Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / United States – Foreign relations – Venezuela / Journal articles

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: United States – Foreign relations – Venezuela.

Journal articles on the topic 'United States – Foreign relations – Venezuela'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 March 2023

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'United States – Foreign relations – Venezuela.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Koval, Alexandra G., and Mikhail I. Sorokin. "Economic relations between China and Venezuela: modern characteristics and prospects." RUDN Journal of Economics 29, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2021-29-1-197-209.

Full text

Abstract:

Venezuela suffers currently from a deep economic and political crisis. China, being significant partner for Venezuela, has recently increased its presence on the Venezuelan market. The study reveals the distinguishing features of modern Chinese-Venezuelan economic relations. It analyzes China's foreign economic strategy in Latin America and identifies the trends in trade, investment and finance relations between China and Venezuela. The conclusion is made that the Chinese strategy in Venezuela is not based on the concept of South - South cooperation, but it more relates to the North - South approach. At the same time, the political factor plays an increasingly significant role in the development of relationship between states from a perspective of escalation of the confrontation between the United States and China. The possible scenarios and consequences of the Venezuelan political crisis for China are identified and certain comparisons with Russia are presented.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Pires, Marcos, and Lucas Gualberto Nascimento. "The Monroe Doctrine 2.0 and U.S.-China-Latin America Trilateral Relations." International Organisations Research Journal 15, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 202–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2020-03-08.

Full text

Abstract:

The election of Donald Trump caused a change in the direction of U.S. foreign policy for Latin America with the imposition of new sanctions on the Cuban government (starting a new cold war with the island) and the attempted regime changes in Venezuela and Nicaragua, whose governments are seen as a threat by Washington’s elite. In September 2018, during a speech at the opening session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, Donald Trump took up the principles of the Monroe Doctrine as formal a U.S. policy and rejected the alleged interference of foreign states in the western hemisphere and in the internal affairs of the United States — a direct allusion to China and Russia. This change in U.S. policy toward Latin America has had a great impact on Sino-Latin American relations in the context of political pressures and aggressive rhetoric seeking to curb the Chinese presence there. This article explores the motivation behind the new attitude of the United States in its relations with Latin America and how it impacts Sino-Latin American relations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Dabagyan, Emil. "Hugo Chavez – a leader of universal magnitude." Latin-American Historical Almanac 34, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 172–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-34-1-172-192.

Full text

Abstract:

The article analyzes the international course of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in the first decade of the 2000s. The author believes that considering this particular period of the recent history of Venezuela as an integral part of the world historical process, is particularly important since the formation of the Hugo Chavez regime with its peculiar foreign policy and foreign economic steps took place precisely in the first half of the first decade of the 21st century. With the constitutional rise to power of the charismatic leader Hugo Chavez, the country's foreign pol-icy acquired a multi-vector character embracing all regions of Earth. Hugo Chavez strengthened the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, in collaboration with Fidel Castro founded the "Bolivarian Alternative for America" (ALBA), which united the left-wing radical regimes of the continent; he established contacts with many leaders of the Third World, has confronted the United States, established friendly relations with China and a strategic partnership with Russia. This arti-cle is devoted to some, albeit very significant, aspects of Chavez’s for-eign policy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Rozental, Dmitry M. "Radical Leftist Latin American Regimes in Joe Biden's Foreign Policy." Russia and America in the 21st Century, S (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760023922-1.

Full text

Abstract:

The article is devoted to the attempts of the Joe Biden’s administration to normalize relations with the radical leftist regimes (Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua). At the same time, the negotiation process is complicated by bureaucratic and ideological difficulties. The purpose of the study is to identify key obstacles of the improving the interaction between Washington and the antagonist countries. The author will analyze the main trends in the foreign policy of the United States in the region, as well as the behavior of the governments of Latin American countries. The results of the investigation will contribute to a better understanding of inter-American relations and will determine the trajectory of the transformation of the White House's course in the Western Hemisphere.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Sytnik, Anna, Natalia Tsvetkova, and Ivan Tsvetkov. "U.S. Digital Diplomacy and Big Data: Lessons from the Political Crisis in Venezuela, 2018–2019." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.16.

Full text

Abstract:

Introduction. The article reveals the current U.S. digital diplomacy applying the case study referred to the political crisis in Venezuela culminated in late 2018 and early 2019, when the speaker of the National Assembly Juan Guaido declared himself the self-proclaimed acting president after the elections. Confrontation between his supporters and those of the incumbent President Nicolas Maduro reached its apogee. The aim of the research is to reveal whether the U.S. has been able to influence the development of the political situation and opinion of Venezuelan citizens through various digital diplomacy instruments and international broadcasting channels. The analytical part of the paper is divided into two sections. The first section discusses methodological issues relative to research in the field of digitalization of U.S. foreign policy and international relations in general. These methodological approaches are tested on the case study, namely the U.S. digital diplomacy in Venezuela in the second section of the paper. Methods. The methodology of the research includes the analysis of big data and social media. The primary sources are the accounts of U.S. officials, government-sponsored media, Venezuelan media, and bloggers. Twitter was surveyed to the extent that active political discussions flared up there during the crisis. At the time, Venezuela had the third highest number of Twitter users in the world. Analysis. Using the machine analytics, about 10 million tweets were retrieved, allowing us to determine the place of the U.S. governmental accounts among the influencers of public opinion in Venezuela. Results. The analysis shows that local digital media, and the activity of bloggers and politicians, including Juan Guaido and Nicolas Maduro, had more impact on the Twitter community and Venezuelans than U.S. channels of digital diplomacy or tweets of American politicians. The more active local bloggers are, the less chances were left for external players including the United States as well as Russia, China, or Europe, to change public opinions of Venezuelans. Authors’ contribution. Anna Sytnik carried out the big data analysis using Python programming language and developed the methodological foundations of the research. Natalia Tsvetkova developed the methodological foundations of the research and made the interpretations of analysis in terms of U.S. digital and data diplomacy. Ivan Tsvetkov developed the contextual frameworks of the case study.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Jeifets, V. L. "Foreign policy of A.M. López Obrador: Declarations and reality." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 2 (July 28, 2021): 171–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-2-171-202.

Full text

Abstract:

The paper examines the foreign policy of Mexico during the ﬁrst years of President A. M. López Obrador (AMLO) administration (2018‒2020). The research aims to both identify the key priorities of the country’s foreign policy (i.e., relations with the United States and Latin American countries, particularly in the context of the Venezuelan and Bolivian crises, as well as the Central American migration crisis) and to weigh it up against traditional patterns of Mexico’s foreign policy behavior, as well as to assess its overall feasibility. The latter issue is all the more relevant since the center-left administration of AMLO is constantly criticized for its ‘populism’. The paper shows that Mexico continues to prioritize relations with the United States not only in terms of economic cooperation (within the USMCA framework) and in addressing the migration crisis but also in terms of the overall foreign policy agenda setting as well. However, the author emphasizes that although the pressure from the United States is signiﬁcant and can take various forms, Mexico manages to pursue an independent and multifaceted policy, as the Venezuelan and Bolivian crises have shown. Such a policy is based on the traditional principles that have crystallized during the years of maneuvering between the interests of the great powers and which, according to AMLO and the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Aﬀairs, should not be subject to any revision. These principles include non-interference in the internal aﬀairs of other states and respect for their sovereignty, as well as respect for the right to political asylum. It is these principles that may contribute to reinforcing the international role of Mexico both regionally and globally despite a rather limited involvement of the current administration in foreign policy matters and its focus on domestic issues. Thus, the author concludes that beneath the populist rhetoric of A. M. López Obrador lies a fairly traditional foreign policy, warranted by the domestic situation and international environment.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Khvan, Maria Sergeyevna. "Brazilian Foreign Policy under Jair Bolsonaro." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 11 (November 13, 2020): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2020.11.14.

Full text

Abstract:

The paper focuses on the analysis of Brazilian for-eign policy under Jair Bolsonaro since his inaugura-tion as president in January 2019 up to the present moment. This study examines Jair Bolsonaro’s per-sonality and the influence of Brazilian president’s certain character traits on foreign policy decisions. The author concludes that Jair Bolsonaro has won presidential election in autumn 2018 largely due to disenchantment of Brazilians with socially oriented public policy. Due to the fact that Jair Bolsonaro adheres to the right-wing radical views, thinks of himself as anti-globalist and advocates the devel-opment of bilateral relations at the expense of multi-lateral ones, even before he came to power re-searchers and political experts had predicted Brazil’s rapprochement with the USA, Italy and Israel, a cold snap in bilateral relations with China, a coming rup-ture in relations with Cuba and Venezuela and Bra-zil’s withdrawal from the UN, the OAS, Mercosur, UNASUR and the BRICS. Reality, however, turned out to be much more challenging and the forecasts of political experts came true only partially. Since from the very beginning J. Bolsonaro was supported by such various groups as the military, evangelicals, representatives of agribusiness, economists, they often suggested to him absolutely contradictory foreign policy decisions. As a result, almost any step in the international arena was replaced by a retreat: criticism of China's expansion was followed by the signing of economic agreements with him, after the announcement of the intention to move the embas-sy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, followed by visits to Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE. Although J. Bolsonaro criticized multilateral diplomacy, he achieved the signing of agreements between Mer-cosur and the EU, Mercosur and EFTA. Nevertheless, the President of Brazil has invariably adhered to the course of automatic alignment with the United States and developed relations mainly with regimes close to him in ideology. It is difficult to judge how correct this strategy was, but in the future the Brazil-ian government must first of all be guided by the interests of the country, remember the need for its autonomy and economic prosperity.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Tkach, Anatoly. "US POLICY AND DEMOCRACY CHALLENGES IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN." Politology bulletin, no. 82 (2019): 82–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.82.82-88.

Full text

Abstract:

Formulation of the problem: In the article management problems are examined Geographic proximity has ensured strong linkages between the United States and Latin America and the Caribbean, based on diverse U.S. interests, including economic, political, and securityт concerns. The United States is a major trading partner and the largest source of foreign investment for many countries in the region, with free-trade agreements enhancing economic linkages with 11 countries. Purpose of the research: The region is a large source of U.S. immigration, both legal and illegal; proximity and economic and security conditions are major factors driving migration. Curbing the flow of illicit drugs has been a key component of U.S. relations with the region for more than three decades and currently involves close security cooperation with Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean. U.S. support for democracy and human rights in the region has been long-standing, with particular current focus on Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. The article analyzes the priorities of Administration of President Trump ordered U.S. withdrawal from the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement, which would have increased U.S. economic linkages with Mexico, Chile, and Peru. President Trump criticized the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Mexico and Canada as unfair, warned that the United States might withdraw, and initiated renegotiations; ultimately, the three countries agreed to a United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement in late September 2018. The proposed agreement, which requires congressional approval, largely leaves NAFTA intact but includes some updates and changes, especially to the dairy and auto industries. Administration actions on immigration have caused concern in the region, including efforts to end the deportation relief program known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and Temporary Protected Status (TPS) designations for Nicaragua, Haiti, El Salvador, and Honduras. President Trump unveiled a new policy in 2017 toward Cuba partially rolling back U.S. efforts to normalize relations and imposing new sanctions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Tkach, Anatoly. "US POLICY AND DEMOCRACY CHALLENGES IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN." Politology bulletin, no. 82 (2019): 82–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.82.82-88.

Full text

Abstract:

Formulation of the problem: In the article management problems are examined Geographic proximity has ensured strong linkages between the United States and Latin America and the Caribbean, based on diverse U.S. interests, including economic, political, and securityт concerns. The United States is a major trading partner and the largest source of foreign investment for many countries in the region, with free-trade agreements enhancing economic linkages with 11 countries. Purpose of the research: The region is a large source of U.S. immigration, both legal and illegal; proximity and economic and security conditions are major factors driving migration. Curbing the flow of illicit drugs has been a key component of U.S. relations with the region for more than three decades and currently involves close security cooperation with Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean. U.S. support for democracy and human rights in the region has been long-standing, with particular current focus on Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. The article analyzes the priorities of Administration of President Trump ordered U.S. withdrawal from the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement, which would have increased U.S. economic linkages with Mexico, Chile, and Peru. President Trump criticized the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Mexico and Canada as unfair, warned that the United States might withdraw, and initiated renegotiations; ultimately, the three countries agreed to a United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement in late September 2018. The proposed agreement, which requires congressional approval, largely leaves NAFTA intact but includes some updates and changes, especially to the dairy and auto industries. Administration actions on immigration have caused concern in the region, including efforts to end the deportation relief program known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and Temporary Protected Status (TPS) designations for Nicaragua, Haiti, El Salvador, and Honduras. President Trump unveiled a new policy in 2017 toward Cuba partially rolling back U.S. efforts to normalize relations and imposing new sanctions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Tkach, O., V. Tsvykh, M. Khylko, O. Batrymenko, and D. Nelipa. "OIL AND GAS FACTOR IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF LATIN AMERICA." Visnyk of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geology, no. 3 (86) (2019): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2713.86.04.

Full text

Abstract:

Formulation of the problem. The authors analyze the current state and prospects for the development of the oil and gas complex and their role in the foreign policy of the Latin American states, policies of the use of oil and gas resources as a tool for enhancing influence in the region, as well as the functioning of multilateral oil supply agreements. The possibilities of realization of joint energy projects in Latin America are analyzed. The presence of oil and gas in the region has always been used as a political tool. The United States' reliance on Middle Eastern oil and the carbon emissions produced by the surging demand for fossil fuels in Asia tend to dominate discussions about the role of energy in U.S. foreign policy. But in recent years, the energy relationship between the United States and Latin America has perhaps become more important than other issues, as the largest share of the United States international trade and investment in the energy sector has occurred within the Western Hemisphere. Purpose of the researchis to study the role of the oil and gas complex in the foreign policy of Latin American countries. The oil and gas complex plays an important role in the foreign policy of Latin American countries. The Latin American energy market is quite attractive to transnational energy companies due to the huge volumes of cheap energy resources, the consumer market with growing energy demand. The energy markets of the Americas are deeply integrated. Despite the shale boom, which led to a sharp increase in U.S. oil production and a drop in imports, the United States still relies on Latin America for more than 30 percent of the oil it buys from abroad. The gas and gas complex part of the geological section is characterized by a similar lithological composition and the underlying rocks, containing oil and gas in industrial volumes. Research methods: The following research methods were used to address the issues set in the article: general scientific methods – descriptive, hermeneutic-political, systemic, structural-functional, comparative, institutional-comparative; general logical methods – empirical, statistical, prognostic modeling and analysis; special methods of political science. The preference was given to the method of political-system analysis, by which the common and distinctive characteristics of the basic components of immigration policy strategies were identified, reflecting existing political, public, information and other challenges for international relations and global development. The article of analysis. Latin America, a growing importer of U.S. natural gas and the largest market for U.S., makes refined petroleum products, such as gasoline. American oil companies and utilities are big investors in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela, helping to develop the energy resources of all those countries. In Brazil, the United States direct investment in oil and gas extraction reached $2,4 billion in 2015; in Mexico, the figure was $420 million. Washington's financing and technical cooperation programs have further helped the development of new energy resources in the region. U.S. institutions and funds back up clean energy investments and provide regulatory and technical guidance to tap the region's shale fields.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Rozental, Dmitry M. "Venezuelan Puzzle for Joe Biden." Russia and America in the 21st Century, Спецвыпуск (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760018192-8.

Full text

Abstract:

The article is devoted to the American-Venezuelan relations at the present stage. Their confusion is explained by the ongoing revision of US foreign policy under 46th President Joe Biden, the confrontation between Democrats and Republicans in Congress, and political and economic instability in the Bolivarian Republic. At the same time, an analysis of the main components of bilateral interaction can contribute to a better understanding of their features. Washington's pressure on Caracas takes place because of the domestic political reasons and the strategic objectives of the United States in the Western Hemisphere. In these conditions, the probability that the White House will continue the pressure on the government of Nicolas Maduro remains high enough.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Suárez, Claudia Marín, and Lourdes M. Regueiro Bello. "Latin America and the Caribbean within the new world order: a perspective from Cuba." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-65-78.

Full text

Abstract:

In examining Cuba’s positioning in Latin America and the Caribbean and in the world at large, the author identifies several relevant factors, including the US foreign policy, the Venezuela issue, as well as the balance of political power in the region and Cuba’s domestic policy. In view of this, it is also worth considering global trends that are projected onto regional dynamics. The configuration of integration entities in South America is of importance in this context: the realities are such that the political orientation of these entities, as well as the foreign policy aspirations of the key players, predetermine the participation prospects for specific countries in the region. Amid the present Sino-American disagreements, the political strivings of the Latin American leaders in the wake of the United States limits the opportunities that the cooperation with China offers to the region. As for Cuba, it is becoming involved into the regional disposition, mainly through diplomatic, economic, cultural and migration channels, but also through political dialogue and cooperation in specific areas. For instance, health care is considered a promising area, although the US has attempted to block Cuban ambitions in this regard. The current political balance of power, exacerbated by the decisions of the Trump administration, has not provided a favourable scenario for Cuba. Nevertheless, such circumstances serve as a test of the ability of the Cuban national diplomacy to maintain the delicate balance of such components as defending national sovereignty, supporting the closest allies and maintaining diplomatic and economic relations with the governments in the region, in the face of a crisis and weakening regional integration mechanisms that are a priority for Cuba.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Aliev, Nariman, Vadim Mikhailovich Vysotskii, and Andrea Dohnalova. "Azerbaijan-Venezuela relations." Мировая политика, no. 2 (February 2021): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.2.35719.

Full text

Abstract:

The object of this collaborative study is the evolution of Azerbaijan-Venezuela relations since the moment of their establishment in 1995 till the present day. The purpose of the article is to define the main stages of development of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Venezuela, detect the potential prospects of their development, denote areas of common interest in the global agenda, and study the source base of bilateral relations. Using the case study method, the authors not only analyze the actions of both parties aimed at the development of bilateral relations, but also predict the official strategy of Baku and Caracas of further advancement of the interstate dialogue. The authors arrive at a conclusion that the geopolitical grounds of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy have been influenced by its defeat in the First Karabakh War (1992 - 1994) and the occupation of 20% of its territory by the Armenian armed forces. In subsequent years, all foreign policy maneuvers of official Baku were reduced to one goal: to restore its territorial integrity. That was the reason for Baku’s aspiration to garner the support of other states. In this direction, the most fruitful one was the work of Azerbaijan diplomacy in Latin American countries including Venezuela. Notably, official Baku and Caracas have similar stands on many issues of global and domestic policy. For Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, close connections with Azerbaijan is an additional proof of his legitimacy in political in-fighting against the opposition. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that it is one of the first attempts to analyze Azerbaijan-Venezuela relations from a comprehensive perspective.  

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Charney, Jonathan I. "Judicial Deference in Foreign Relations." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 4 (October 1989): 805–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203369.

Full text

Abstract:

Disputes with foreign policy implications have often been brought to the federal courts. These cases call attention to the tension between the authority of the political branches to conduct the foreign relations of the United States and the authority of the courts to render judgments according to the law. How this tension is resolved, in turn, bears directly on the commitment of the United States to the rule of law.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Maxwell, Kenneth, Janet Kelly, and Carlos A. Romero. "The United States and Venezuela: Rethinking a Relationship." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 6 (2002): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033390.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Daniel Margolies. "Imperial Unilateralism in United States Foreign Relations Proclamations." Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences ll, no. 60 (August 2018): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17939/hushss.2018..60.008.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Chauncey, Helen R., Edward C. Keefer, David W. Mabon, Marvin E. Gettleman, Jane Franklin, Marilyn Young, and H. Bruce Franklin. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957." Pacific Affairs 59, no. 4 (1986): 721. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758579.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Saragih, Hendra Maujana, and Muhammad Fikri Matdoan. "Chavismo and Venezuelan Foreign Policy Against the United States During 2013-2019." NEGREI: Academic Journal of Law and Governance 1, no. 1 (July 3, 2021): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.29240/negrei.v1i1.2564.

Full text

Abstract:

This work desribe Chavismo as a populist movement and in making Venezuelan foreign policy directed towards the United States in the six years from 2013-2019. By using the Foreign Policy Theory which explains the function and purpose of foreign policy, it is found that Chavismo does not have much influence in making foreign policy towards the United States. The death of Hugo Chávez plus the poor economic conditions in the Maduro era, inevitably the problem of existence now plagues Chavismo. Chavismo under the government of Nicholás Maduro is in an alarming position. Where the position of this socialist movement no longer occupies a significant number as when Chávez, was still alive. The study of Chavismo in foreign policy is still possible given that Nicholás Maduro is a Chavista. Nicholás Maduro also carries out foreign policy with Chávez,s foreign policy. Sticking to the existing foreign policy, there is not much Maduro can do to maintain his power and the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Ramsay, William C. "The United States and World Energy Markets." Energy Exploration & Exploitation 10, no. 2 (April 1992): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014459879201000204.

Full text

Abstract:

The United States, dominating the world's energy markets as a producer and consumer is sensitive to changes in this market and intends to influence the development of global energy policy. Supply will be increased by nations such as Venezuela, Indonesia and perhaps in the future a United Yemen and the Commonwealth of Independent States, moving to freer market economies which will allow investment opportunities previously inaccessible to foreign companies. Although world energy demand will grow little of this will be in the US where, under the National Energy Strategy, comprehensive measures are being introduced to improve energy efficiency. The US energy security will be further improved by such measures as diversification of supply, larger domestic production and increasing interdependence between suppliers, traders and consumers.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Minat, V. N., and A. G. Chepik. "FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS AND INNOVATION IN THE UNITED STATES." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-2-5-21.

Full text

Abstract:

A trend has been identified that reflects a close correlation between the main indicators of US foreign trade and innovation activities carried out in the modern American economy. The article shows the essence of the national innovation system established in the United States and its international significance in the implementation of foreign trade relations of the country in terms of the exchange of scientific and technical information and documentation, the sale of products with a high innovative component, determined by a comparative analysis of relevant indicators. Based on the results of the study noted the positive dynamics of the active foreign trade balance of the USA in the field of exchange of scientific and technical information and documentation, with a high positive balance, the conclusions about the qualitative dominance of the leading industries of the U.S. economy in terms of aggregate innovation and foreign trade activity in ten leading countries of the world.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Taufiq, Firmanda. "The Future of Turkey - United States Relations." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.24.

Full text

Abstract:

Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Benish, Kevin D. "Crystallex Int'l Corp. v. Bolivarian Rep. Venez. (3D Cir.)." International Legal Materials 60, no. 2 (February 3, 2021): 147–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2020.67.

Full text

Abstract:

On May 18, 2020, the United States Supreme Court denied a request by the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and its state-owned oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA), to review the merits of Crystallex Int'l Corp. v. Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, a decision by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit. In Crystallex, the Third Circuit affirmed a trial court's determination that PDVSA is the “alter ego” of Venezuela itself, thus permitting Crystallex to enforce a $1.4 billion judgment against Venezuela by attaching property held in PDVSA's name. Given the Supreme Court's decision to leave the Third Circuit's opinion undisturbed, Crystallex is a significant decision that may affect parties involved in transnational litigation for years to come—especially those pursuing or defending against U.S. enforcement proceedings involving the property of foreign states.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Briggs, E. Donald. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The United States and South Africa, 1968–1985." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300210.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Aitken, Brian, Ann Harrison, and Robert E. Lipsey. "Wages and foreign ownership A comparative study of Mexico, Venezuela, and the United States." Journal of International Economics 40, no. 3-4 (May 1996): 345–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0022-1996(95)01410-1.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Rotter, Andrew J. "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 518. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081170.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Burghardt, Raymond F. "The United States and Vietnam." Journal of Macromarketing 32, no. 1 (October 13, 2011): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0276146711423667.

Full text

Abstract:

US and Vietnamese relations have progressed remarkably since diplomatic relations between the two countries were normalized in 1995. The purpose of this essay is to reflect on this progress and to consider implications for the future. Trends suggest the United States and Vietnam will continue to cooperate closely and pragmatically on matters of trade and foreign direct investment, education, public health and well-being, and strategic interests, including military cooperation. While these trends are viewed as beneficial to both countries, they also are considered important to the regional balance of power, as China continues to increase its influence in Southeast Asia and beyond.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Rubinoff, Arthur G. "Review: United States Foreign Policy, U.S.-Panama Relations 1903–1978." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 701–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100313.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Theoharis, Athan, Suzanne E. Coffman, Edward C. Keefer, Harriet Dashiell Schwar, and Glenn W. LaFantasie. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. 4: Foreign Economic Policy." Journal of American History 80, no. 3 (December 1993): 1161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080558.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Glennon, Michael J., and Louis Henkin. "Process versus Policy in Foreign Relations: "Foreign Affairs and the United States Constitution"." Michigan Law Review 95, no. 6 (May 1997): 1542. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1290017.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Kline, John M. "A New Federalism for United States Foreign Policy." International Journal 41, no. 3 (1986): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202390.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Kline, John M. "A New Federalism for United States Foreign Policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 507–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100302.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Iyasere, Solomon O. "Review: United States Foreign Policy, Crisis and Opportunity." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 704–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100314.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Sewell, James P. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Bureaucracy and Statesmanship." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300211.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Ross, Douglas A. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The Vietnam War." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 344–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300212.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Wheeler, Nicholas, and Phil Williams. "United States Foreign Policy-Making: Chaos or Design?" International Relations 8, no. 3 (April 1985): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711788500800302.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Rosato, Sebastian, and John Schuessler. "A Realist Foreign Policy for the United States." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 803–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711003963.

Full text

Abstract:

What kind of policy can the United States pursue that ensures its security while minimizing the likelihood of war? We describe and defend a realist theory of foreign policy to guide American decision makers. Briefly, the theory says that if they want to ensure their security, great powers such as the United States should balance against other great powers. They should also take a relaxed view toward developments involving minor powers and, at most, should balance against hostile minor powers that inhabit strategically important regions of the world. We then show that had the great powers followed our theory's prescriptions, some of the most important wars of the past century might have been averted. Specifically, the world wars might not have occurred, and the United States might not have gone to war in either Vietnam or Iraq. In other words, realism as we conceive it offers the prospect of security without war. At the same time, we also argue that if the United States adopts an alternative liberal foreign policy, this is likely to result in more, rather than fewer, wars. We conclude by offering some theoretically-based proposals about how US decision makers should deal with China and Iran.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Zanin, Toby. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The Crisis Years." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 178–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800110.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Kawasaki, Tsuyoshi. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Japan Challenges America." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800114.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Thomsen, Stephen. "Foreign direct investment in the United States." International Affairs 66, no. 3 (July 1990): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623182.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Major, John. "The politics of United States foreign aid." International Affairs 63, no. 3 (1987): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619341.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Thompson, John A. "The problem for United States foreign policy." Diplomacy & Statecraft 1, no. 3 (November 1990): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592299008405803.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Maxwell, Kenneth, and Judith Ewell. "Venezuela and the United States: From Monroe's Hemisphere to Petroleum's Empire." Foreign Affairs 75, no. 6 (1996): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047868.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Bonfili, Christian. "The United States and Venezuela: The Social Construction of Interdependent Rivalry." Security Dialogue 41, no. 6 (December 2010): 669–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010610388209.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Sianipar, Imelda Masni Juniaty. "POPULISME DAN KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI DI INDONESIA." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 4, no. 1 (May 31, 2016): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.4.1.27-47.2015.

Full text

Abstract:

On October 20, 2014, Joko Widodo or familiarly known as Jokowi was sworn in as the Seventh President of the Republic of Indonesia. The majority of Indonesian society supports Jokowi because He is simple, honest and populist. The presence of populist leaders in international politics often attracts the attention of Western countries, particularly the United States. Populist leaders are often considered as the authoritarian leaders, anti-democratic, anti-Western, anti-foreign and anti-market. Hugo Chavez from Venezuela and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad from Iran are the examples. Chavez and Ahmadinejad are considered as threats by the United States because they challenge the United States led regional and global order. This article will examine the direction of Jokowi’s foreign policy. This article argues that Jokowi is a moderate populist leader. Jokowi is friendly to other countries including the West but still prioritize the national interests. Thus, Indonesia under Jokowi is not a threat to other countries and the West. In fact, they can work together to achieve their common national interests. Keywords: populism, foreign policy, Indonesia, jokowi, moderate populism

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Gill, Timothy M. "From Promoting Political Polyarchy to Defeating Participatory Democracy: U.S. Foreign Policy towards the Far Left in Latin America." Journal of World-Systems Research 24, no. 1 (March 22, 2018): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2018.750.

Full text

Abstract:

During the 1980s, the United States initiated an explicit policy of democracy promotion throughout the world. William Robinson (1996) more accurately described this initiative as “promoting polyarchy,” whereby the United States supported moderate elite actors that promoted neoliberal economic policies to displace both right-wing and communist despots, such as General Augusto Pinochet in Chile and Soviet rulers in Eastern Europe. While much of Latin America remained characterized by polyarchies throughout the late 20th Century, Latin American citizens began to reject these political arrangements and to elect anti-neoliberal candidates that promoted participatory democracy by the turn of the 21st Century, particularly in Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. How has the United States changed its democracy promotion strategies to respond to these new dynamics? The purpose of this paper is to illustrate how the U.S. government, through agencies such as the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and USAID, has altered the main thrust of its foreign policy in Latin America, from promoting polyarchy and displacing despotic leaders, to supporting opposition actors to unseat democratically-elected far leftist leaders that promote participatory democracy. This paper deploys a case study method involving recent U.S. foreign policy in Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, and it utilizes both U.S. diplomatic cables and interviews with U.S. state elites to illustrate this shift.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Rosi, Bruno Gonçalves. "Brazil-USA relations from Tiradentes to Barão do Rio Branco." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (May 22, 2017): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2017.v6n1.04.p37.

Full text

Abstract:

The Baron of Rio Branco is popularly known as the greatest diplomat in Brazil's history. In the literature on Brazilian Foreign Policy, the Baron is seen (along with Joaquim Nabuco) as the founder of Americanism, a foreign policy paradigm in which bilateral relations with the United States were privileged within the Brazilian diplomatic agenda. This paradigm has been adopted with little opposition by the Foreign Ministry until the 1950s, when it was gradually replaced by a globalist paradigm that defines the Brazilian foreign policy since. Without completely denying this now traditional perspective, this article makes a brief assessment of relations between Brazil and the United States in the 19th century, ie before the Baron became foreign minister of Brazil. What is observed is that Brazil and the United States had peaceful, although distant, relations during most of the 19th century. This scenario, however, went through significant changes at the end of the century. Thus, it is important to note that the Baron and Nabucco have not created a new paradigm without any precedent. The analysis provided here is intended to help better consider the role of the Baron and Nabucco in the history of Brazilian foreign policy, particularly in relations between Brazil and the United States. Keywords: Baron of Rio Branco; Joaquim Nabuco; Brazil-USA relations. Recebido em: outubro/2016;Aprovado em: abril/2017.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Cai, Congyan. "Chinese Foreign Relations Law." AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 336–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.91.

Full text

Abstract:

Curtis Bradley has observed that, apart from in the United States, foreign relations law generally has not been treated as a separate academic field, but that this situation is starting to change. This observation can also find evidence in China. In March 2016, I hosted a conference on “Chinese Foreign Relations Law: A New Agenda” at Xiamen University School of Law, where I am a faculty member. This is the first conference engaging with this field in China. Also in 2016, a Chinese professor of private international law published the first article discussing Chinese foreign relations law in a general way, the main argument of which is that foreign relations law should be a component of the “rule of law” in China.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

(Leich), Marian Nash. "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 92, no. 2 (April 1998): 243–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998034.

Full text

Abstract:

In January 1998, the Department of State released its Publication 10518, Consular Notification and Access: Instructions for Federal, State, and Local Law Enforcement and Other Officials Regarding Foreign Nationals in the United States and the Rights of Consular Officials to Assist Them. Prepared in the Office of the Legal Adviser, the booklet contains “instructions and guidance relating to the arrest and detention of foreign nationals, deaths of foreign nationals, the appointment of guardians for minors or incompetent adults who are foreign nationals, and related issues pertaining to the provision of consular services to foreign nationals in the United States.” The foreword points out that cooperation of federal, state and local law enforcement agencies in ensuring treatment of foreign nationals in accordance with the instructions not only will permit the United States to comply with its consular legal obligations domestically, but also will help ensure that the United States can insist upon “rigorous compliance by foreign governments with respect to United States citizens abroad.”

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Randall, Stephen J. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: A Preponderance of Power." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800109.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Trask, Roger R., John P. Glennon, and Ronald D. Landa. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. VI: Cuba." Journal of American History 79, no. 4 (March 1993): 1680. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080346.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!