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Journal articles on the topic 'United states, foreign relations, turkey'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 July 2025

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1

Taufiq, Firmanda. "The Future of Turkey - United States Relations." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (2018): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.24.

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Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests i

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Makaradze, Emzar, and Beka Makaradze. "Relations between the Republic of Turkey and the United States at the Present Stage and Their Impact on Georgia." Historia i Polityka, no. 38 (45) (December 14, 2021): 65–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.034.

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At the beginning of the 21st century, Turkish-American relations attracted serious attention of the international community. Since the end of the Cold War, relations between the Turkish Republic and the United States have focused on security. The foreign policy of the two countries from time to time pursued common and sometimes very different goals. In parallel with this, periods of ups and downs were observed in economic relations. It was the goal of achieving security that determined the cooperation between these two countries. On the one hand, there was the leader of one of the two poles du

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Ismailov, Ismail A. "Turkish-American Relations during the National Struggle and the Government of Ankara: 1919–1923." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 15, no. 3 (2023): 603–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2023.310.

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During the National Struggle led by Mustafa Kemal Pasha and the Ankara government formed by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, Turkey’s most important goal in foreign policy was to establish an independent and national state. Meanwhile, the United States closely watched the struggle and tried to keep relations with Turkey under control. The reason for this was the steps taken by the United States to get to know the National Struggle Movement and the agenda of the issue of us mandate in Turkey. At the Paris conference, the United Kingdom offered the United States a mandate over Turkey, and

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O’donohue, Andrew. "The Deinstitutionalization of U.S. and Turkish Foreign Policy: Why Societal Ties Are an Anchor in Bilateral Relations." All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace 14, no. 1 (2025): 62–82. https://doi.org/10.20991/allazimuth.1621528.

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This paper offers a domestic institutional explanation for the rising volatility of U.S.-Turkey relations and conceptualizes societal ties as an anchor in the bilateral relationship. In doing so, this paper challenges the prevailing narratives that international and individual-level factors are responsible for changes in U.S.-Turkey relations and that bilateral relations are uniformly bleak. In contrast to these perspectives, this paper advances two inter-related arguments. First, I argue that a key driver of volatility in U.S.-Turkey relations since 2016 is the deinstitutionalization of U.S.

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Makaradze, Beka. "The Issues of Democratization in Relations between Turkey and the USA in the Post-War Period." Historia i Polityka, no. 36 (43) (June 1, 2021): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.019.

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At the end of the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century, the relations between Turkey and the United States of America attracted the attention of the international community. Since the end of the Cold War, the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the United States has been mainly focused on security. The foreign policy of the two countries, from time to time, was conducted at counterpurposes. Parallel to this, the periods of ups and downs in political relations had an impact on economic relations as well. It was the matter of security that determined the acceptanc

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Hasnita, Hasnita, Muhammad Yusra, and Rifki Dermawan. "Pertimbangan Amerika Serikat Menjatuhkan Sanksi Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanction Act (CAATSA) ke Turki Tahun 2020." Palito 3, no. 01 (2024): 1–24. https://doi.org/10.25077/palito.v3i01.255.

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This research aims to explain and analyze the reasons behind the United States' considerations before imposing CAATSA sanctions on Turkey in 2020. The issue in this study arises when Turkey, a member of the United States military alliance, decides to engage in military cooperation with Russia concerning the purchase of the Russian S-400 missile system. As a result of this action, the United States issued a policy by excluding Turkey from the F-35 program. This US policy was sufficient to address US concerns about the Russian S-400 missile, which, according to the United States, could jeopardiz

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Murodjon, Ibrokhim Ravshanjon o'g'li. "THE IMPORTANCE OF THE THEORY OF NEO-OTTAMANISM IN TURKISH MILITARY POLICY." EURASIAN JOURNAL OF ACADEMIC RESEARCH 3, no. 3 (2023): 133–39. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7727837.

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The transformations in the foreign policy doctrine of the Republic of Turkey are analyzed on the example of Turkish-Iraqi relations, which have intensified in recent years. The author proves that the conceptual basis of innovations in Ankara's foreign policy course is based on two modern concepts that are liberal in nature: neo-Ottomanism, theorized in Turkey, appealing to the unity of peoples who were once part of the Ottoman Empire, and transnationalism, conceptualized in the United States, aimed at strengthening non-governmental relations between states. The article emphasizes that the

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Akçay, Ekrem Yaşar, and Halil Emre Deniş. "Nova Effect in Turkish Foreign Policy: Turkish-American Relations (1945-1964)." Slovak Journal of International Relations 21, no. 1 (2023): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/sjir.1339-2751.2023.1.61-78.

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During the Cold War, which broke out between the Western Bloc and the Eastern Bloc after the Second World War, the Strategic Partnership was established between Turkey and the United States (US). As a result, the two states acted together against the Soviet Union threat. Turkish-American relations, which continued well from the early Cold War to the early 1960s, have been strained from time to time because of developments in the 1960s. These relations have also had some positive (lucky) and negative (unlucky) consequences for Turkey. This study reviews Turkish-American relations between 1945 a

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Avatkov, Vladimir Alekseevich, and Alina Igorevna Sbitneva. "Turkey - The West: exemplary antagonism?" Contemporary Europe, no. 5 (December 15, 2023): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323050030.

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The article examines the Western direction of Turkey's foreign policy and its relations with its three key actors: the United States, NATO and the EU. By its centenary, which Turkey is celebrating on 29th of October, 2023, Ankara seeks to approach the status of an independent supra-regional power. For a long time, Turkey has served as a "junior ally" of Washington, but in the era of the polycentricity’s construction, it has significantly changed its foreign policy priorities. Relations with the United States have moved from an "exemplary partnership" to the rank of an exemplary antagonism and

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Davydov, A. A. "Systemic Crisis in the US-Turkish Relations Under the Presidency of D. Trump." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (2019): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-145-160.

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Relations between the United States and Turkey, the two military-political allies of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), are experiencing an unprecedented crisis in their history. Its depth and scale is so significant that it affects the long-term foreign policy strategies of both countries, as well as the process of building a unified security architecture. In the study the author raises a question to what extent the current crisis in the US-Turkish relations is systemic? How high is the probability that it will turn out to be a long-term one? To answer this question, the study is

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M.M, Murtalibova. "Specificity of Turkey’s Security Relations with Neighboring Countries." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no. 12 (2022): 569–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i12.865.

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The article analyzes the historical dynamics of cooperation and differences in conceptual understanding of approaches of Turkey’s international security and terrorism cooperation with the European Union and the United States in countermeasures. In the 2000s in spite of successful cooperation in the fight against international terrorism, these disagreements did not allow Turkey to fully unite to the system of international security in the Middle East, which is being built by the West. With the largest army in the Middle East and the second largest in the NATO bloc, a dynamic economy and a signi

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Sönmez, Doğuş. "Nur Çetinoğlu HARUNOĞLU, Ayşegül SEVER, and Emre ERŞEN, Turkey between the United States and Russia: Surfing on the Edge." Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi 20, no. 79 (2023): 183–85. https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1324804.

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In Turkey between the United States and Russia: Surfing on the Edge, Çetinoğlu Harunoğlu, Sever, and Erşen aim to bridge the gap in the literature by discussing Turkish foreign policy toward Russia and the United States (US) at the same time; to reveal the components of the change and continuity of Turkey’s relations with the US and Russia throughout history; to comprehend and demonstrate Turkey’s stance in this triangle; and to shed light on the presentday discussions on the shift of axis in Turkish foreign policy. The research question of this study is whether the Turkish motivation behind t

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Et. al., Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae ,. "The American-Turkish Political Relations 1991-2001 A.D." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 2 (2021): 2451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.2079.

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The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region. The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO. In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity

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Kryuchkov, I. V. "The Тurkey's policy in the western balkans at the beginning of the XXI century: main directions and results". Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, № 2 (42) (2023): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.2.20.

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The article deals with the main trends and contradictions in the development of Turkey's cooperation with the states of the Western Balkans at the beginning of the 21st century. The material highlights the reasons for the activation of Ankara's policy in the Western Balkans, its stages and mechanisms for the implementation of the set foreign policy goals. In conclusion, the author comes to the conclusion that Turkey, together with the European Union, the United States and China, is becoming the main actor in international relations influencing the development of the Western Balkans.

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Shpakovskaya, Marina, Oleg Barnashov, Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah, Asadullah Noori, and Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad. "Turkey’s foreign policy priorities in the Middle East and Afghanistan." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 10-3 (2020): 228–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi59.

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The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first deca

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Đukić, Anđelija, Dejan Vuletić, and Miloš Milenković. "The relations between Russia and Turkey in the context of contemporary international events." Vojno delo 74, no. 1 (2022): 1–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2201001d.

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In the context of international events, the relations between Russia and Turkey remain complex, although they are based on mutual recognition of security and other interests and cooperation that is mutually beneficial. The strained relations between Turkey and the United States, caused by disagreements in Syria and Turkish purchase of the S-400 missile system, have shown Turkey's growing commitment to a more independent foreign policy. Russia is under sanctions due to the annexation of Crimea and is an actor in the crisis over Ukraine due to the NATO threat of expansion to the Russian western

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Awais Ali Ch, Dr. Nadia Zaheer Ali, Salah Uddin, and Zakar Hussain. "Pakistan’s Strategic Balancing Act: Navigating Relations between China, The US and the Emerging Multipolar World Order." Critical Review of Social Sciences Studies 3, no. 2 (2025): 553–66. https://doi.org/10.59075/t3kkh396.

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This research explores Pakistan’s strategic balancing act in managing its relations with China, the United States, and other global powers in the context of the emerging multipolar world order. As global power dynamics shift from a unipolar to a multipolar system, Pakistan finds itself at a critical geopolitical crossroads. The study examines how Pakistan maintains its long-standing security and economic ties with China, especially through projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), while also striving to sustain a working relationship with the United States amid growing US-Chin

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Chmyreva, Vera. "Turkey in the Focus of American Strategic Planning: Сontinuity in US Foreign Policy". Мировая политика, № 3 (березень 2024): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2024.3.71667.

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In the Middle East and the Eurasian (post-Soviet) space, the US tactical interests lie within the framework of a single long-term strategy, which continuity is outside of fluctuations in the foreign policy environment. The study is aimed at examining the role of Turkey in the emerging architecture of world economy and geopolitics through the prism of US interests. The subject of the study is a set of key conceptual guidelines and officially accepted views on Turkish issues, reflected in the strategic planning documents of the United States. The relevance of the paper is determined by the need

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Grafov, D. B. "Strategy of Balancing in Turkish Foreign Policy." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 3 (2022): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-3-84-115-142.

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The new offensive approach of Turkey's foreign policy is the sign of President Erdogan's ambitions to redistribute power in the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean and a way to legitimize his own regime. On the one hand, this can be seen as the ambitions of «neo-Ottomanism», on the other hand, there is a new attempt to solve five foreign policy problems: the «Kurdish issue», the «Aegean dispute», the return of territories mentioned in the “National Oath” (Misak-i Milli), breakthrough from disillusionment with integration with the EU and overcoming inequality in allied relations with the

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Kaçel, Ela. "Information or Culture: The Intellectual Dissemination of Americanism as Common Sense." New Perspectives on Turkey 50 (2014): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006610.

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AbstractThe discourse of postwar modern architecture is dominated by historical accounts that easily describe the processes of modernization in Turkey during the Cold War as a unilateral flow of ideas and expertise from the United States. Yet, the relation between benefactor and beneficiary is much more complex. This article explores culture production as a state function and intellectual practice through which bureaucrats and intellectuals representing the state agencies disseminated Americanism as common sense in postwar Turkey. Drawing on the cultural activities of two parallel organization

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Avatkov, V., and R. Guzaerov. "The Syria crisis in Turkey’s foreign policy." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2023): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2023-1-111-125.

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The article analyzes Turkey’s policy in the framework of the Syrian crisis. The Arab Spring brought dramatic changes to the region, and Syria has since become an area of never ending conflict. At the first stage of the war in Syria, Ankara demonstrated a moderate position in relation to the events in that country, but it soon turned to harsh criticism of the B.Assad regime. Special attention is paid to Turkish military operations in Syria. The interaction with Russia and the United States within the framework of the Syrian settlement is analyzed. The issue of Syrian refugees and their impact o

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Nikitina, A. A., and K. R. Shafieva. "Development of bilateral economic relations between Russia and Turkey." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 4 (April 27, 2023): 226–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2304-02.

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Russia and Turkey are the largest powers influencing the international economy, diplomacy and the geopolitical climate on the European continent. In the conditions of anti-Russian sanctions, a huge role is assigned to strengthening relations between friendly states, searching for mutually beneficial directions and projects that will strengthen the economic well-being of partner states. In this regard, the establishment of diplomatic and economic relations between Russia and Turkey will allow Russia to maintain its position on the European continent. Turkey occupies an important geopolitical po

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Ayvazyan, D. S. "Black Sea Region in the Security Policy of Romania: Evaluation of Approaches." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 2 (2021): 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-2-207-218.

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The paper is dedicated to the role of the Black Sea region in the security policy of Romania. Approaches, patterns and results of this area of the foreign policy of Romania are studied since the period after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The concepts and strategies of the national security and the strategies of national defense of Romania, adopted since 1994 are analysed. The key patterns and results of the security policy pursued by Romania in the Black Sea region are defined. The author concludes that this direction of Romania's policy is consistently based on the strategic partnership w

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Lyman, Serhii, та Margarita Bielousova. "Сiprus-france relations and problems of region security". 15, № 15 (1 серпня 2022): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2310-9513-2022-15-01.

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After gaining independence in 1960, Cyprus began to establish relations with other countries. However, the ethnic conflict between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots in 1974 led to the actual division of the island into two state entities and to various forms of intervention by foreign states, including Greece, Turkey, France and also Great Britain and the United States. The purpose of the article is to analyze the history and current state of Cypriot-French relations, to study the whole range of French interests in Cyprus after gaining independence to the present. Methods used to achieve the

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Ajzenhamer, Vladimir. "How to read U.S.-Turkish relations: An analysis of scholar literature." Medjunarodni problemi 68, no. 1 (2016): 24–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1601024a.

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Despite the great geopolitical importance of U.S.-Turkish bilateral relations and multilateral cooperation in which both countries participate, it is noticeable that only a small number of authors outside the United States and Turkey deal with this topic directly. As both countries are considered to be important players in the international arena, such small number of authors outside the bilateral circuit can be understood as illogical in academic terms. Especially if we take into account a large number of countries which, after the adoption of Davutoglu's foreign policy doctrine, found themse

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Krylov, A. "Armenian Borders in the XX–XXI Centuries." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2022): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-1-86-101.

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The proclamation of the independence of Armenia in 1918 symbolized for the Armenians the restoration of national statehood. The idea of having its own historical territory, which in the past was divided by the borders of different states, but should be united in the future, is of fundamental importance for the Armenian nation. The first attempt to implement it in practice was made in the process of changing the borders after the First World War. According to the Treaty of Sevres in 1920 and the arbitration decision of US President Wilson, a united Armenia was created with an area of about 160

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Khanaliyev, Nuradin U. "TRIANGLE “RUSSIA-TURKEY-IRAN” IN THE CONTEXT OF US STRATEGY IN THE MIDDLE EAST." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (2019): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-1-66-77.

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The article is an attempt to identify and analyze some key principles of the US foreign policy in the Greater Middle East region, which, concurrently, factor into the rapprochement between Russia, Turkey and Iran in their opposition to the policies of the West as a whole and Washington in particular. The main attention is focused on the complex and controversial nature of the relations in the Russia- Turkey-Iran geopolitical triangle and, at the same time, the relations of each of the countries with the United States. As a result of the analysis, a conclusion was made that the very logic of Wa

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Kondori, Amir, and Seyed Hossein Sadeghi. "Review of the nature of Iran's foreign policy in its constitution and its comparative study with other countries." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 72 (2022): 856–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4072.52.

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Iran's constitution, which was drafted after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, was mainly influenced by Islamic ideology. In this constitution, foreign policy is one of the categories that is well considered and taking a text of a revolutionary nature and influenced by the ideological atmosphere of the regime, aims to draw up a special strategy in the foreign relations of the Persian country. Therefore, the purpose of reviewing the foundations and structure of the foreign policy of the Republic of Iran and, at the same time, explaining how it develops at the stage of approval and revision

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Papian, Ara. "The Arbitral Award on Turkish-Armenian Boundary by Woodrow Wilson (Historical Background, Legal Aspects, and International Dimensions)." Iran and the Caucasus 11, no. 2 (2007): 255–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338407x265487.

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AbstractThe paper is a complex study of the history of the involvement of Woodrow Wilson (the 28th President of the USA, 1913-1921), in the fate of Armenian people after WWI and the Republic Armenia (1918-1920), especially in determining the boundary between Armenia and Turkey. It presents an analysis of Wilson's Arbitral Award according to the international law and the United Nation's official methodology. The article focuses on the historical background, legal aspects and political implications of Wilson's Arbitral Award (November 22, 1920), officially titled: Decision of the President of th

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Boldyrev, Andrey V. "VIEWS ON TURKEY’S POLICY DURING WORLD WAR II IN THE MODERN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 2 (16) (2021): 274–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2021-2-274-281.

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The article provides an overview of some research works from the countries of the Near Abroad (Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan) regarding Turkey’s foreign policy during the Second World War. Based on Soviet and Turkish periodicals, as well as materials from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (WUA RF) and newly discovered secret documents from the archives of the USA, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, academics from the Turkic republics of the former USSR set out their concept of Soviet-Turkish relations during the Second World War and Turkey’s relations with the United St

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Sonmez, A. Sait, and Samed Kurban. "Turkey’s Northern Iraq Policy Within the Dilemma of National Security Problems and Economic Cooperation (2003-2015)." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 2 (2017): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n2p13.

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The general characteristic of the foreign policy adopted by Turkey for North Iraq has been shaped based on the national integrity of Iraq since the Gulf War4. However developments in this country caused an increase in seperation demands from North Iraq Kurds. On the other hand this region had become an important base for Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) since 1980’s. Turkey’s security dilemma and priorities over Iraq were formulated as “red lines” and decleraded before invasion of Iraq. But North Iraq based security issues increased after the occupation of Iraq by the United States of America (USA)

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Oyunsuren, S., and U. Zulbayar. "Mongolia’s Foreign Policy Implementation: A Case Study in the Middle East." Mongolian Diaspora. Journal of Mongolian History and Culture 1, no. 1 (2021): 127–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/modi-2021-010109.

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Summary The purpose of this article is to clarify Mongolia's foreign policy challenges and trends by studying the historical and current processes of Mongolia in relation to the Middle East in chronological order, using both primary and secondary sources. Relations between Mongolia and the countries of the Middle East can be chronologically divided into three different periods: the State of the Huns (Xiongnu), the Mongol Empire, and Modern Mongolia. The state of the Huns, at the peak of its power, successfully developed relations with the countries of the Middle East through the “Great Silk Ro

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Skorospelov, Petr P. "“A Special Form of Making Foreign Policy by the Threat of War to Imperialists”. A Case Study of Military-Political Activity of Central Committee Presidium under N.S. Khrushchev, 1953–1964. Part 2." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 3 (2022): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080020574-8.

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The results of Khrushchev&apos;s foreign policy can be considered, albeit not in everything and even more modest than planned, on the whole quite successful. To resolve the 2nd Berlin crisis (1958–1963), Khrushchev in 1960 reduced the Soviet ground forces by a third, thereby trying to encourage the United States to reduce its military presence in Europe. However, at the Paris Summit of the heads of the 4 powers (1960), due to the active opposition of France and Germany, he failed to push through an agreement on West Berlin on Soviet terms. Mao Zedong, who himself dreamed of leadership amon

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Balcı, Ali, and Talha İsmail Duman. "Turkey’s Candidature to the UN Security Council Seat in 1948: Why the West’s ‘Favorite’ Candidate Lost." Turkish Historical Review 11, no. 2-3 (2021): 284–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10017.

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Abstract Following the Second World War, Turkey vigorously pursued a policy of effective participation in international institutions. As part of this policy, Turkish diplomats campaigned for a non-permanent seat in the UN Security Council in the year 1948. This article aims to provide descriptive information about this campaign and explain why Turkey lost the election in the UN General Assembly for the seat reserved for the Near East region. In doing so, the article primarily uses historical documents from the Foreign Relations of the United States (frus) series because they provide very detai

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Bardakçı, Mehmet. "Turkey and the Major Powers in the Eastern Mediterranean Crisis from the 2010s to the 2020s." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 3 (2022): 516–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0071.

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Abstract This study investigates the recent Mediterranean disputes involving Turkey with respect to the major powers of the European Union (EU), United States (US), Russia and China. The author maintains that Turkey’s position has been determined by its own interests in the region as informed by its relations with the major powers, their vested interests in the disputes, Turkey’s maritime foreign policy ideology (Mavi Vatan), its economic and military capabilities and the shifting international system. Turkey is found to regard the EU and the US as supportive of the Greek and Greek Cypriot pol

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Султанмуратов, Н. Н., Ф. Т. Кукеева, Е. С. Чукубаев, and А. Б. Смаилова. "Prospects for Turkish-American relations under a Biden presidency." Bulletin of the Karaganda university History.Philosophy series 3, no. 103 (2021): 109–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31489/2021hph3/109-115.

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The last November’s presidential election in the United States of America have traditionally aroused great interest from the entire world community. As it is known, any new American administration always presupposes, to one degree or another, changes in the policy of the White House, both domestically and in the international arena. Accordingly, the final victory of the Democratic candidate Joe Biden is perceived by many in this context. Moreover, his campaign rhetoric clearly indicated a revision of certain Trump decisions. From the point of view of modern global processes, the situation with

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Beletskaya, Maria. "The economic ties of the USA and the South Caucasus countries." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 11 (2024): 0. https://doi.org/10.18254/s207054760033184-9.

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This article focuses on the analysis of economic relations between the United States and the countries of the South Caucasus: Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia. The study covers a wide range of interactions, including international aid, trade, foreign investments, financial flows, and certain humanitarian aspects. The overall scale of U.S. economic engagement with the region is noted to be relatively small. The countries of the South Caucasus maintain more significant economic ties with European countries, as well as with Russia, Turkey, and Iran. The article concludes that U.S. economic intere

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Tarkhanova, Zh D. "Azerbaijan’s foreign policy amid the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict: challenges and solutions (1993–1994)." Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, no. 1 (March 25, 2025): 54–60. https://doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2025-1-54-60.

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This article provides a comprehensive analysis of the main directions of the foreign policy course of the Republic of Azerbaijan during 1993–1994, a period marked by a complex domestic political situation exacerbated by the conflict with the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. The formation of foreign policy during this period became a key element in ensuring national security, social progress, and economic development, making it an integral part of the state’s overall strategy. The author examines materials from the media of Azerbaijan, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Russia, as well as off

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Rustamova, L. R. "Evolution of the Syrian Peace Process and the Position of the “Key” States Regarding the Syria’s Return to the Arab Fold." Journal of Law and Administration 19, no. 3 (2023): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2023-3-68-15-27.

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Introduction: The Syrian conflict remains one of the most acute unresolved conflicts of our time. Its internationalization, the active intervention of foreign states, especially the United States and Turkey in the dynamics of the conflict and their military presence on Syrian territory, remain obstacles to the settlement. However, the spring of 2023 was marked by a number of political events in the Middle East, which allow us to take a fresh look at the prospects for the Syrian peace process. Against the backdrop of increasing Israeli strikes against Syria, a serious strengthening of Iran's po

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Avatkov, V. A. "Fundamentals of the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan at the Present Stage." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 3 (2020): 118–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-3-7.

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The article analyzes the basis of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy at the present stage. The main attention is paid to the documentary substantiation of foreign policy, political and legal bases of foreign policy strategy, and key organizations in this area. There is analysis of the most significant areas of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy. It is noted that the Republic is trying to find a new balance in the region and the world, pragmatically maintaining contacts with the main players in the region – Russia, the United States, Turkey and Iran. Moreover, in foreign policy documents of Baku, special emp

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Shevchuk, Andriy, Olena Dyka, Oksana Lytvynchuk, and Andriy Pasichnyk. "Oil, Security and Democracy: An Analysis of US-Azerbaijani Relations at the Present Stage (2020-2024)." Society and Security, no. 5(5) (November 14, 2024): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26642/sas-2024-5(5)-50-59.

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The article analyzes bilateral relations between the United States and Azerbaijan in 2020-2024. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the geopolitical importance of the South Caucasus has increased, where, in addition to local actors (Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia), both regional (Turkey and Iran) and world leaders (the United States, the European Union, and Russia) claim influence. The region's importance is linked to the energy factor (Azerbaijan's rich oil reserves), the security factor (the proximity of Afghanistan and Iraq), and the longstanding ethnic and territorial conflict betwee

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Petriaiev, O. S. "STRATEGIC INTERESTS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY IN THE REGION OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 3(55) (December 21, 2022): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.3(55).269555.

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The coming to power in the Republic of Turkey of Prime Minister and later President Recep Tayyip Erdogan led to a change in the ideological foundation of the state, the rejection of the ideology of Kemalism and the transition to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism with an active foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. The strengthening of Erdogan's power contributed to a change in Turkey's foreign policy and the development of external relations with the Islamic worlds and, first of all, with the Arab countries. The neo-Ottoman ideology has become a key element in Turkey's foreign polic

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ALEKSANYAN, Larisa. "FOREIGN POLICY OF THE SOUTH CAUCASIAN COUNTRIES: RESULTS AND NEW CHALLENGES." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 4 (2021): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.4.06.

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The newly independent states (South Caucasian countries being no exception), the products of the Soviet Union’s traumatic disintegration, needed independent foreign policies. Throughout the three decades of their independence they formulated their priorities and defined approaches and principles under strong pressure of certain factors. This process has been unfolding amid the complicated social and political processes and geopolitical transformations in the region shaken by the post-Soviet ethnic conflicts. As could be expected, the newly independent South Caucasian states opted for different

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Grafov, Dmitry B. "The Turkish Art of Offensive-Balancing from the Perspective of Neorealism." Contemporary Arab Affairs 15, no. 2 (2022): 72–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2022.15.2.72.

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In his foreign policy, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has reconsidered commitments to the United States and NATO allies that limit his political ambitions. Turkey’s military power is actively involved in Syria, Iraq, Libya, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the South Caucasus in an attempt to alter the existing regional orders. Offensive realism, as a branch of neorealism, asserts that states are willing to use force to advance their own interests, and that their survival in the international system requires a maximization of power. Defensive neorealism holds that aggressive expansion clashes with the inte

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Simanjuntak, Triesanto Romulo. "Balance of Threat Analysis in Resolving the Diplomatic Crisis of Qatar and Saudi Arabia in 2017-2020." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 11, no. 3 (2024): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v11i3.5528.

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The regional closeness of Persian Gulf countries faced a threat due to Qatar's foreign policy approach. Despite having the lowest military expenditure among Gulf countries, Qatar diverged from Saudi Arabia's policy of fostering stability in the Persian Gulf region to distance itself from groups deemed a threat to the domestic politics of other Gulf nations. Qatar's pursuit of greater democratic freedoms and a more moderate approach to international relations prompted Saudi Arabia and other Gulf nations to impose a diplomatic blockade in 2017. Despite this, Qatar's flexible foreign policy helpe

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Al Asad, Ali. "Syria as an Arena of Competition between Regional Actors." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2025): 126–40. https://doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2025.2.74825.

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The subject of this research is the dynamics of competition between regional and external actors for control over the Syrian direction from 2011 to 2025. The object of study is the Syrian conflict as an arena of geopolitical competition where the interests of Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Israel, Russia, and the United States intersect. The study examines the evolution of external influence strategies, mechanisms of military-political impact by regional powers, transformation of alliance relationships, and the changing balance of power following the regime change in Damascus in December 2024. Th

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Mamishova, N. "TURKEY – NATO'S AMBASSADOR IN NAGORNO KARABAKH?" Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. International relations, no. 2 (54) (2021): 21–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2292.2021/2-54/21-25.

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It was in full swing of the 2020 newly-blown Nagorno Karabakh war when during an online press conference following the meetings of NATO Defense Ministers its Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg openly denoted Turkey as the one expected to "use its considerable influence in the region to calm tensions". Amid Armenia's accusations of Ankara allegedly playing a negative role in the conflict, this was a living testament of Turkey being a "valued Ally" of NATO. Pushing a political solution to the conflict, in which NATO was though not part in and around, the Alliance apparently sought to "level the

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Shumilina, I. "Domestic Factors of the Biden Administration’s Strategy in the Middle East." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-24-30.

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In the early months of Joe Biden’s administration in the White House, Middle East issues were not identified as a priority of its foreign policy. Individual steps in this direction, however, suggest that the administration will adhere to the principal lines of conduct for the United States towards American partners and allies (Israel, the Arab monarchies of the Gulf and others), as well as towards the main conflict nodes in the region (Syria, Libya, Yemen). At the same time, it is also obvious that its tactical emphasis has shifted in its approach to a number of the most important problems of

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Neslinebi, Seyfeddin, and Santi Rahmawati. "A Review of the Impact of Post-2010 International & Regional Political Developments on the Downturn of Turkey's Economy." Inclusive Society and Sustainability Studies 4, no. 2 (2024): 51–69. https://doi.org/10.31098/issues.v4i2.2974.

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In the post-2010 era, Turkey faced a volatile geopolitical landscape marked by the Arab Spring, the Syrian Civil War, shifting alliances, and heightened tensions with Western countries. These political challenges have had significant economic repercussions, including declining foreign direct investment, deteriorating currency stability, and decreased investor confidence. Additionally, domestic political shifts have exacerbated Turkey's financial vulnerabilities, such as consolidating power under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and increasing centralization of economic decision-making. This stud

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Khan, Muhammad Saeed, Khizar Hayat, Afzaal Afzal, Ahsan Riaz, and Ayesha Zumard. "Ego-driven Politics and Its Impact on Pakistan’s Regional and Global Diplomacy." Pakistan Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 13, no. 1 (2025): 243–51. https://doi.org/10.52131/pjhss.2025.v13i1.2688.

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In the contemporary world, a prominent characteristic of international relations is ego-driven politics, which has attained a defining role and significantly influences diplomatic engagements and a country's foreign policy choices. In reference to Pakistan, personal political motives and leadership styles have played a pivotal role in the formulation of foreign policy, which affects its relations with neighbors and strategic partners such as China, the United States, Iran, and Turkey. To study this phenomenon, the mixed methods research approach is employed in this research to combine qualitat

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