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Journal articles on the topic 'United States Israel Middle East'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Mady, Abdel-Fattah. "American foreign policy and peace in the Middle East." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 3 (2010): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2010.493739.

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The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: ‘Does US foreign policy undermine peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories?’ Careful observations of US foreign policy during the Oslo Process reveal that the United States has indeed undermined peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The American position substantially departed from United Nations Resolutions 242 and 338, which the Palestinians were promised would serve as the basis for negotiations. Although the American–Israeli alliance underwent periodic adjustments, American foreign policy has, over

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2

Alting von Geusau, Frans A. M. "Breaking Away Towards Peace in the Middle East." Leiden Journal of International Law 8, no. 1 (1995): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500003113.

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For many years after the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, peace in the Middle East has been an elusive goal, despite the continuous attention given to it by the United Nations and the (mainly American)efforts to promote negotiations between the parties concerned. The affirmation by the UN Security Council “that the fulfilment of Charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East” failed to break the threefold deadlock barring the way towards peace. The Arab states and the PLO refused to recognise Israel's right to exist as a sovereign state in

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ZHU, Zhiqun. "China–Israel Relations: Past, Present and Prospect." East Asian Policy 11, no. 04 (2019): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000357.

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China needs assistance as it restructures and upgrades its economy. Israel fits the bill as a global powerhouse in technologies and innovation. Besides, China considers Israel a potential node in the Belt and Road Initiative. The United States is concerned about China’s growing investments in key Israeli infrastructure and expanding influence in the Middle East. Israel, like other third parties, is caught between the United States and China as US–China rivalry intensifies.

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4

Khalidi, Walid. "The Prospects of Peace in the Middle East." Journal of Palestine Studies 32, no. 2 (2003): 50–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2003.32.2.50.

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This address delves into the underpinnings of the current crisis in the occupied territories: the Bush administration's deemphasis on the Palestine problem to avoid confrontation with Israel over settlement policy; the designation of Sharon as a "man of peace" despite his history; rejection of any exploration of the political roots of 9/11; the deepening alliance between American Christian fundamentalism and Israel; the willful and gross distortion of the Palestinian stance at Camp David. Nonetheless, the author argues that the parameters of a settlement, reinforced by the Saudi initiative, re

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Ajl, Max. "Zionism: The Real Enemy of the Jews, Volume 1: The False Messiah, Alan Hart, Atlanta: Clarity Press, 2009; Zionism: The Real Enemy of the Jews, Volume 2: David Becomes Goliath, Alan Hart, Atlanta: Clarity Press, 2009; Zionism: The Real Enemy of the Jews, Volume 3: Conflict Without End, Alan Hart, Atlanta: Clarity Press, 2010." Historical Materialism 20, no. 3 (2012): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341260.

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AbstractThis review-essay looks at a recent trilogy of works on Israeli history, the political history of the relationship between the United States and Israel, and the effect of the Israel lobby on the relationship between the two states. While the books attempt to construct a narrative that essentially blame the lobby for close to one hundred years of American malfeasance in the Middle East, they falter due to their idealism, their weak grasp of regional political economy and American capital accumulation, and their conspiracism. Instead, this review proposes a reinterpretation of regional p

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Jackson, Galen. "The Johnson Administration and Arab-Israeli Peacemaking after June 1967." Middle East Journal 74, no. 2 (2020): 202–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/74.2.12.

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Following the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, the United States took a relatively passive approach to Middle East peacemaking. The passivity shown by the administration of President Lyndon Johnson stemmed primarily from its belief that the Arab states had failed to make reasonable proposals for an agreement and from the White House's awareness that pressuring Israel would likely have significant domestic political consequences. Thus, even though it felt the need to press Israel to withdraw to prewar boundaries as part of a settlement, the administration made little effort to achieve an agreement on tha

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Slater, Jerome. "Muting the Alarm over the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: The New York Times versus Haaretz, 2000–06." International Security 32, no. 2 (2007): 84–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.2.84.

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The prospects for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remain poor, largely because of Israeli rigidity as well as Palestinian policies and internal conflicts. The United States has failed to use its considerable influence with Israel to seek the necessary changes in Israeli policies, instead providing the country with almost unconditional support. The consequences have been disastrous for the Palestinians, for Israeli security and society, and for critical U.S. national interests in the Middle East. Amajor explanation for the failure of U.S. policies is the largely uninfor

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8

Dine, Thomas A. "U.S. Policy and Peacemaking Efforts in the Middle East: Historical Perspectives." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 2 (2010): 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.2.117.

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The United States has long sought to promote a lasting peace settlement between Israel and the Arab countries. That objective has outlived the Cold War, but the Middle East was a particular flashpoint during the Cold War because of the prospect that the two superpowers might become directly involved. Moreover, the Soviet Union's strong political and military backing for Arab governments often worked against U.S. efforts to broker a peace settlement. This essay reviews two recent books that trace the history of U.S. involvement in the Middle East after the creation of Israel in 1948. The Cold W

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Hadar, Leon T. "The Friends of Bibi (FOBs) vs. "The New Middle East"." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 1 (1996): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538034.

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Led by a group of neoconservative intellectuals, who occupied top positions in the Reagan administration, an antipeace coalition has emerged in the U.S. capital. Working together with the Likud party and its leader Benjamin "Bibi" Netanyahu and using powerful outlets in Congress, the media, and think tanks, these Friends of Bibi (FOBs) have been instrumental in the lobbying efforts aimed at scuttling the PLO-Israeli accords and in building support for the new Likud government in Israel. This article examines the evolution of these "neocons" as a force in American politics and how their growing

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Munin, Nellie. "Do The New Peace Agreements Between Israel and the Gulf States Set A 'Honey Trap' For Israel?" Bratislava Law Review 4, no. 2 (2020): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.46282/blr.2020.4.2.206.

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This article examines whether the recent peace agreements, signed between Israel and the Gulf states: The United Arab Emirates and Bahrain in September 2020, form a 'honey trap', meant to use the economic benefits they offer as leverage to affect Israel's political position towards the Middle East conflict. Recalling that the EU exercises such an approach for many years, the article tries to assess its current and potential effectiveness to the parties involved.

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Aswar, Hasbi. "The U.S. Foreign Policy under Trump Administration to Recognize Jerusalem as the State Capital of Israel." Nation State Journal of International Studies 1, no. 2 (2018): 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2018v1i2.136.

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A speech from the President of United States, Donald Trump, who explicitly state Jerusalem as the capital city of Israel triggering debate that threatens harmonization of the Middle East. Disagreement appear from South East Asia state up to European state regarding to Trump’s statement, which turn into United States foreign policy. Trump’s statement described as the main reason of increasing tension Palestinian – Israel conflict. This essay argues that The US policy toward Jerusalem was merely influenced by domestic politics in the sense that to satisfy Trump`s main voters of the Republican Pa

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Sheffer, Gabriel. "Introduction: The United States and the “normalization” of the Middle East and Israel." Israel Affairs 2, no. 3-4 (1996): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537129608719389.

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Melkumyan, E. S. "Israel in Foreign Policy of the United Arab Emirates: from Confrontation to Normalization." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 2 (2021): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-2-77-107-118.

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The article analyzes the transformation of the UAE policy towards Israel. Special at- tention is paid to the development of the country’s foreign policy priorities amid consolida- tion of the federal state. Strengthening relations with the Arab states during the first decades of the UAE history, participation in the Arab League, which consolidated the states of the Arab world, support of its opposition to Israel were the factors determining the anti-Israeli policy of the Emirates. The official position of the UAE was formulated under the influence of pan-Arab rhetoric and in no way differed fr

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RACHED, Kardo, and Salam ABDULRAHMAN. "UNITED STATES: A REVIEW OF THE US MIDDLE EAST POLICY FROM HARRY TRUMAN TO BILL CLINTON." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 34 (January 5, 2021): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.34.3.

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Since the Second World War, the Middle East has been mentioned in connection with the national interest of America manifested by US presidents. This paper looks at the US foreign policy in the Middle East from Truman to Clinton on the premise that the US foreign policy has contributed to creating a breeding ground for dissatisfaction toward the US In this context, the paper focuses on the doctrines in use from the time of President Truman to Clinton. Thus, every American president has a doctrine, and this doctrine tells what political line the president follows regarding domestic and foreign p

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Gruen, George E. "Where is Turkey Heading? Implications for the United States, Israel, and Middle East Peace." American Foreign Policy Interests 19, no. 1 (1997): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803929709433373.

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Jackson, Galen. "Who Killed Détente? The Superpowers and the Cold War in the Middle East, 1969–77." International Security 44, no. 3 (2020): 129–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00369.

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Standard explanations for the demise of U.S.-Soviet détente during the 1970s emphasize the Soviet Union's inability to put aside its communist ideology for the sake of a more cooperative relationship with the United States. Soviet resistance to reaching a stable accommodation during this period, many analysts maintain, was especially evident in the Middle East, where Moscow is said to have embraced the “radical Arab program” vis-à-vis Israel. Such accounts do not fare well, however, in light of the historical evidence. Instead, that evidence indicates that the Soviet Union was eager to coopera

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17

Christison, Kathleen. "U.S. Policy and the Palestinians: Bound by a Frame of Reference." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 4 (1997): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537906.

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From the era of Woodrow Wilson, when the United States committed itself to support the Zionist program in Palestine, American public opinion on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has been formed and policy has been made from a restricted, generally Israel-centered vantage point. This frame of reference has excluded the Palestinian perspective and, in the struggle for Palestine that culminated in the Palestinians' dispossession in 1948, has made it impossible for U.S. policymakers to take this seminal episode into account in shaping Middle East policy.

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18

El-Affendi, Abdelwahab. "Media in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 2 (1996): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i2.2323.

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As evidenced by its subtitle, this book is a mighty ambitious work. Theeditors, recognizing the "woeful lack of information on the [Middle East's]media systems," present the book as "the first comprehensive study of thestructure and functions of the mass media in the Middle East." And it tooka lot of hard work, being the "culmination of more than two years ofresearch and writing by 32 mass media scholars from across the MiddleEast and the United States."The books covers twenty-one countries. The Middle East is definedhere as most Arab countries (Morocco, Sudan, Yemen, and Somalia wereleft out)

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19

Mart, Michelle. "The “Christianization” of Israel and Jews in 1950s America." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 14, no. 1 (2004): 109–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2004.14.1.109.

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AbstractIn the 1950s, the United States experienced a domestic religious revival that offered postwar Americans a framework to interpret the world and its unsettling international political problems. Moreover, the religious message of the cold war that saw the God-fearing West against atheistic communists encouraged an unprecedented ecumenism in American history. Jews, formerly objects of indifference if not disdain and hatred in the United States, were swept up in the ecumenical tide of “Judeo-Christian” values and identity and, essentially, “Christianized” in popular and political culture. N

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20

Seale, Patrick. "The Syria-Israel Negotiations: Who Is Telling the Truth?" Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 2 (2000): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676537.

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On 8 December 1999, President Clinton announced that Syrian-Israeli negotiations were to resume "where they left off" and "on the basis of all previous negotiations between the United States and Syria-I mean between Syria and Israel, and with the United States" (see Doc. C). The president's statement did not, however, give any detail as to what the two sides had actually agreed to when the talks ended in March 1996, including Syria's contention that Prime Ministers Rabin and Peres had committed Israel to full withdrawal from the Golan to the 4 June 1967 frontier. It is for this reason that the

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Jackson, Galen. "The Showdown That Wasn't: U.S.-Israeli Relations and American Domestic Politics, 1973–75." International Security 39, no. 4 (2015): 130–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00201.

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How influential are domestic politics on U.S. foreign affairs? With regard to Middle East policy, how important a role do ethnic lobbies, Congress, and public opinion play in influencing U.S. strategy? Answering these questions requires the use of archival records and other primary documents, which provide an undistorted view of U.S. policymakers' motivations. The Ford administration's 1975 reassessment of its approach to Arab-Israeli statecraft offers an excellent case for the examination of these issues in light of this type of historical evidence. President Gerald Ford and Secretary of Stat

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Kosach, G. "Saudi Arabia and Israel: the Palestinian Context." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 1 (2021): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-1-61-69.

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The article examines the issues related to the change in the Saudi Arabia’s policy towards Israel in the context of Riyadh’s approaches to solving the Palestinian problem. The author emphasizes that the positive dynamics taking place in the evolution of Saudi-Israeli interaction in recent years is determined by the intra-Saudi socio-economic and political transformation, including changes in public opinion regarding Israel, as well as significant shifts in the development of the Middle East regional situation, inter alia those proclaimed by the United Arab Emirates (as well as Bahrain) heading

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23

Pasha, A. K. "Saudi Arabia and the Iranian Nuclear Deal." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 3, no. 4 (2016): 387–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798916664613.

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The signing of Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) between Iran and the P5 + 1 countries (i.e., China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States) heralds a new US foreign policy approach in the Middle East. Amidst growing signs of declining geopolitical influence in the region, the United States chose to end its three-decade-old tension with Iran. This has alarmed its traditional regional allies and partners, especially Israel and Saudi Arabia. While Israel had advocated a “military option” to stop Iranian nuclear ambitions and took the matters to the US Congress, Saudi

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Fisanov, Volodymyr. "Problems of international governance in the middle east during the cold war period." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 1, no. 49 (2019): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2019.49.101-108.

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The article is devoted to little-known aspects of the political and military developments in the Middle East during the Cold War – from the division of Palestine into two states and until the mid-1950s. The focus is on the confrontation between the two superpowers of the United States and the USSR for their influence on Arab countries. This article uses little-known documentary material, as well as the display of some of the described international events in contemporary film documentaries. It was clarified that in the investigated period the first steps of the policy of large fore

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Koumas, Manolis. "Cold War Dilemmas, Superpower Influence, and Regional Interests: Greece and the Palestinian Question, 1947–1949." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 1 (2017): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00719.

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This article discusses official attitudes toward the creation of the state of Israel from the eruption of the postwar international crisis in Palestine until the end of Arab-Israeli War of 1948–1949. In 1947–1949, Greek policy toward the Middle East was determined by a mix of regional, political, and ideological factors: the Greek security problem during the early Cold War era, including the Greek civil war; the existence of the Greek Orthodox Church of Jerusalem; the Greek government's need to take into account the position of the Greek diaspora community in Egypt; commercial interests in the

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Filiu, Jean-Pierre. "Franççois Mitterrand and the Palestinians: 1956––95." Journal of Palestine Studies 38, no. 2 (2009): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2009.38.2.24.

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Franççois Mitterrand, the longest-serving French president in history, never ceased to be a passionate advocate of Israel, in contrast to his Gaullist predecessors. But he was also the most committed to Palestinian statehood, and among the earliest to insist on the PLO's full engagement in the peace process, often at considerable cost to his ties with Israel. By the time Mitterrand left office in 1995, France's Middle Eastern role had greatly declined, with the United States having assumed full control of the peace process; during the 1980s, however, its contributions had been significant. Thi

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Syed Ibrahim, Syed Ahmad Israa. "Intra-Regional Alignment Strategy of Small States in Gulf area: Cases of Qatar and United Arab Emirates (UAE)." International Journal of Interdisciplinary and Strategic Studies 2, no. 1 (2021): 115–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47548/ijistra.2021.31.

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The Middle East may not possess any great power, but the region has, within itself, several states that hold relatively bigger capabilities and resources compared to the others. Saudi Arabia, Iran, Israel, Egypt, and previously Iraq, are competing to be the main stakeholder in this highly chaotic region. This paper attempts to do a comparative analysis on two gulf countries: Qatar and United Arab Emirates (UAE). The two countries are selected as both are the key economic and strategic players among the small states in the Middle East. The intra-regional alignment behavior of Qatar and UAE as s

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Sundari, Rio. "Strategi Amerika Serikat dalam Menekan Pengembangan Nuklir Iran." Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN) 1, no. 2 (2020): 314–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/fetrian.1.2.314-340.2019.

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The purpose of this research “United States strategy in Suppressing Iran's Nuclear Development” as a critical analysis related to the controversy over nuclear development conducted by Iran. In the history of Iran's nuclear development, the United States is one of the countries that fully support this nuclear development. However, the dynamics of relations between Iran and the United States are a factor in the status of nuclear development. As a result, Iranian attitudes and policies that are not in line with the United States will result in a decline in American support for Iran’s nuclear deve

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Hedges, Chris. "The Psychosis of Permanent War." Journal of Palestine Studies 44, no. 1 (2014): 42–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2014.44.1.42.

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In this no-holds-barred essay, former New York Times Middle East correspondent and Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist Chris Hedges examines how the United States’ staunch support provides Israel with impunity to visit mayhem on a population which it subjugates and holds captive. Notwithstanding occasional and momentary criticism, the official U.S. cheerleading stance is not only an embarrassing spectacle, Hedges argues, it is also a violation of international law, and an illustration of the disfiguring and poisonous effect of the psychosis of permanent war characteristic of both countries. The

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Fedorchenko, A. V. "Peculiarities of Israel’s participation in regional economic integration." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2016): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-2-41-50.

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At present, the majority of countries are involved in regional economic associations. National economies are attracted primarily to the neighboring countries and regions. Therefore, the term «regional economic integration» is used more often than the term «international economic integration». Israel is in a difficult geopolitical condition, it has a unique experience of participating in such associations that is in the center of investigation. The research is focused at the free trade zones between Israel and the European Union (EC), the United States, state and economic integration prospects

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Nassar, J. R. "Religious Revivalism and Secularism in the Middle East: The Role of the United States, Europe, and Israel." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 27, no. 1 (2007): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-2006-038.

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Aykan, Mahmut Bali. "The Palestinian Question in Turkish Foreign Policy from the 1950s to the 1990s." International Journal of Middle East Studies 25, no. 1 (1993): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800058062.

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Since the 1950s Turkish foreign policy toward the Middle East has centered on the question of support for the Arab position on the Palestinian question. Ever since the U.N. General Assembly resolution of November 1947 that partitioned Palestine between the Palestinians and Israelis, all the Arab countries—even though diversity of regime has prevented them from otherwise acting as a unit in Middle Eastern politics—have consistently supported the establishment of an independent Palestinian state (in opposition to the Israelis and the United States) as a condition for stability in the Middle East

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Pavlov, N., and K. Khderi. "German Federal Republic and Crisis in Syria: Active Mediator or Passive Observer?" World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 12 (2020): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-78-86.

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During the Cold War, the involvement of the Federal Republic of Germany into the settlement of regional conflicts was insignificant. The situation started to change after German reunification which lead to the increase in Germany’s role in the international arena. Political, diplomatic and economic instruments started to belong to the main features of German foreign policy in the region and created a positive image among the Arab countries. Today, at first sight, the Middle East does not belong to the top priorities of German foreign policy. However, in the foreign policy hierar¬chy, the regio

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Volkov, Shulamit. "Hans Rosenberg as a Teacher: A Few Personal Notes." Central European History 24, no. 1 (1991): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900016575.

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When I returned from a long summer in Israel, following the Six Days War of June 1967, Berkeley seemed to belong to an altogether different universe. Things that had been upper-most in my mind, indeed in everyone's mind, during those months in Jerusalem were of marginal interest to the bustling students and respectable faculty members on campus. In comparison with the hectic atmosphere in Israel at that time, even the most politically involved campus in the United States appeared like the proverbial ivory tower. After a brief hiatus during which everyone had breathlessly observed the events of

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Thomson, Eric. "The Copenhagen School and Securitizations, Macrosecuritizations, and the Formation of a Constellation." Potentia: Journal of International Affairs 5 (October 1, 2014): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v5i0.4403.

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1979 marked a time in history when the political and security dynamics of the Middle East and beyond became upended. The 1979 Islamic Revolution of Iran created a theological government in Tehran that has since had tumultuous relations with several states; however, none have been as strained as those with the United States and Israel (hereafter referred to as the ‘binational alliance’) with which Iran has no diplomatic relations and a heavily sanctioned economic relationship. These feelings were fomented by antagonistic acts that have been attributed to, or admittedly caused by, Iranian actors

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Khalidi, Rashid. "The United States and the Palestinians, 1977–2012." Journal of Palestine Studies 42, no. 4 (2013): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2013.42.4.61.

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This essay, based on the author’s talk presenting a recent book, Brokers of Deceit: How the U.S. Has Undermined Peace in the Middle East, examines the dynamics of U.S. policy formation on Palestine, mainly through the lens of three “clarifying moments” in the history of U.S. involvement in the Arab-Israeli conflict. The first of these moments concerns efforts to revive and modify the Palestinian autonomy provisions of the 1978 Camp David Accords as an element of the 1982 Reagan Plan. The second examines Israeli-U.S. connivance during 1991–93 Madrid/Washington Palestinian-Israeli negotiations a

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Istomin, I. "Religious Groups and Their Influence on Interstate Relations (The Case of U.S.-Israel Relations)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 184–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-184-191.

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The impact of interest groups on foreign policy of the state up until today has not received substantial attention in the theory of international relations. In particular, activities of the entities shaped by the common religious affiliation of their members lack assessment in the academic literature. Meanwhile, their mobilization in the recent decades became significant aspect of political life both in developing and developed countries. The activity of religious groups in the United States forced deep transformation of the national political landscape, as they desire to affect not only inter

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Salamé, Ghassan. "Middle Easts, old and new1." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 1 (2010): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903471181.

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This article is the text of an address given by Ghassan Salamé at the ‘Oil and Money’ Conference convened in London, UK, on 21 October 2009. In it, the author deals with what the ambiguous, amorphous, elastic and politically expedient term ‘Middle East’ has connoted historically and what it may or may not denote in political formulations of a given moment. In particular, American, European, Turkish, Iranian, Israeli and Arab views – and the serious implications of these – are examined with superb economy of style. Whether as part of the US-delimited region of the Middle East and North Africa (

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Telhami, Shibley. "The United States and Middle East Peace: The Case for Arbitrating Israeli-Palestinian Disputes." Brookings Review 13, no. 4 (1995): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20080598.

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Da Silva, Leonardo Luiz Silveira. "O papel das estratégias norte-americanas para as rupturas paradigmáticas na orientação da Política Externa jordaniana na segunda metade do século XX/The role of U.S. strategies for the paradigmatic changes in Jordanian foreign policy." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 1 (2016): 186–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2016.v5n1.09.p186.

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Resumo: A descolonização do Oriente Médio que originou novos Estados na região da Bacia do rio Jordão, coincide temporalmente com um novo arranjo da ordem mundial que se reorganizava no período pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. A trajetória da política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX é extremamente didática para entendermos os efeitos das relações de poder entre as nações em âmbito regional e global para a mudança de comportamento dos Estados que praticavam políticas anti-hegemônicas. Nesta trajetória destaca-se a intensa disputa pelos escassos recursos hídricos regionais, à medid

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Shved, V. "Formation of the Basic Principles of the Middle East policy of the Joe Biden Administration." Problems of World History, no. 14 (June 10, 2021): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-6.

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The period from January to March 2021 completed the formation of the main outlines of the foreign policy of the Joe Biden administration in the Middle East, which found its consolidation in the Interim Strategic Leadership in the field of national security. Its main features, in contrast to the policy of the D. Trump administration, are based on the principles of democracy, liberalism and reliance on the alliances and allies of the United States in the region. The main directions of the foreign policy course of the new US administration in the Middle East region are determined as follows

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Samson, Alan. "REVIEW: Arab eyes on disliked 'ugly Americans'." Pacific Journalism Review 18, no. 1 (2012): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v18i1.298.

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Review of: The ‘Ugly American’ in the Arab Mind: Why do Arabs resent America? by Mohamed El-Bendary. Dulles: Potomac Books, 2011. 211 pp. ISBN 9781597976732It is not the place of this review to make judgement on the rights and wrongs of what is going on in the Middle East. But it seems axiomatic that Western journalistic coverage of the region’s conflicts can be little more than blinkered without a measured attempt to first make an effort to understand the depth and source of Arab feelings about the place of Israel and its perceived champion, the United States.

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Azman, Kübra Dilek. "The Middle East Policy of America after the Cold War." International Journal of Human Resource Studies 2, no. 2 (2012): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijhrs.v2i2.1888.

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The aim of this study is to discuss the Middle East policy of the United States’ (U.S.) after the Cold War. In the period following the Cold War, the Middle East has been a place that the U.S’ has projected upon as if it were its own private land. This is an attractive and important issue for political research area. In briefly, it can be divided the policies of the U.S. in the post-Cold War concerning the Middle East into three just like a tripod and these are security, economy and politics. Firstly, eliminate the danger of radical Islamic groups, especially war against to acts of terrorism,

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Al Raidi, Ahmed Hussein. "Path of the Palestinian Issue between the Nakba (Exodus- 1948) and the Deal of the Century (2020): An Analytical Study." مجلة الدراسات الاجتماعية 27, no. 1 (2021): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.20428/jss.27.1.3.

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This study aimed to examine the path of the Palestinian issue between the Nakba in 1948 and the deal of the century in 2020. More specifically, and based on a political approach, the study aimed to identify the conspiracies made to seize Palestine and implant the Israeli entity in 1948. The study also traced the main milestones the Palestinian issue passed through, beginning with the wars, launched between the Arab countries and Israel (1948-1982), and ending up with signing peace treaties (Peace for Land) supported by the United States (1979-2010). Recently, the American-Israeli coalition pre

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Low, Michael Christopher. "Desert Dreams of Drinking the Sea, Consumed by the Cold War: Transnational Flows of Desalination and Energy from the Pacific to the Persian Gulf." Environment and History 26, no. 2 (2020): 145–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/096734018x15254461646549.

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During the Cold War, from the early 1950s through the 1970s, the US Office of Saline Water was instrumental in spearheading the basic research and development that incubated the desalting techniques we see today. American technical assistance programs were fundamental to the growth of desalination capacity in the Middle East and its eventual globalisation. However, the federal government's original target for desalination was southern California and the arid Southwest. Desalination was proposed as the emergency backstop in the event that California's unquenchable thirst would inevitably overta

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Lakstygal, Ilia. "The rivalry of the United States and France in the arms market in the Arab countries of the Middle East in the 1970s." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 179 (2019): 198–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2019-24-179-198-204.

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We consider the US-French interaction in the arms markets of the Arab countries of the Middle East during the period of the Arab-Israeli war of the Doomsday (1973) on the Camp David agreements between Egypt and Israel (1978) and the beginning of the Iran-Iraq war (1980). The relevance of the work lies in the fact that the region since the rise in oil prices from the late 1960s to present day remains a key competition place for the largest military-industrial complexes of Western countries, which primarily include the US and French. It is at this time lays the founda-tions of their competition.

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Kinberg, Clare. "SYMPOSIUM: WOMEN, WAR, AND PEACE IN JEWISH AND MIDDLE EAST CONTEXTS: DOING PRO-ISRAEL PEACE WORK IN THE UNITED STATES." Nashim: A Journal of Jewish Women's Studies & Gender Issues 6 (October 2003): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/nas.2003.-.6.21.

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Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.466.

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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that underm

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Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.466.

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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that underm

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Ofeh Augustine, Acheoah. "Israel-Palestine Impasse: the Unidentified Panaceas." Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 7, no. 1 (2019): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.7.5.

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This paper attempts a scholarly contribution to international debate on the diplomatic impasse over Jerusalem in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Israel-Palestinian conflict has been one of the most intractable conflicts in the last two centuries that had defied all diplomatic entreaties. This paper chronicles in perspectives, the historical, anthropological, ethno-religious and diplomatic roots of the conflict; highlights the past and present proposed frameworks recommended for resolving the conflict, as well as the current two-state solution advanced and sanctioned by the United Nations

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