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1
Taufiq, Firmanda. "The Future of Turkey - United States Relations." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.24.
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Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.
2
Makaradze, Emzar, and Beka Makaradze. "Relations between the Republic of Turkey and the United States at the Present Stage and Their Impact on Georgia." Historia i Polityka, no. 38 (45) (December 14, 2021): 65–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.034.
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At the beginning of the 21st century, Turkish-American relations attracted serious attention of the international community. Since the end of the Cold War, relations between the Turkish Republic and the United States have focused on security. The foreign policy of the two countries from time to time pursued common and sometimes very different goals. In parallel with this, periods of ups and downs were observed in economic relations. It was the goal of achieving security that determined the cooperation between these two countries. On the one hand, there was the leader of one of the two poles during the Cold War – the United States, and on the other – Turkey, a country with significant influence in the Middle East, but strongly dependent on the United States.
In the 2000s, disagreements between Turkey and the United States, two NATO members, were not in Georgia’s interests. Turkey and the United States are Georgia’s partner countries. The United States is Georgia’s strategic partner and Turkey is one of its largest trading partners.
Despite tensions between Turkey and the United States, the latter is not expected to harm Georgia’s bilateral relations. According to Washington, Georgia’s rapprochement with Iran will be a more serious problem than the issue with Turkey, especially if Georgia violates sanctions against Iran.
3
Ismailov, Ismail A. "Turkish-American Relations during the National Struggle and the Government of Ankara: 1919–1923." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 15, no. 3 (2023): 603–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2023.310.
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During the National Struggle led by Mustafa Kemal Pasha and the Ankara government formed by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, Turkey’s most important goal in foreign policy was to establish an independent and national state. Meanwhile, the United States closely watched the struggle and tried to keep relations with Turkey under control. The reason for this was the steps taken by the United States to get to know the National Struggle Movement and the agenda of the issue of us mandate in Turkey. At the Paris conference, the United Kingdom offered the United States a mandate over Turkey, and in a week later on Istanbul and The Straits, as well as New Armenia, which would be established on the territory of Turkey. However, although the United States was initially interested in this mandate, it did not accept it in the end according to public opinion. As a result, at the Lausanne conference, the tendency of rapprochement has increased between Turkey and the United States. On August 6, 1923, a new agreement was signed between Turkey and the United States. The agreement signed between US Ambassador to Switzerland Joseph Clark Kru and Ismet Inonu regulated political and commercial relations. Despite the agreement, Turkish-American official relations still did not start immediately. However, as a result of the policy put forward by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, these relations began to develop year by year. The development of these relations showed that the events that took place against the backdrop of Turkish-American relations and the accumulated experience are always very interesting and important from the point of view of the international community and history. In this article, the relations between Turkey and the United States during the National Struggle period have been studied.
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Makaradze, Beka. "The Issues of Democratization in Relations between Turkey and the USA in the Post-War Period." Historia i Polityka, no. 36 (43) (June 1, 2021): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.019.
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At the end of the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century, the relations between Turkey and the United States of America attracted the attention of the international community. Since the end of the Cold War, the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the United States has been mainly focused on security. The foreign policy of the two countries, from time to time, was conducted at counterpurposes. Parallel to this, the periods of ups and downs in political relations had an impact on economic relations as well. It was the matter of security that determined the acceptance of mutual cooperation between the two countries. On the one side stood the USA – one of the leaders of the Western bloc in the Cold War, and on the other Turkey – a state very important in its region, but the most dependent on the US. Despite being in the NATO bloc together with the USA, Turkey has never felt secure itself. Assessing Ankara’s domestic and foreign policy, it is necessary to take into account the relationship with the United States, as it had the biggest impact on the overall shape of Turkey’s policy. Although the real and potential power of these two countries was not equal, during the Cold War Turkey became a stronghold of NATO and the Western bloc against the Soviet Union. Turkey was one of the countries that appeared on the border between the eastern and western hemispheres. Perhaps due to the peculiarities of its geographical location, Turkey became a country with equally special role in the world politics. The relations with the United States evolved precisely in this direction.
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Akçay, Ekrem Yaşar, and Halil Emre Deniş. "Nova Effect in Turkish Foreign Policy: Turkish-American Relations (1945-1964)." Slovak Journal of International Relations 21, no. 1 (March 15, 2023): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/sjir.1339-2751.2023.1.61-78.
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During the Cold War, which broke out between the Western Bloc and the Eastern Bloc after the Second World War, the Strategic Partnership was established between Turkey and the United States (US). As a result, the two states acted together against the Soviet Union threat. Turkish-American relations, which continued well from the early Cold War to the early 1960s, have been strained from time to time because of developments in the 1960s. These relations have also had some positive (lucky) and negative (unlucky) consequences for Turkey. This study reviews Turkish-American relations between 1945 and 1964. Turkish-American relations against the Soviet Union threat and communism, described as a common fall in the early years of the Cold War, were strained by what was written to Turkey by US President Lyndon B. Johnson in 1964, known as the Johnson letter. The study examines the breakdowns in Turkish-American relations during this period. We evaluate the impact of the development of Turkish-American relations on Turkey within the framework of the Nova effect, while the results of positive and negative development of relations were vaguely good or bad.
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Avatkov, Vladimir Alekseevich, and Alina Igorevna Sbitneva. "Turkey - The West: exemplary antagonism?" Contemporary Europe, no. 5 (December 15, 2023): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323050030.
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The article examines the Western direction of Turkey's foreign policy and its relations with its three key actors: the United States, NATO and the EU. By its centenary, which Turkey is celebrating on 29th of October, 2023, Ankara seeks to approach the status of an independent supra-regional power. For a long time, Turkey has served as a "junior ally" of Washington, but in the era of the polycentricity’s construction, it has significantly changed its foreign policy priorities. Relations with the United States have moved from an "exemplary partnership" to the rank of an exemplary antagonism and the path to "united Europe" has turned out to be more problematic and not profitable for Ankara from the point of view of its national interests. The NATO bloc has lost its primary importance due to Turkey's development of its own military-industrial complex and growing contradictions with existing and potential members of the alliance. Nevertheless, the West still has a great influence on economic and other related fields affecting the well-being of Ankara. In this regard, building constructive relations with the West remains one of the tasks of Turkey's foreign policy. The authors conclude that under current circumstances the complete political sovereignty of Ankara and its separation from the West can only occur within the framework of the "independence through dependence" model since Turkey due to the lack of its own resources for crisis-free existence will need the support of other stronger world players, such as Russia and, for example, China.
7
Davydov, A. A. "Systemic Crisis in the US-Turkish Relations Under the Presidency of D. Trump." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-145-160.
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Relations between the United States and Turkey, the two military-political allies of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), are experiencing an unprecedented crisis in their history. Its depth and scale is so significant that it affects the long-term foreign policy strategies of both countries, as well as the process of building a unified security architecture. In the study the author raises a question to what extent the current crisis in the US-Turkish relations is systemic? How high is the probability that it will turn out to be a long-term one? To answer this question, the study is divided into two parts.The first part analyzes the evolution of American approaches to Turkey in US foreign policy, the implementation of these approaches since the end of World War II till nowadays. On the basis of a system-historical approach, the author analyses the evolution the Turkey’s strategic positioning in the US foreign policy strategy and the transformation of political, economic and military relations between the two states since the moment of their institutionalization. The author distinguishes two stages of this evolution. During the first one, for the United States Turkey was one of the key countries that was blocking the Soviet expansion southward towards the Persian Gulf and the Suez Canal. The author notes that by the end of the bipolar confrontation, Turkey was de-facto losing its functional purpose in the logic of the Cold War. During the second stage, the US regards Turkey as one of the key NATO allies, whose geo-strategic location can be used for pursuing American national interests in the nearby regions. Author posits, that bilateral relations are gradually moving away from such a model of interaction. This happens because of the Turkish desire to diversify foreign relations and accumulation of contradictions between Washington and Ankara due to the divergence of their foreign policy strategies.The second part analyzes the contradictions in the American-Turkish relations under the presidency of Donald Trump on political, military and economic issues. The author comes to the conclusion that the crisis is indeed a systemic one. Firstly, the existing problems began to affect significant elements of the military-technical infrastructure of their relations. Secondly, it is difficult to resolve these problems without reformatting the interaction as between equivalent actors of international relations. Thirdly, the expert and political communities have not presented any kind of a new approach to rethink the allied status of American-Turkish relations.
8
M.M, Murtalibova. "Specificity of Turkey’s Security Relations with Neighboring Countries." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no. 12 (December 5, 2022): 569–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i12.865.
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The article analyzes the historical dynamics of cooperation and differences in conceptual understanding of approaches of Turkey’s international security and terrorism cooperation with the European Union and the United States in countermeasures. In the 2000s in spite of successful cooperation in the fight against international terrorism, these disagreements did not allow Turkey to fully unite to the system of international security in the Middle East, which is being built by the West. With the largest army in the Middle East and the second largest in the NATO bloc, a dynamic economy and a significant foreign policy weight (not to mention the ambitious leaders in charge), Turkey is playing an increasing role in regional and world politics. In recent years, Turkey’s foreign policy has undergone repeated, sometimes drastic changes, and its relations with a number of countries, from hostility to cooperation and vice versa, have always been the focus of the governments of the Middle East regional countries and NATO allies.
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Et. al., Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae ,. "The American-Turkish Political Relations 1991-2001 A.D." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 2451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.2079.
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The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region.
The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO.
In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity seemed to be more strained and changing, not to mention the Western model adopted by Turkey, which the United States wants to be an example in the region.
The American- Turkish relations for the period (1991-2001) were influenced by radical and fundamental changes. These variables are either internal or international. The internal factors influencing this relationship lie in the Turkish political parties which play a major role in the political process. The other factor is the Kurdish issue, which Turkey is dealing with very cautiously, while the United States has used it as a pressure card on the Turkish governments. It has not pursued a consistent policy on the issue and has always appeared against human
rights violations.
The other external factors, including the Cyprus issue, are a source of concern for the alliance strategy between the two countries from the 1960s until the present, and there is the matter of dealing with terrorism especially after the events of 11 September 2001.
The other factor is the question of the EU accession which is the Turkish dream and the source of interest for its foreign policy. Which the United States is trying to show that it is the only one who able to persuade the Europeans to accept the membership of Turkey.
Turkut Ouzel's government has sought to play a pivotal role at the regional and global levels and in the realization of Turkish interests in the Central Asian republics, the Black Sea basin, the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East region, the Arab neighbors, Israel, Iran and the Balkans, beside achieving the economic development and self-sufficiency; efforts are incessant to fulfill those ambitions.
Turkey has acted to change the unilateral approach towards the United States and the NATO to another one that includes multilateral policies related to the normalization of relations with the African and Asian worlds as well as neighboring countries.
10
Kryuchkov, I. V. "The Тurkey's policy in the western balkans at the beginning of the XXI century: main directions and results." Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, no. 2 (42) (2023): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.2.20.
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The article deals with the main trends and contradictions in the development of Turkey's cooperation with the states of the Western Balkans at the beginning of the 21st century. The material highlights the reasons for the activation of Ankara's policy in the Western Balkans, its stages and mechanisms for the implementation of the set foreign policy goals. In conclusion, the author comes to the conclusion that Turkey, together with the European Union, the United States and China, is becoming the main actor in international relations influencing the development of the Western Balkans.
11
Shpakovskaya, Marina, Oleg Barnashov, Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah, Asadullah Noori, and Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad. "Turkey’s foreign policy priorities in the Middle East and Afghanistan." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 10-3 (October 1, 2020): 228–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi59.
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The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.
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Đukić, Anđelija, Dejan Vuletić, and Miloš Milenković. "The relations between Russia and Turkey in the context of contemporary international events." Vojno delo 74, no. 1 (2022): 1–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2201001d.
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In the context of international events, the relations between Russia and Turkey remain complex, although they are based on mutual recognition of security and other interests and cooperation that is mutually beneficial. The strained relations between Turkey and the United States, caused by disagreements in Syria and Turkish purchase of the S-400 missile system, have shown Turkey's growing commitment to a more independent foreign policy. Russia is under sanctions due to the annexation of Crimea and is an actor in the crisis over Ukraine due to the NATO threat of expansion to the Russian western borders, which escalated after the Russian recognition of the independence of the People's Republic of Donetsk and Lugansk (Donbas) and launching a "special military operation" in Donbas. In the foreign policy of Russia and Turkey and acting towards the third parties, their conflicting interests and providing direct or indirect support to parties to the conflict, without a direct conflict, are often present, which shapes their specific "competitive cooperation". The engagement of Turkey and Russia in Syria has proven to be effective, both in military operations and in mediating negotiations, which has reduced the influence of the United States and NATO in this area. The crisis management model implemented in Syria has not been successful in the Libyan crisis due to the Russian more passive attitude and greater influence of the Western powers and the UN mission. The common engagement in energy and military projects and technology transfer is an indicator of cooperation focused on the industries of strategic importance. The Russian interests in the NATO non-expansion and Turkey in entering the European Union markets can also have a positive effect on the current economic, political and security position of Serbia and the countries of the region.
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Grafov, D. B. "Strategy of Balancing in Turkish Foreign Policy." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 3 (July 7, 2022): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-3-84-115-142.
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The new offensive approach of Turkey's foreign policy is the sign of President Erdogan's ambitions to redistribute power in the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean and a way to legitimize his own regime. On the one hand, this can be seen as the ambitions of «neo-Ottomanism», on the other hand, there is a new attempt to solve five foreign policy problems: the «Kurdish issue», the «Aegean dispute», the return of territories mentioned in the “National Oath” (Misak-i Milli), breakthrough from disillusionment with integration with the EU and overcoming inequality in allied relations with the United States to satisfy antiAmerican nationalism.The article examines Turkey's foreign policy since Erdogan gained full control of power and intervened in the civil war in Syria in 2014-2015. The aim is to determine the reason for Turkey's offensive strategy from the perspectives of Neorealism theory of International Relations and Bargaining model of war. The main findings are as follows. Erdogan's policy of power redistribution has focused on relations with the United States, the EU, and Russia as well as regional powers and has employed dominance in bargaining power as the main tool. A show of Turkey's force makes counterparts more compliant and serves as a tool to convince that the cost of deterring Turkey will be greater than the cost of concession.The main feature of Erdogan's policy is the use of contradictions between partners. According to Neorealism, if a state becomes too powerful, the balancing coalition occurs. But Turkey's offensive policy does not face a balancing coalition (or an international system, especially on the NATO and the EU directions), because there are many contradictions between potential opponents, which Erdogan masterfully uses. At some point, Turkey balances each of them by the threat to move closer to its opponent thus creating a balancing lever in “balancing triangle”. In this way Erdogan uses a series of “balancing triangles” to put pressure on Russia, the US, and the EU simultaneously.
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Kaçel, Ela. "Information or Culture: The Intellectual Dissemination of Americanism as Common Sense." New Perspectives on Turkey 50 (2014): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006610.
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AbstractThe discourse of postwar modern architecture is dominated by historical accounts that easily describe the processes of modernization in Turkey during the Cold War as a unilateral flow of ideas and expertise from the United States. Yet, the relation between benefactor and beneficiary is much more complex. This article explores culture production as a state function and intellectual practice through which bureaucrats and intellectuals representing the state agencies disseminated Americanism as common sense in postwar Turkey. Drawing on the cultural activities of two parallel organizations, the Turkish Information Office (TIO) acting in New York and the United States Information Service (USIS) in Turkey, it illustrates how the intricate relations among ideology, politics, and architecture affect the practices of bureaucrats and their audiences in the process of culture production. Promoting ideologies of Americanism, these organizations simultaneously popularized American architects and their buildings to their audiences. The comparative analysis of two case studies, the photo book Talking Turkey by the TIO and the Architecture Series of the Voice of America Forum Lectures, demonstrates how the division created between information and culture as two separate functions of foreign diplomacy perpetuated similar divisions in architectural discourse such as the iconic and the ordinary.
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Avatkov, V., and R. Guzaerov. "The Syria crisis in Turkey’s foreign policy." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2023): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2023-1-111-125.
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The article analyzes Turkey’s policy in the framework of the Syrian crisis. The Arab Spring brought dramatic changes to the region, and Syria has since become an area of never ending conflict. At the first stage of the war in Syria, Ankara demonstrated a moderate position in relation to the events in that country, but it soon turned to harsh criticism of the B.Assad regime. Special attention is paid to Turkish military operations in Syria. The interaction with Russia and the United States within the framework of the Syrian settlement is analyzed. The issue of Syrian refugees and their impact on Turkey EU relations are also discussed. It is concluded that in the context of the 2023 elections Ankara has moved to a more constructive position on the Syrian crisis.
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Nikitina, A. A., and K. R. Shafieva. "Development of bilateral economic relations between Russia and Turkey." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 4 (April 27, 2023): 226–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2304-02.
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Russia and Turkey are the largest powers influencing the international economy, diplomacy and the geopolitical climate on the European continent. In the conditions of anti-Russian sanctions, a huge role is assigned to strengthening relations between friendly states, searching for mutually beneficial directions and projects that will strengthen the economic well-being of partner states. In this regard, the establishment of diplomatic and economic relations between Russia and Turkey will allow Russia to maintain its position on the European continent. Turkey occupies an important geopolitical position at the same time being a European, Asian, Balkan, Caucasian, Middle Eastern, Mediterranean and Black Sea region. It unites the entire Eurasian space, thereby strengthening its role in the political space. Viewed from a regional perspective, the fact remains that trade between the two States is also important for world trade. Historically, it can be traced that from time to time problems arise between states, which negatively affects economic cooperation between them, since politics directly affects the economy and trade relations of countries. But, when building diplomatic ties, first of all, historical experience in relations between states should be taken into account and all the positive and negative sides should be taken into account. Taking into account all the regulatory legal acts considered, the authors of the article put up for discussion the issue of stabilization of bilateral relations between Russia and Turkey, and propose the most promising directions for strengthening relations between the states. The study is based on the analysis of official statistical indicators of Turkstat and Goskomstat, describing the state of development of foreign economic cooperation between Russia and Turkey.
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Ayvazyan, D. S. "Black Sea Region in the Security Policy of Romania: Evaluation of Approaches." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 2 (August 19, 2021): 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-2-207-218.
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The paper is dedicated to the role of the Black Sea region in the security policy of Romania. Approaches, patterns and results of this area of the foreign policy of Romania are studied since the period after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The concepts and strategies of the national security and the strategies of national defense of Romania, adopted since 1994 are analysed. The key patterns and results of the security policy pursued by Romania in the Black Sea region are defined. The author concludes that this direction of Romania's policy is consistently based on the strategic partnership with the United States and solidarity with the approaches of the NATO and EU in the Black Sea region. The policy leads to the imbalance in the relations with the littoral states for which euro-atlanticism has not become an ideological basis for their foreign policy (Russia and Turkey). Amidst the absence of the search for a new model of relations with the littoral states, Romania's policy leads to the growth of the potential for confliction in the Black Sea region.
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Lyman, Serhii, and Margarita Bielousova. "Сiprus-france relations and problems of region security." 15, no. 15 (August 1, 2022): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2310-9513-2022-15-01.
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After gaining independence in 1960, Cyprus began to establish relations with other countries. However, the ethnic conflict between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots in 1974 led to the actual division of the island into two state entities and to various forms of intervention by foreign states, including Greece, Turkey, France and also Great Britain and the United States. The purpose of the article is to analyze the history and current state of Cypriot-French relations, to study the whole range of French interests in Cyprus after gaining independence to the present. Methods used to achieve the goals of the study: historical and comparative analysis, systematization and generalization, retrospective method. The article emphasizes that from the very beginning of the Cypriot ethnic conflict, France has consistently advocated the territorial integrity of Cyprus and condemned the creation of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. In subsequent years, France contributed to the fact that Cyprus in 2004 became a member of the EU. But bilateral relations became most intense during the presidency of E. Macron in 2017–2022. The economic interests of France in Cyprus are primarily associated with the discovery of large gas reserves on the Cyprus shelf, for which several states are fighting in the Eastern Mediterranean region, among which Turkey is the most active. This struggle stimulates the establishment of military cooperation between France and Cyprus. The related 2017 bilateral treaty, which came into force in 2020, aims to contain Turkey. This treaty, the French-Cypriot military exercises and French efforts to resolve the Cyprus conflict aggravate French-Turkish relations and the political situation in the region. The analysis presented in this article, the study of the experience of these bilateral relations will be important for the development of appropriate strategies for international interactions for post-Soviet states, in particular, Ukraine.
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Ajzenhamer, Vladimir. "How to read U.S.-Turkish relations: An analysis of scholar literature." Medjunarodni problemi 68, no. 1 (2016): 24–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1601024a.
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Despite the great geopolitical importance of U.S.-Turkish bilateral relations and multilateral cooperation in which both countries participate, it is noticeable that only a small number of authors outside the United States and Turkey deal with this topic directly. As both countries are considered to be important players in the international arena, such small number of authors outside the bilateral circuit can be understood as illogical in academic terms. Especially if we take into account a large number of countries which, after the adoption of Davutoglu's foreign policy doctrine, found themselves in a stronger international interaction with Turkey. Therefore, we consider that a selective review and critical analysis of scientific literature on modern U.S.- Turkish relations can provide the possibility of a deeper insight into the current Turkish foreign policy. In this paper author gives a critical review of thirty-five academic papers. In order to facilitate transparency and more complete analysis, the author suggests a classification of papers according to three criteria: the timeframe of the paper, the attitude of the author (towards the given problem), and theoretical approach of the author. The aim of this paper is to review the literature, and enable the reader to summarize certain conclusions which then can be used as guidelines for further research of U.S.-Turkish relations, and the Turkish foreign policy in general.
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Krylov, A. "Armenian Borders in the XX–XXI Centuries." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2022): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-1-86-101.
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The proclamation of the independence of Armenia in 1918 symbolized for the Armenians the restoration of national statehood. The idea of having its own historical territory, which in the past was divided by the borders of different states, but should be united in the future, is of fundamental importance for the Armenian nation. The first attempt to implement it in practice was made in the process of changing the borders after the First World War. According to the Treaty of Sevres in 1920 and the arbitration decision of US President Wilson, a united Armenia was created with an area of about 160 thousand square kilometers. In 1923, the Entente states renounced the Treaty of Sevres and concluded the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey. After the establishment of Soviet power in Transcaucasia, border agreements were concluded between the USSR and Turkey. In Armenia, the Treaty of Sevres continues to be considered valid, the majority of political parties are in favor of resolving territorial disputes on its basis. After the unsuccessful Second Karabakh War for Armenia, N.Pashinyan took steps to normalize relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey. Russia expressed its readiness to guarantee security and assist in the delimitation and demarcation of the borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Further prospects for the development of the situation in the region largely depend on whether the Armenian leadership manages to develop a foreign policy course that will allow normalizing relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey, but at the same time will not cause a sharp reaction of rejection in the Armenian society.
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Kondori, Amir, and Seyed Hossein Sadeghi. "Review of the nature of Iran's foreign policy in its constitution and its comparative study with other countries." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 72 (March 7, 2022): 856–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4072.52.
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Iran's constitution, which was drafted after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, was mainly influenced by Islamic ideology. In this constitution, foreign policy is one of the categories that is well considered and taking a text of a revolutionary nature and influenced by the ideological atmosphere of the regime, aims to draw up a special strategy in the foreign relations of the Persian country. Therefore, the purpose of reviewing the foundations and structure of the foreign policy of the Republic of Iran and, at the same time, explaining how it develops at the stage of approval and revision of its constitution prevails. In addition, a comparative study of Iran's foreign policy with some countries is carried out, among them: the United States, France, Turkey, and India. The method used was the documentary and was based on the interpretation of textual sources with descriptive and comparative techniques, together with the analysis of the content of the constitution. The findings show that Iran's foreign policy after the Islamic Revolution is based on Islamic principles and seeks interaction with all countries through friendly relations.
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Khanaliyev, Nuradin U. "TRIANGLE “RUSSIA-TURKEY-IRAN” IN THE CONTEXT OF US STRATEGY IN THE MIDDLE EAST." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-1-66-77.
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The article is an attempt to identify and analyze some key principles of the US foreign policy in the Greater Middle East region, which, concurrently, factor into the rapprochement between Russia, Turkey and Iran in their opposition to the policies of the West as a whole and Washington in particular. The main attention is focused on the complex and controversial nature of the relations in the Russia- Turkey-Iran geopolitical triangle and, at the same time, the relations of each of the countries with the United States. As a result of the analysis, a conclusion was made that the very logic of Washington’s aggressive policy pushes the three countries to coordinate their efforts in ensuring national security and protecting national interests in the region. However, certain doubts were expressed regarding the possibilities of forming any strong long-term alliance between the three of them.
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Boldyrev, Andrey V. "VIEWS ON TURKEY’S POLICY DURING WORLD WAR II IN THE MODERN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 2 (16) (2021): 274–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2021-2-274-281.
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The article provides an overview of some research works from the countries of the Near Abroad (Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan) regarding Turkey’s foreign policy during the Second World War. Based on Soviet and Turkish periodicals, as well as materials from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (WUA RF) and newly discovered secret documents from the archives of the USA, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, academics from the Turkic republics of the former USSR set out their concept of Soviet-Turkish relations during the Second World War and Turkey’s relations with the United States and Great Britain. In general, one can note their unity with the views of Turkish historians on the policy of neutrality and political loneliness of Turkey due to the unreliable partnership with Western members of the anti-Hitler coalition. At the same time, considering the policy of Turkey during the war years as pursuing an independent course, researchers de facto come to the opposite results, showing that in defining its foreign policy discourse, Turkey depended on the actions of the USSR. A similar situation is observed in Turkish publications, where is noted the predominant influence of the Soviet factor on Turkey’s foreign policy during the war and in the post-war period. At the same time, researchers from the Turkic-speaking countries of the Near Abroad tend not to portray Turkey’s policy exclusively in white colors. There is another aspect as well. But while in Turkish historiography the German attack on the USSR is viewed as a positive factor, representatives of the former Soviet republics maintain a negative view towards it.
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Papian, Ara. "The Arbitral Award on Turkish-Armenian Boundary by Woodrow Wilson (Historical Background, Legal Aspects, and International Dimensions)." Iran and the Caucasus 11, no. 2 (2007): 255–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338407x265487.
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AbstractThe paper is a complex study of the history of the involvement of Woodrow Wilson (the 28th President of the USA, 1913-1921), in the fate of Armenian people after WWI and the Republic Armenia (1918-1920), especially in determining the boundary between Armenia and Turkey. It presents an analysis of Wilson's Arbitral Award according to the international law and the United Nation's official methodology. The article focuses on the historical background, legal aspects and political implications of Wilson's Arbitral Award (November 22, 1920), officially titled: Decision of the President of the United States of America respecting the Frontier between Turkey and Armenia, Access for Armenia to the Sea, and the Demilitarization of Turkish Territory adjacent to the Armenian Frontier. The Arbitration's significance goes beyond Armenian-Turkish and Armenian-US relations. Border conflicts are still relevant issues on the regional and international agenda. American involvement in the Middle East is one of the key components of the United States' present foreign policy. An accurate and a broad understanding of the nuances of the extremely complex legal situation in the region and the bases for the behaviour of the players can be vital for the security, political and economic interests of the region. Moreover, due to the active participation of the United States in the Armenian-Turkish relations through Wilson's Arbitration, the Arbitral Award becomes a logical starting point for a stronger historical, political, and legal understanding of the conflict-prone region. The article also contributes to the better understanding of President Wilson's policy towards the Middle East during the dramatic period of 1917-1921 and its possible consequences for critical relationships in the region today.
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Sonmez, A. Sait, and Samed Kurban. "Turkey’s Northern Iraq Policy Within the Dilemma of National Security Problems and Economic Cooperation (2003-2015)." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 2 (January 31, 2017): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n2p13.
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The general characteristic of the foreign policy adopted by Turkey for North Iraq has been shaped based on the national integrity of Iraq since the Gulf War4. However developments in this country caused an increase in seperation demands from North Iraq Kurds. On the other hand this region had become an important base for Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) since 1980’s. Turkey’s security dilemma and priorities over Iraq were formulated as “red lines” and decleraded before invasion of Iraq. But North Iraq based security issues increased after the occupation of Iraq by the United States of America (USA). Getting support of the USA Iraqi Kurds began to follow a policy as political rival of Turkey. But economic relations, which have been established with the regional Government in terms of energy and trade, caused cooperation in other fields. So transfomation of bilateral relations of Turkey and Kurdish Regional Government of Iraq (KRGI) is discussed in this paper. Aim of this paper is to analyze how economic cooperation caused cooperation in security issues such as fight against terrorism.
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Oyunsuren, S., and U. Zulbayar. "Mongolia’s Foreign Policy Implementation: A Case Study in the Middle East." Mongolian Diaspora. Journal of Mongolian History and Culture 1, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 127–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/modi-2021-010109.
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Summary The purpose of this article is to clarify Mongolia's foreign policy challenges and trends by studying the historical and current processes of Mongolia in relation to the Middle East in chronological order, using both primary and secondary sources. Relations between Mongolia and the countries of the Middle East can be chronologically divided into three different periods: the State of the Huns (Xiongnu), the Mongol Empire, and Modern Mongolia. The state of the Huns, at the peak of its power, successfully developed relations with the countries of the Middle East through the “Great Silk Road”. The Mongol Empire, including the Ilkhanate, the Golden Horde, the Chagatai Khanate, and the Yuan Dynasty made a significant contribution to the development of mankind and pioneered globalization processes within the concept of Pax Mongolica. In addition, it is clear that the Mongols and Muslims together played an important role in the development of the world during this period. The Mongols fell under the rule of the Manchu in 1691 and were close to extinction. However, in 1946, they restored the independence of Mongolia. During this period, there was no relationship between Mongolia and the Middle East. And with the accession of the Mongolian People's Republic to the UN in 1961, its foreign policy relations crossed to a new level. However, its political position was one-sided and stated that “Mongolia would develop relations with socialist-oriented countries” and it included Middle Eastern countries such as Egypt, Algeria, Democratic Yemen, Syria, Iraq, and Libya. During the 1990s, Mongolia's internal and external environment changed dramatically and it had moved to a democratic political system and market economy. And Mongolia determined the main guiding principle of foreign policy as “multi-based”. According to Mongolia's first foreign policy concept of 1994, its foreign policy towards the Middle East has been successfully implementing not only through bilateral relations but also through multilateral relations within international organizations and movements such as the United Nations, the Group of 77, and the Non-Aligned Movement. The renewed Mongolia Foreign Policy Concept of 2011 is aimed at establishing and expanding partnerships and cooperation with countries of the West and East, such as the United States, Japan, the European Union, India, the Republic of Korea, and Turkey within the framework of the “third neighbor” policy. One of the key motivations for Turkey as a third neighbor should be a historical link that binds the two peoples together as descendants of similar cultural heritage. In the near future, it is obvious that we will increase the number of our third neighbors with countries such as Kuwait, Israel, Iran from the Middle East.
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Skorospelov, Petr P. "“A Special Form of Making Foreign Policy by the Threat of War to Imperialists”. A Case Study of Military-Political Activity of Central Committee Presidium under N.S. Khrushchev, 1953–1964. Part 2." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 3 (2022): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080020574-8.
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The results of Khrushchev's foreign policy can be considered, albeit not in everything and even more modest than planned, on the whole quite successful. To resolve the 2nd Berlin crisis (1958–1963), Khrushchev in 1960 reduced the Soviet ground forces by a third, thereby trying to encourage the United States to reduce its military presence in Europe. However, at the Paris Summit of the heads of the 4 powers (1960), due to the active opposition of France and Germany, he failed to push through an agreement on West Berlin on Soviet terms. Mao Zedong, who himself dreamed of leadership among socialist countries after Stalin's death, took advantage of the convenient situation to start a conflict with Moscow. In such an environment, Khrushchev escalated the Berlin crisis by threatening to conclude a peace treaty with the GDR and block Western powers' access to West Berlin (at the same time he conducts command and staff exercises “Storm”, 5–15.10.1961, together with the armies of the ATS countries). He hoped that the United States would not dare to start a war because of West Berlin, and this, in turn, would help to break off Western European states from NATO, showing them that the United States is not a reliable defender for them. His plan partially succeeded: in 1966, France will withdraw from NATO. In order to divert the attention and forces of the United States from West Berlin, the USSR has been actively creating distracting situations around the world since 1961. One of these situations was the Caribbean crisis, which almost led to a nuclear war (1962) and was a heavy defeat for the USSR, which had to fulfill all the conditions of the United States, but in return received Kennedy's promise to remove missile bases from Turkey. It will be possible to remove them only in 1963 in exchange for Turkey's support in its war with Greece over Cyprus. From Iran, due to the harsh Anglo-American pressure on the Shah, the USSR was able to achieve only an obligation not to deploy foreign missiles on its territory, but not to withdraw from the Baghdad Pact, nevertheless, the latter's activities were paralyzed. Under Brezhnev, despite the rejection of Khrushchev's tactics of nuclear bluff, the main directions and strategic goals of foreign policy remained the same as under Khrushchev: ensuring security on the western and southern borders of the USSR by splitting the opposing military blocs and establishing ties with Western European countries, especially France, improving relations with Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, linking them economically. The program of naval construction and the permanent presence of the Soviet Navy in all oceans, begun in 1959, continued.
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Султанмуратов, Н. Н., Ф. Т. Кукеева, Е. С. Чукубаев, and А. Б. Смаилова. "Prospects for Turkish-American relations under a Biden presidency." Bulletin of the Karaganda university History.Philosophy series 3, no. 103 (September 30, 2021): 109–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31489/2021hph3/109-115.
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The last November’s presidential election in the United States of America have traditionally aroused great interest from the entire world community. As it is known, any new American administration always presupposes, to one degree or another, changes in the policy of the White House, both domestically and in the international arena. Accordingly, the final victory of the Democratic candidate Joe Biden is perceived by many in this context. Moreover, his campaign rhetoric clearly indicated a revision of certain Trump decisions. From the point of view of modern global processes, the situation with foreign policy is especially relevant. And in this case, a thorough revision of the American strategy is expected. The same applies to relations, for example, with Turkey. At the moment, ties between Washington and Ankara are going through difficult times. At the same time, with the arrival of Biden, the situation may worsen even more. On the agenda is the question of the possible introduction of American sanctions against the Erdogan government. Of course, such a scenario is capable of causing a serious split between the two states.
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Balcı, Ali, and Talha İsmail Duman. "Turkey’s Candidature to the UN Security Council Seat in 1948: Why the West’s ‘Favorite’ Candidate Lost." Turkish Historical Review 11, no. 2-3 (June 29, 2021): 284–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10017.
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Abstract Following the Second World War, Turkey vigorously pursued a policy of effective participation in international institutions. As part of this policy, Turkish diplomats campaigned for a non-permanent seat in the UN Security Council in the year 1948. This article aims to provide descriptive information about this campaign and explain why Turkey lost the election in the UN General Assembly for the seat reserved for the Near East region. In doing so, the article primarily uses historical documents from the Foreign Relations of the United States (frus) series because they provide very detailed information about backstage diplomacy, motivations of candidate countries, and opinions of the US diplomats about candidates. The article concludes that it was the US Cold War policies that influenced the outcome of the 1948 election. Although it was publicly known that the US supported Turkey in this election, a closer examination of the American diplomatic documents reveals that the US voted for Egypt in order to keep it in the Western camp.
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Bardakçı, Mehmet. "Turkey and the Major Powers in the Eastern Mediterranean Crisis from the 2010s to the 2020s." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 516–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0071.
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Abstract This study investigates the recent Mediterranean disputes involving Turkey with respect to the major powers of the European Union (EU), United States (US), Russia and China. The author maintains that Turkey’s position has been determined by its own interests in the region as informed by its relations with the major powers, their vested interests in the disputes, Turkey’s maritime foreign policy ideology (Mavi Vatan), its economic and military capabilities and the shifting international system. Turkey is found to regard the EU and the US as supportive of the Greek and Greek Cypriot policies, although the EU countries are somewhat divided on how to show that support. In such a context, Turkey has desired to have Russia and China on its side in the disputes concerning the Eastern Mediterranean, to counterbalance the influence of the US and the EU. This, however, did not come to fruition since Russia and China opted to remain neutral.
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Avatkov, V. A. "Fundamentals of the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan at the Present Stage." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 3 (August 20, 2020): 118–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-3-7.
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The article analyzes the basis of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy at the present stage. The main attention is paid to the documentary substantiation of foreign policy, political and legal bases of foreign policy strategy, and key organizations in this area. There is analysis of the most significant areas of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy. It is noted that the Republic is trying to find a new balance in the region and the world, pragmatically maintaining contacts with the main players in the region – Russia, the United States, Turkey and Iran. Moreover, in foreign policy documents of Baku, special emphasis is placed on cooperation with the West, in particular, there is a strengthening not only in the framework of doctrinal cooperation with NATO and the EU, but also constant contacts on all political, economic and military lines. In addition, the leadership of Azerbaijan pays special attention to the problem of Nagorno‑Karabakh. The article also shows that the fundamental documents that determine the external state agenda, although they are sufficiently Westernoriented, at the same time reflect the ambition of Azerbaijan in the context of becoming a regional center of power. This process is also influenced by external actors, in particular the Republic of Turkey. It was determined that the territorial issue, logistic and military issues, regional and global political trends are indicators, thanks to which one can observe the transformation of the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In the context of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Russia, it was revealed that the interaction between the countries seems significant for both states in terms of ensuring security in the South Caucasus.
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Rustamova, L. R. "Evolution of the Syrian Peace Process and the Position of the “Key” States Regarding the Syria’s Return to the Arab Fold." Journal of Law and Administration 19, no. 3 (October 30, 2023): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2023-3-68-15-27.
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Introduction: The Syrian conflict remains one of the most acute unresolved conflicts of our time. Its internationalization, the active intervention of foreign states, especially the United States and Turkey in the dynamics of the conflict and their military presence on Syrian territory, remain obstacles to the settlement. However, the spring of 2023 was marked by a number of political events in the Middle East, which allow us to take a fresh look at the prospects for the Syrian peace process. Against the backdrop of increasing Israeli strikes against Syria, a serious strengthening of Iran's position and cross-border security threats spreading from Syria in the face of deteriorating socio-economic indicators in Syria due to Western sanctions, the leading Arab countries began to reconsider their relations with earlier rejected by them President B. Assad and started negotiations on the "return" of Syria to the Arab family. Materials and methods: Russian and foreign studies on the Syrian peace process, news sources of the world media were used as materials for writing the article. The methodological base was made up of discourse analysis and a comparative analysis of the approaches of the largest regional powers to the issue of resolving the Syrian conflict. Research results: The admission of Syria to the League of Arab States, the opening of diplomatic missions of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates and Oman in Syria allow us to conclude that the peace process is now in the hands of the countries of the Middle East region. The peace process also no longer consists of negotiations between the regional countries involved in the conflict and the Syrian government solely over the political structure of Syria, but rather consists of negotiations on the conditions for the legitimization of the Syrian authorities. Discussion and conclusion: At the same time, the role of Russia in the peace process is to organize negotiations between Syria and a number of the most authoritative Middle Eastern states: Turkey and Iran, in order to find acceptable conditions for the normalization and withdrawal of their troops from the territory of Syria in exchange for guarantees of their security and maintaining a certain balance of their interests in Syria and the Middle East region as a whole. The existing joint foreign policy interests in other regions of Russia with Turkey and Iran built interdependence relations and gave Moscow certain levers of influence on them in the Syrian negotiation process, which makes it an influential participant in the settlement of the conflict.
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ALEKSANYAN, Larisa. "FOREIGN POLICY OF THE SOUTH CAUCASIAN COUNTRIES: RESULTS AND NEW CHALLENGES." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.4.06.
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The newly independent states (South Caucasian countries being no exception), the products of the Soviet Union’s traumatic disintegration, needed independent foreign policies. Throughout the three decades of their independence they formulated their priorities and defined approaches and principles under strong pressure of certain factors. This process has been unfolding amid the complicated social and political processes and geopolitical transformations in the region shaken by the post-Soviet ethnic conflicts. As could be expected, the newly independent South Caucasian states opted for different routes in their economic and statehood development, while their ruling elites took into account the external and internal contexts when shaping their foreign policies. Different approaches and different foreign policy priorities opened the doors to non-regional geopolitical actors: the United States, the European Union, Iran and Turkey have joined Russia, whose presence is rooted in its past. Recently, China, Israel and Japan have become interested in the region. Thus, today the regional countries are orientated to the interests of non-regional states. This has not benefited the situation in the region or cooperation among the regional states. Foreign policy of the South Caucasian countries is inseparable from the regional security problems, which means that it should become an object of meticulous studies. In the latter half of 2020, the war in Nagorno-Karabakh changed the region’s geopolitical setting and shattered its stability. The article sums up the results of the policies pursued by the South Caucasian countries and identifies the challenges and possible developments in the region after the Karabakh war of 2020.
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Petriaiev, O. S. "STRATEGIC INTERESTS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY IN THE REGION OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 3(55) (December 21, 2022): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.3(55).269555.
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The coming to power in the Republic of Turkey of Prime Minister and later President Recep Tayyip Erdogan led to a change in the ideological foundation of the state, the rejection of the ideology of Kemalism and the transition to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism with an active foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. The strengthening of Erdogan's power contributed to a change in Turkey's foreign policy and the development of external relations with the Islamic worlds and, first of all, with the Arab countries. The neo-Ottoman ideology has become a key element in Turkey's foreign policy strategy in the Arab region. Prerequisites for changing the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey in the Middle East and North Africa are complex. After the political party Justice and Development came to power, it led to the desire for neo- Ottoman revanchism and the rejection of the "zero problems with neighbors" political vector. Also, through various reforms, the leader of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, managed to neutralize the political opposition and the Turkish military, who historically were the external arbiters of Turkish political life. The strengthening of Erdogan's political position inside Turkey allowed him to change the external political course of his country. After the start of a series of revolutions in the Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa, Turkey felt that it could regain in this region the lost political and economic positions that it had lost after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. After that, Turkey began to position itself as an important military, political and economic player in the region, competing with such countries as Israel, Egypt, Iran and Saudi Arabia. This vector of development of Turkey's foreign policy showed that the country no longer seeks to pursue a policy close to the interests of the United States and the European Union, and began to distance itself from the Western world, becoming the dominant political and military player in the Middle East, North Africa and other regions. This trend showed that the Republic of Turkey has already declared itself as a regional power that other political players need to reckon with.
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Grafov, Dmitry B. "The Turkish Art of Offensive-Balancing from the Perspective of Neorealism." Contemporary Arab Affairs 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 72–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2022.15.2.72.
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In his foreign policy, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has reconsidered commitments to the United States and NATO allies that limit his political ambitions. Turkey’s military power is actively involved in Syria, Iraq, Libya, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the South Caucasus in an attempt to alter the existing regional orders. Offensive realism, as a branch of neorealism, asserts that states are willing to use force to advance their own interests, and that their survival in the international system requires a maximization of power. Defensive neorealism holds that aggressive expansion clashes with the interests of other states and their desire to ensure their own security. According to the balance of power theory, the expansion and maximization of power reduces the security of an offensive state by countering a coalition of balancing states. At the same time, Turkish foreign policy strongly supports the formation of an Islamist, neo-patrimonialist, populist, and security-obsessed ruling bloc representing the resentment of Turkish society of the historical injustices committed by the West. This article attempts to determine Erdoğan’s strategy, examines it from the standpoint of the offensive/defensive approach of neorealism, and evaluates its effectiveness. Erdoğan has created a multi-polar balancing structure of foreign relations in which Turkish rivals restrain each other. This structure is similar to a pentahedron with Turkey in the center and its main rivals–partners arrayed around it at each point. Ankara, by shifting closer to one or another rival–partner, can effectively bargain with others using threats.
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Simanjuntak, Triesanto Romulo. "Balance of Threat Analysis in Resolving the Diplomatic Crisis of Qatar and Saudi Arabia in 2017-2020." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 11, no. 3 (March 7, 2024): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v11i3.5528.
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The regional closeness of Persian Gulf countries faced a threat due to Qatar's foreign policy approach. Despite having the lowest military expenditure among Gulf countries, Qatar diverged from Saudi Arabia's policy of fostering stability in the Persian Gulf region to distance itself from groups deemed a threat to the domestic politics of other Gulf nations. Qatar's pursuit of greater democratic freedoms and a more moderate approach to international relations prompted Saudi Arabia and other Gulf nations to impose a diplomatic blockade in 2017. Despite this, Qatar's flexible foreign policy helped it avoid a prolonged domestic crisis. Establishing ties with nearby countries like Iran and Turkey and acquiring fighter aircraft from France and the United States garnered international support beyond its region. This research will examine Qatar's efforts to navigate the diplomatic crisis using a balance of threat approach—a key concept in Neorealism theory that posits an anarchic international structure requiring countries to navigate the global political stage for survival.
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Mamishova, N. "TURKEY – NATO'S AMBASSADOR IN NAGORNO KARABAKH?" Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. International relations, no. 2 (54) (2021): 21–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2292.2021/2-54/21-25.
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It was in full swing of the 2020 newly-blown Nagorno Karabakh war when during an online press conference following the meetings of NATO Defense Ministers its Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg openly denoted Turkey as the one expected to "use its considerable influence in the region to calm tensions". Amid Armenia's accusations of Ankara allegedly playing a negative role in the conflict, this was a living testament of Turkey being a "valued Ally" of NATO. Pushing a political solution to the conflict, in which NATO was though not part in and around, the Alliance apparently sought to "level the playing field" within the Minsk Process, whose activity was never effective. The peace efforts of the OSCE Minsk Group, co-chaired by Russia and two powerful NATO allies – France and the United States, proved to be obsolete and unhelpful in the long-standing territorial dispute between Yerevan and Baku. Somehow, inserting Turkey into this configuration of powers consequently managed to bring some stability to the region. This study aims at investigating how comes that Russia "sanctioned" having Turkey, another NATO member, as a "certified" player on the field and that Armenia-favoring France let engage the country which has even no diplomatic relations with Yerevan. It concludes consequently that self-positioning of Turkey as a non-conventional NATO ally pursuing an autonomous foreign and security policy has been a critical factor.
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Shumilina, I. "Domestic Factors of the Biden Administration’s Strategy in the Middle East." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-24-30.
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In the early months of Joe Biden’s administration in the White House, Middle East issues were not identified as a priority of its foreign policy. Individual steps in this direction, however, suggest that the administration will adhere to the principal lines of conduct for the United States towards American partners and allies (Israel, the Arab monarchies of the Gulf and others), as well as towards the main conflict nodes in the region (Syria, Libya, Yemen). At the same time, it is also obvious that its tactical emphasis has shifted in its approach to a number of the most important problems of the region – in particular, the Palestinian-Israeli standoff (namely, restoration of relations with the government of Mahmoud Abbas) and the situation around Iran (return to the renewed nuclear deal – JCPOA) and Turkey (overcoming the cooling of relations with Ankara). Apparently, we can talk about Biden’s revival of the Middle East policy pursued under Barack Obama’s administration. This process is largely due to the domestic political calculations of the Biden team and the Democratic Party as a whole. The author of the article tries to assess the influence of American immigrant’s communities from the Arab countries and Turkey on Joe Biden’s Middle East policy.
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Zhiltsov, Sergey. "THE CASPIAN REGION: DEVELOPMENT RESULTS AND NEW TRENDS." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 30–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.4.03.
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The Caspian region came into the focus of attention of the Caspian and non-regional states even prior to the collapse of the U.S.S.R. The increased global attention to this region was associated with the presence of proven and potential reserves of hydrocarbon resources, which increased the region’s geopolitical significance. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Caspian region found itself in the center of geopolitical rivalry. From that time on, the subject of energy acquired a new meaning in the Caspian region. Western oil and gas companies and government agencies began to demonstrate an increased interest in the hydrocarbon resources of the Caspian region. Moreover, for decades the West has maintained a close focus on the Eurasian space, in particular, on the problems associated with the production and transportation of hydrocarbon resources. The most acute geopolitical standoff occurred between Russia and the United States, which supported various pipeline projects. For Russia, the key task was to preserve its regional dominance, which had been growing over the course of several centuries. The United States supported the geopolitical turn of the new Caspian states, advocating the creation of new hydrocarbon supply routes that would bypass Russian territory. The key task for the Caspian states was to increase hydrocarbon production and provide reliable routes for their export to foreign markets. Based on these goals, the Caspian states built their own foreign policy, including intraregional policy. Thirty years later, the results of geopolitical rivalry are visible. The Caspian countries, which rely on financial resources and political support from non-regional actors, have implemented large-scale hydrocarbon export projects. The new pipeline architecture has changed the balance of power in the Caspian region, increasing the involvement of the Caspian states in the energy policy of Turkey, China, and the EU. At the same time, the regional states have managed to solve the problem of the international legal status of the Caspian Sea in a five-sided format. A new trend of the last decade has involved projects related to the construction of coastal infrastructure and expansion of shipping. The Caspian countries are growing increasingly more interested in participating in international transport projects, considering them as an important component of their foreign policy. Despite the attained agreements and solutions to key problems, competition between the Caspian states, which is greatly influenced by non-regional actors, is intensifying.
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Toshkulov, Juraboy. "CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL BASIS OF RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SECULAR STATE AND RELIGION: FOREIGN AND UZBEKISTAN EXPERIENCE." Review of Law Sciences 6, no. 3 (October 10, 2022): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.51788/tsul.rols.2022.6.3./woas9818.
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The article analyzes the types of states in terms of the content and essence of state-religious relations, the constitutional and legal foundations of freedom of conscience in accordance with the constitutions of the United States of America, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Republic of Poland, the French Republic, the Republic of Turkey, Japan, the Republic of Estonia, Czech Republic and the Republic of Uzbekistan, their common features, similarities and differences, using secular scientific and comparative methods, appropriate conclusions are drawn, suggestions are made on the directions of research work that will be carried out in the future. Given the growing influence of the religious factor in the socio-political, spiritual and ideological spheres in the current period, and also taking the intensified preparation of constitutional reforms in our country into account, the author considers it relevant: a deep and comprehensive study of international and regional documents on the relationship between the state and religion with scientific analysis; conducting extensive scientific research on the genesis and evolution of the norms governing relations between the state and religion; a comparative study of the legislation of foreign, including secular countries, regulating relations between the state and religion in practice in the current period and making suggestions and recommendations on the critical use of achievements in this regard in improving national legislation. Also, considering the activation of socio-political forces that are trying to use religion for political purposes, and the fact that they pose a serious threat to countries, regions and international security that use religion as a disguise, especially Islam, the development of the draft “Convention against terrorism under the mask of religion” and its adoption by the UN General Assembly is a requirement of the time.
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Ahmad, Ahmad Yousef. "Introduction to a general reading of the Arab scene." Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 4 (October 1, 2016): 493–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2016.1201932.
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This paper provides a reading of the current Arab scene with a view to understanding the reasons for its present frustrating and depressing decline. The establishment of the Arab League in 1945 embodied the birth of the modern Arab regional system. The rise of a period of pan-Arab nationalism saw numerous successes for the Arab system and possibilities for achieving Arab unity. However, this was followed by the defeat of the 1967 war, inter-Arab conflicts, the other setbacks for pan-Arabism and increasing foreign penetration, particularly by the United States, Israel, Turkey and Iran. This foreign interference, increasing terrorism and the rise of sectarian and ethnic divisions now threaten the integrity of the Arab system as well as the Arab identity. The Arab system and the Arab League are failing to tackle these threats effectively and the League has made decisions that have had serious repercussions for many critical Arab issues. The Arab Spring represented a hope for a renaissance of the Arab system, but in some cases it has worsened foreign penetration and caused further instability. This paper proposes that it is necessary to examine the features of the Arab scene in order to understand its predicament and reflect on the prospects for this decline to be exacerbated or contained. The conclusion looks at several possible future scenarios for the Arab scene.
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AL-SAEED, Ahmed Safaa Souda Thamer. "A STUDY OF POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN QATAR AND BAHRAIN BETWEEN THE YEARS (2017-2020)." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 08 (November 1, 2021): 444–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.8-3.33.
Full textAbstract:
The study was interested in identifying the nature of the various relations between Qatar and Bahrain during the period 2017-2020, taking into account their roots, by studying the events and political variables in these relations at regular intervals from the point of view of many academic, news and media writings. The research adopted the inductive research method, which focused on referring to what was written on this topic from contemporary books, research and published articles, and showing the extent of their consistency or conflict in order to derive the results and present the topic correctly. We also used the historical method, not primarily. The study reached a number of results, the most important of which was that the relations were and still are tense, affected by the policy of the concerned foreign countries and their international alliances with Turkey, Iran and the United States of America, and the changes in the political conditions of the region with a difference in foreign trends and the diplomatic tool in the face of these changes, especially the Qatari side, which I adopted soft power as a diplomatic tool in dealing with the crisis with Bahrain and its allies in exchange for the blockade, which was considered a means of pressure that had negative effects on humanity and the citizens of the two countries. And the International Court of Justice to look into the nature of cases and political differences, as well as the role of the media in bringing views or their dimensions and in alleviating the severity or escalation of the crisis. Keywords: Borders, Arab Spring, protests, interventions, relations, Qatar and Bahrain, Gulf crisis .
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Gutenev, Yuriy. "The Arab Spring in the Syrian Arab Republic and Russian Interests." Oriental Courier, no. 2 (2022): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310021463-7.
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The article examines the dynamics of political processes in the Middle East after the beginning of the Arab Spring at its various stages, how the foreign policy changes of recent years in the Middle East reflected important events in the international arena and influenced the Syrian crisis. Using the example of the Syrian Arab Republic (SAR), the author analyzes the relations of the main actors of political processes whose interests were affected by the Arab Spring, as well as the approaches of the Russian Federation to ensuring collective security in the region. Special attention is paid to the complex relations between the Russian Federation, the United States and the Republic of Turkey. The differences in the sphere of regional interests are analyzed. The author also examines the confrontation between the State of Israel and the Islamic Republic of Iran as one of the imbalances that hinder the settlement of the Middle East conflict. A brief analysis of the imbalances that are the driving force in international relations and aggressive actions of the actors, such as military intervention and the struggle for regional influence, are the main subject of the study in this article. The author relies in the analysis mainly on the works of domestic orientalists who gave a tentative assessment of the driving forces of the Arab Spring, paying special attention to the change in the position of the Russian Federation from expectant observation at the beginning of the events under consideration to subsequent active intervention and transition to influencing the situation in the region at the present time.
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Umarov, Husan. "New Formats of Interaction of Investment Cooperation between Russia and Turkey in Modern Economic Conditions." Spatial Economics 18, no. 3 (2022): 168–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14530/se.2022.3.168-193.
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The deterioration of Russia’s trade and economic relations with international partners due to the aggravation of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine increases the importance of diversification of key sectors of the Russian economy. Russia’s search for new strategic partners increases the pace of cooperation with the Republic of Turkey. The subject of the study is the study of the advantages of the Russian-Turkish strategic partnership, the basis of which is mutual interest in building up economic and geopolitical potential. The key objectives of the study will be to study the current investment climate, the stages of implementation of investment cooperation between Russia and Turkey in various sectors of the economy, analysis of the dynamics of foreign direct investment, mutual investment, trade turnover, exports and imports between the countries. Such research methods as observation, comparative analysis, generalization, historical method will be used in the work. The author will refer to the materials of Russian and foreign experts in the field of international economics, finance, investment deposits, statistical data on export, import, mutual turnover, foreign direct investment (FDI) between Russia and Turkey, obtained from the reporting documents of the Turkish Statistical Institute (TurkStat), the World Bank (The World Bank), the United Nations (UN), the Turkish Construction Union (Turkish Construction Union). The main result of the study will be the structuring of factors affecting the dynamics of bilateral investment cooperation. The results of the study can be useful to representatives of business organizations, business owners and managers, specialists in the field of economics and finance. Formulating the main conclusions of the study, the author notes the priority of mutually beneficial Russian-Turkish partnership on key economic issues
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Fisk, Kerstin, Jennifer L. Merolla, and Jennifer M. Ramos. "Emotions, Terrorist Threat, and Drones: Anger Drives Support for Drone Strikes." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 4 (May 3, 2018): 976–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718770522.
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In this article, we investigate how threat perceptions and emotions can jointly impact individuals’ attitudes toward drone strikes. We argue that conditions of threat can increase public support for the use of drone strikes. We further contend that the effect of threat perceptions on support for drone strikes is mediated by negative, emotional reactions, particularly anger. We test our arguments in France, the United States, and Turkey using data generated from nationally representative online surveys, in which individuals were randomly assigned to a control group, a condition in which they read about terrorist threat (with or without a reminder of democratic values), or a condition in which they read about economic threats. Our findings have implications for long-standing notions about the roles of rational calculations and psychological processes in influencing support for aggressive foreign policy.
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Marszałek-Kawa, Joanna, and Ahmet Burak. "The Landscape after Brexit as Seen from Ankara. Will the UK’s Divorce from the European Union Additionally Loosen Tights Between Europe and Turkey and Have an Impact on the Future of the Continent?" Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (September 15, 2017): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2017.22.3.9.
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On 29 March 2017, President of the European Council Donald Tusk received a note from UK Ambassador Tim Barrow. Under the document, the procedure of UK’s leaving of the European Union was initiated.1 Gideon Rachman from “Financial Times” compared Brexit to a divorce, stating that the representative of the British government “granted the divorce papers”, thus beginning a “long (planned for two years) attempt to redefine mutual relations” (Rozpoczyna się Brexit…, 2017). In his announcement for the press, Donald Tusk commented: “There is no reason to pretend that this is a lucky day, both in Brussels and in London […] Most Europeans, including almost a half of British voters, would prefer us to be still together” (Wielka Brytania rozpoczyna…, 2017). The stance of the European Council clearly mirrors the moods caused by the decision on Brexit, which are prevailing among all EU member states. It should be noted, however, that leaving the EU by the Brits not only has an impact on their political situation, but it also determines the actions of states aspiring to become members of the Community. The aim of this paper is to discuss the reasons for Brexit and to present the position of the Turkish government on this issue on the basis of the analysis of press articles and politicians’ speeches. The hypothesis we posed assumes that Brexit meant Turkey losing its most important advocate in the Union. Thus, the future of accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union has been called into question. One should also wonder to what degree Turkey’s foreign policy priorities, which have already been redefined under the influence of the war in Syria, the battle with ISIS, the immigration crisis and the futile accession process so far, will be affected by the United Kingdom’s decision to leave the European Union. Will Turkey choose to follow the so-called Trexit route, giving up its membership in the EU?
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Pushkareva, V. V. "THE CASPIAN REGION IN MODERN POLITICS: PROBLEMS OF REGIONAL COOPERATION." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 2 (June 18, 2021): 211–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-2-211-220.
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The Caspian region appears in international political terms with the USSR collapse. It includes five littoral countries - Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan, which are building cooperation with each other and with non-regional actors in the new geopolitical conditions. The formation of relations is influenced both by the common and diverse national interests of the Caspian states, and by the constant direct and indirect impact of external players: the United States, the European Union, China and Turkey. Each of them regards the Caspian region as the most important strategic space for political and economic control over Eurasia in accordance with their own interests. The interest of the world powers in strengthening their influence in the Caspian Sea is connected, firstly, with oil and gas reserves, and secondly, with the fact that the region is the center of Eurasia, where a transport transit corridor connecting Europe with various regions of Asia passes. The domestic and foreign political conditions of the Caspian region are not easy. The main problems of regional cooperation are the disunity of the region, the potential for the implementation of "color revolutions" against the background of socio-economic difficulties. The "domino effect" in development of the situation is quite real. There is no reliable mechanism to protect regional interests. The first steps to form multilateral cooperation have been taken on the basis of The Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea.
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Avrutina, Appolinaria S., and Sabri Gürses. "Fyodor Mikhailovich Dostoevsky in Turkey: History of Translations." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 14, no. 3 (2022): 415–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2022.303.
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The article is devoted to the review of the history of translations of Fyodor Dostoevsky into Turkish. Currently, Dostoevsky is one of the most popular foreign writers in Turkey, and according to the Turkish book market, one of the most purchased authors. By decision of the Ministry of Public Education, since 2004, the works of the Russian classic have been included in the recommendatory part of the school curriculum, so it is difficult to find a person inTurkey who would not read Dostoevsky. The history of Dostoevsky’s translations into Turkish evolved in a special way: back in the late 19th - early 20th century there were none, since the Department of Russian Language and Literature in Turkey first opened in 1935, but the first translations appeared only in the 1920s and performed from French. However, subsequently the popularity of the writer grew so much that absolutely all of his works were translated into Turkish, and some even several times. Classical Russian literature had a special influence on Turkish literature of the 20th century, and Dostoevsky’s works are the most important literary basis for their own work for many Turkish writers. For example, the recently translated into Russian novel “The Idiot” by the American writer of Turkish origin Elif Batuman, who was born and raised in the United States, as well as the novel by the young prose writer Burhan Sonmez “Istanbul. Istanbul”. Despite the late appearance of Dostoevsky’s works on the Turkish book market and late acquaintance with the Turkish reader, Dostoevsky became one of the most popular and beloved Russian writers among Turks of almost all ages (which is confirmed by the publication of Dostoevsky’s works in an adapted form for children). The authors of the article analyzed the history of translations of Dostoevsky’s novels into Turkish and came to the conclusion that the appearance of a large number of translations is explained not only by the great popularity of the Russian language and culture in modern Turkey, and not only by the cinematic popularity of Dostoevsky all over the world, but also by a high reader demand for his texts, since Dostoevsky’s works meet the cultural and moral needs of modern Turkish society.
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Kuznetsov, Aleksei. "VARIETY OF POSSIBLE CENTERS OF FORCE IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER." Political Science (RU), no. 4 (2022): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2022.04.05.
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The article is devoted to the typology of potential centers of power of the new world order. It is shown that it is too early to write off classical political-geographical and geopolitical concepts into the archive - in particular, the population, the size of the territory (with its saturation with natural resources), the volume of GDP (including when calculating the purchasing power parities of currencies) still determine the weight of countries on the world stage. Despite the development of institutions of multilateral regulation of international relations and certain successes of some regional integration projects, the place of states in the transforming world order is largely determined by their veto power in the UN Security Council, the arsenal of nuclear weapons, proliferation in the world and the general status of their state language. We have identified a little more than two dozen possible centers of power, grouped into four types: (1) Superpowers of disappeared bipolar world (USA and Russia are the two developed countries with sufficient military and political tools and large-scale population, territory and national economies to demonstrate the obvious claim to the promotion of a new global cultural and ideological project); (2) Giants of the East (China and India in some respects are surpassing the United States and Russia, but yet related to economically developing countries and inferior to the first two, especially India, for foreign weight); (3) Major advanced countries (Japan, Germany, France, UK, Italy, Spain); (4) Rising regional powers (Indonesia, Brazil, Turkey and others). The composition of the types, especially the most numerous fourth, is quite controversial, which is shown in detail in the article. In particular, an explanation is given why states such as Canada, Australia, the Republic of Korea or Bangladesh cannot be considered as possible centers of power of the new world order, even conditionally “second echelon”.
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Rakel, Eva. "IX. Paradigms of Iranian Policy in Central Eurasia and Beyond." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 549–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986398.
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AbstractIran and CEA have historically close links going back as far as the sixth century BC when the Persian Achaemenid Empire conquered the region. For a long time, Persian was the main language of the elite in CEA. Since the disintegration of the USSR, Iran has been determined to re-strengthen its position in CEA, particularly in economic and security terms. Iran is an active player in the Economic Co-operation Organization (ECO). It also promotes the construction of southern pipelines from CEA to export the region's oil and gas resources as it hopes to profit from it for its own oil and gas export. However, it has to be noted that Iran in no way is a dominant player in the region. The rivalry between the various political factions of the Iranian political elite - the Conservative Traditional Right (Rast-e Sonati), Traditionalist left (Chap-e Sonati), Revolutionary or New Left or Hizbollah, Conservative Modern Right Rast-e Modern - leads to incoherence in Iran's foreign policy and makes Iran an unreliable actor to cooperate with not only the countries of CEA but also for other countries interested in the region (i.e., the United States, European Union, Turkey, Russia, China, Saudi Arabia). Additionally, the great national economic problems in Iran are an obstacle for Iran to become more active economically in CEA.