurred all states to adjust their domestic and foreign policies.Moreover, the actual development of the problem considered in this work is completely absent from the scientifi c community due to the too short period since the introduction of the last economic restrictions.Within the framework of the article, the author reveals the features of the application of economic sanctions against the Russian Federation. The article systematizes the stages of application of sanctions against the Russian Federation.
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Galina S., Mel’nik, and Misonzhnikov Boris Ya. "Linguistic Methods of Anti-Russian Propaganda ‒ a New Trend in the German Mass Media." Humanitarian Vector 15, no. 5 (May 2020): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2020-15-5-99-109.
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The article reveals the specifics of constructing the image of Russia in the German mass media. Based on the study of media discourse, the positions of Russia in the context of the global information and psychological confrontation are determined. We identify markers that determine the information policy of Germany in relation to Russia, as well as linguistic means of forming the image of the country and methods of information aggression against Russian society. On the basis of headline complexes and article leads, priority topics (buzz-topics) in the media, informational reasons for referring to them, sentiment (expressive-evaluative vocabulary), directional vector were determined. The research object are German media, such as Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), Die Welt, Bild, Der Spiegel. The lexemes ″Russia″, ″Moscow″, ″Putin″, ″Kremlin″ (and synonyms) were used as the units of analysis. Relations with Syria, the United States and NATO, Ukraine, Belarus and Turkey were popular topics in the German media during the study period (2020). The analysis of the texts showed that the mostly negative media image of Russia is represented. In foreign policy, the country is presented as an invader, a military aggressor, a murderer, an enemy, and its leader, in the interpretation of the media, is an insidious, cunning schemer, a dishonest player on the geopolitical chessboard. The portrayal of leading German newspapers portrays Russia as a peripheral state, a third world country that claims to be a world power (with nuclear weapons) and a semi-dictatorial regime. In the course of the study, we used general scientific methods of cognitive and interpretive linguistic discourse analysis. In publications, even high-quality ones, metonymy, metaphors, comparisons, epithets, hyperboles are used as components of anti-Russian rhetoric. Conclusion: there is practically no positive news about Russia, the country itself is seen as the main threat to the security of the world. This requires an adequate response, a new information policy and a correction of the country’s reputation. Keywords: information attacks, media image, , enemy image, Russia, ogenda, stylistic means, semantic, discourse
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Marszałek-Kawa, Joanna, and Ahmet Burak. "The Landscape after Brexit as Seen from Ankara. Will the UK’s Divorce from the European Union Additionally Loosen Tights Between Europe and Turkey and Have an Impact on the Future of the Continent?" Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (September 15, 2017): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2017.22.3.9.
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On 29 March 2017, President of the European Council Donald Tusk received a note from UK Ambassador Tim Barrow. Under the document, the procedure of UK’s leaving of the European Union was initiated.1 Gideon Rachman from “Financial Times” compared Brexit to a divorce, stating that the representative of the British government “granted the divorce papers”, thus beginning a “long (planned for two years) attempt to redefine mutual relations” (Rozpoczyna się Brexit…, 2017). In his announcement for the press, Donald Tusk commented: “There is no reason to pretend that this is a lucky day, both in Brussels and in London […] Most Europeans, including almost a half of British voters, would prefer us to be still together” (Wielka Brytania rozpoczyna…, 2017). The stance of the European Council clearly mirrors the moods caused by the decision on Brexit, which are prevailing among all EU member states. It should be noted, however, that leaving the EU by the Brits not only has an impact on their political situation, but it also determines the actions of states aspiring to become members of the Community. The aim of this paper is to discuss the reasons for Brexit and to present the position of the Turkish government on this issue on the basis of the analysis of press articles and politicians’ speeches. The hypothesis we posed assumes that Brexit meant Turkey losing its most important advocate in the Union. Thus, the future of accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union has been called into question. One should also wonder to what degree Turkey’s foreign policy priorities, which have already been redefined under the influence of the war in Syria, the battle with ISIS, the immigration crisis and the futile accession process so far, will be affected by the United Kingdom’s decision to leave the European Union. Will Turkey choose to follow the so-called Trexit route, giving up its membership in the EU?
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Skorospelov, Petr P. "“A Special Form of Making Foreign Policy by the Threat of War to Imperialists”. A Case Study of Military-Political Activity of Central Committee Presidium under N.S. Khrushchev, 1954–1964. Part 1." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 2 (2022): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080019661-4.
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Khrushchev’s foreign policy (1953–1964) that characterized by the strategy of “balancing on the edge” is usually recognized as erroneous. Immediately after Stalin’s death, his successors initially feared a nuclear attack from the United States, which their own Air Force and Air Defense were unable to repel or to retaliate. Therefore, in 1954–1955, the Soviet leader attempted to create a buffer zone of neutral states along the perimeter of the USSR’s borders: he stopped the Korean War, proposed the mutual withdrawal of troops from Europe, etc. After the 1955 Geneva Conference, Khrushchev began to act more courageously, because he saw that the U.S. were afraid of the USSR too and didn’t want to attack it first. Trying to use the opportunities of the European colonial empires’ disintegration, the USSR provided to the newly independent states in Asia and Africa a large-scale economic, military, technical, and political support, and first of all, to Egypt and Indonesia, which controlled the Suez Canal and the Strait of Malacca – key areas on the sea route from Europe to the Far East. The negotiations between Mao Tse Tung and Khrushchev in 1957–1958 reveals their intention to shake up the military blocs created by the Americans near the borders of the socialist camp (NATO, SEATO, the Baghdad Pact). The Soviet leader initiated a series of political crises as interconnected stages of geopolitical offensive against the US position: the Suez (1956), the Syrian (1957), the Middle East (1958), the 2nd Berlin (1958), the Caribbean (1962), etc., which brought the USSR to the brink of war.
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Deriglazova, L. V. "Victories and Losses of the USA and Russia in Asymmetric Conflicts at 21st Century." Journal of International Analytics 13, no. 2 (June 27, 2022): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-2-23-42.
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The article discusses the features of armed confl icts at the beginning of the 21st century through the prism of the theory of asymmetric confl ict. Within the framework of the theory, basic and accompanying asymmetries are distinguished, which determine the reasons for the political, rather than military, defeat of developed countries in wars against relatively weak opponents. At the beginning of the 21st century most of the armed confl icts have pronounced signs of multiple asymmetries that aff ect the course and outcome of confl icts. On the basis of the theory, several important aspects can be distinguished that should be taken into account by the military and politicians when planning and conducting military operations. Among them: the legitimacy of military operations from the point of view of international law, neutralization of anti-war sentiments, minimization of losses of military personnel, ensuring the safety of the population in the war zone. Foreign analytics is characterized by a focus on the reasons for the failures of the United States and other Western states in military operations in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, and Syria. Among the reasons for the failures are a lack of understanding of the culture and characteristics of the countries where hostilities are conducted, the regime of occupation, and attempts at nation-building. Some foreign experts note that the Russian Federation is much more successful in participating in asymmetric confl icts of the 21st century. Among Russian military experts, there is a noticeable interest in developing an “asymmetric war” strategy in the framework of the geopolitical confrontation with the countries of the West. The tendency to develop non-contact methods of warfare and the involvement of private military companies to neutralize anti-war sentiments and minimize losses of military personnel has a universal character. At the same time, the problem of non-selectivity of such methods of warfare and their compliance with international law is becoming more and more acute. The theory of asymmetric confl ict is a theory of international relations, which main assumptions are are useful for politicians and the military to take into account in the process of deciding on the start of hostilities and the possibility of achieving political goals by military means, and not just for fi nding victorious strategies in asymmetric confl icts.
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Vinogradova, Nadezhda S. "The Image of Russia in the Russian Television (Research Conducted in 2017-2019)." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 397–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-3-397-408.
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The image of Russia is one of the key components for determining the self-identity of the population, the growth of trust in the government, and an understanding of current politics and economics conducted in the country. The purpose of this study is to identify the image of Russia in Russian political and non-political television programs for the period of 2017-2019. The research methodology included content analysis of Russian television programs. Quantitative and qualitative methods, including case studies, were used to interpret the data. The image of a country consists of a spatial (territorial) image, an image of a population, an image of power, and an image of a leader. In the analysis, subjective, objective, spatial, temporal and communicative sections were identified. The performed analysis made it possible to identify some features of the formation of the image of Russia in TV shows. The resulting image is directly dependent on the event context and is its reflection. The underlying parameters, such as political culture, are not considered. The main topics raised in TV shows were the conflict in Ukraine, conflict in Syria, sanctions and international relations of Russia, the USA and the EU, election of the President of the Russian Federation and the election of the President of the United States. The image of the country is translated as strong, cognitively complex, dynamic. Most of the messages are positive, since they are focused on the domestic audience, the policy of the channels themselves is designed to show the diversity of opinions, but, at the same time, to raise the country’s prestige in the eyes of the audience. The negative characteristics of the image involve the comments of foreign politicians and experts, which are broadcast on Russian television. Changes in the spatial image due to the reunification with Crimea are shown most vividly. This topic has been relevant for a period of five years. The political leader is represented as strong both in the international arena and in dealing with domestic issues.
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Perra, Antonio. "From the Arab Spring to the Damascus Winter: The United States, Russia, and the New Cold War." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 3, no. 4 (September 16, 2016): 363–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798916664578.
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As the war in Syria tragically approaches its fifth anniversary, more and more concerns are emerging around questions surrounding the extent and the scope of military involvement of foreign powers, which are crystallizing the feeling that the real objectives and interests at stake in the current Syrian War extend well beyond the Middle East. Intertwining the story of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (The ISIS) rise to power with the US foreign policy toward the Assad government and the renewed tensions between Russia and the United States, this article examines the implications of the current regional conflict for the international balance of power and for the prospect of democracy in Syria.
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Maklad, Hussein. "Great Powers Competition in Syria." Contemporary Arab Affairs 15, no. 3-4 (September 2022): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2022.15.3-4.54.
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This article examines the impact of the rivalry among the three great powers: the United States, Russia, and China in relation to a solution to the Syrian crisis and the reaching of a peaceful settlement. Each power has supported one or more sides among the regional and local actors, which has led to proxy wars among different rival parties. For example, the United States, Russia, and China are trying to maximize their own power and to increase their status in the regional and international system. However, each has different strategies and tools to achieve this goal. While Russia and the United States stress their military presence, China thinks political and economic power can be more effective, which explains why China is hesitant to get directly involved in the crisis.
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Daniel Margolies. "Imperial Unilateralism in United States Foreign Relations Proclamations." Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences ll, no. 60 (August 2018): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17939/hushss.2018..60.008.
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Chauncey, Helen R., Edward C. Keefer, David W. Mabon, Marvin E. Gettleman, Jane Franklin, Marilyn Young, and H. Bruce Franklin. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957." Pacific Affairs 59, no. 4 (1986): 721. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758579.
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Charney, Jonathan I. "Judicial Deference in Foreign Relations." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 4 (October 1989): 805–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203369.
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Disputes with foreign policy implications have often been brought to the federal courts. These cases call attention to the tension between the authority of the political branches to conduct the foreign relations of the United States and the authority of the courts to render judgments according to the law. How this tension is resolved, in turn, bears directly on the commitment of the United States to the rule of law.
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Switky, Bob. "Simulating a Foreign Policy Dilemma: Considering US Humanitarian Intervention." PS: Political Science & Politics 47, no. 03 (June 19, 2014): 682–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514000833.
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ABSTRACTThe humanitarian impulse in the United States routinely clashes with isolationist sentiment, with appeals to the national interest, and with apathy in and out of government. This class exercise encourages students to explore the contours of the debate over humanitarian intervention with a crisis unfolding in Belagua, a fictitious Latin American country. As the crisis deteriorates, students increasingly feel the tension between wanting to help the at-risk civilian population and avoiding a messy conflict from which the United States could have trouble extracting itself. The project requires students to address key questions about the US role in the Belagua case and to consider what the United States could or should have done in actual situations, such as Rwanda and Syria. Because these crises are likely to occur in the decades to come, this exercise initiates students to the challenges that the United States, as well as the international community, undoubtedly will face.
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Annen, Niels. "A strong and united Europe in the common foreign and security policy." New Perspectives 28, no. 3 (July 31, 2020): 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x20934969.
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We live in a changing and increasingly challenging world. The arc of insecurity around our borders to the south, the ongoing conflict in Syria, Iran’s nuclear ambitions, the Ukraine conflict and also a more assertive Russia to the east pose huge foreign and security policy challenges for the European Union. To address these challenges, we need a united EU foreign and security policy that is fit for purpose. The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) has vast untapped potential – I will address some of the changes we need to make to unlock it.
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Klyukin, N. "Interim results of Donald Trump’s foreign policy." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 3 (March 1, 2020): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2003-07.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the political activities of Donald Trump as the president of the United States of America. The key political issues of the United States interaction with countries such as the China, North Korea, Russia, India and Syria. Each of the issues discussed contributes to the creation of a full-fledged image of Trump as a politician who is a tough, unprincipled leader who takes constant risks in order to achieve certain goals. Despite the number of Trump’s opponents and ill-wishers, his decisions mostly bring dividends and open up new opportunities for his country. Many experts argue that it will be difficult for Trump to maintain a leading position in the upcoming presidential election since the current president currently has rather weak approval ratings.
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Minat, V. N., and A. G. Chepik. "FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS AND INNOVATION IN THE UNITED STATES." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-2-5-21.
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A trend has been identified that reflects a close correlation between the main indicators of US foreign trade and innovation activities carried out in the modern American economy. The article shows the essence of the national innovation system established in the United States and its international significance in the implementation of foreign trade relations of the country in terms of the exchange of scientific and technical information and documentation, the sale of products with a high innovative component, determined by a comparative analysis of relevant indicators. Based on the results of the study noted the positive dynamics of the active foreign trade balance of the USA in the field of exchange of scientific and technical information and documentation, with a high positive balance, the conclusions about the qualitative dominance of the leading industries of the U.S. economy in terms of aggregate innovation and foreign trade activity in ten leading countries of the world.
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Taufiq, Firmanda. "The Future of Turkey - United States Relations." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.24.
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Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.
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Briggs, E. Donald. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The United States and South Africa, 1968–1985." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300210.
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Żuber, Marian, and Samuel Sahel Moussa. "Arab Spring as a Background of Civil War in Syria." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0038.
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Abstract In the paper the reasons of outbreak of conflict in Syria at the background of social and political situation of the Arab world at the beginning of 21st century were presented. The influence of displeasure explosion against governments in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, known as Arab Spring, on the situation in Syria was described. The attention on escalation of tensions between Bashar al-Assad’s government and opposition as a source of civil war in Syria was paid. The foreign players at the arena of Syrian conflict with special concern to United States and Russia activity, as a main contractors in the conflict were shown
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Rotter, Andrew J. "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 518. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081170.
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Burghardt, Raymond F. "The United States and Vietnam." Journal of Macromarketing 32, no. 1 (October 13, 2011): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0276146711423667.
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US and Vietnamese relations have progressed remarkably since diplomatic relations between the two countries were normalized in 1995. The purpose of this essay is to reflect on this progress and to consider implications for the future. Trends suggest the United States and Vietnam will continue to cooperate closely and pragmatically on matters of trade and foreign direct investment, education, public health and well-being, and strategic interests, including military cooperation. While these trends are viewed as beneficial to both countries, they also are considered important to the regional balance of power, as China continues to increase its influence in Southeast Asia and beyond.
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Rubinoff, Arthur G. "Review: United States Foreign Policy, U.S.-Panama Relations 1903–1978." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 701–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100313.
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Theoharis, Athan, Suzanne E. Coffman, Edward C. Keefer, Harriet Dashiell Schwar, and Glenn W. LaFantasie. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. 4: Foreign Economic Policy." Journal of American History 80, no. 3 (December 1993): 1161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080558.
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