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1
Godement, François. "The United States and Asia in 2010." Asian Survey 51, no. 1 (January 2011): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.1.5.
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As China asserts itself, neighbors look to the United States for support. The Obama administration is providing it, but faces multiple issues, from Korea to the Afghan situation. U.S. policy toward China is being frustrated on maritime, military, and currency issues. America is balancing engagement, security reassurances, and conflict avoidance.
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Fathiraini, N., W. Darmawan, T. Ma’mur, and W. I. Fauzi. "The vantage point of geopolitics: capturing indonesia’s maritime axis." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 1089, no. 1 (November 1, 2022): 012062. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/1089/1/012062.
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Abstract After the East Asia Summit in 2014, the Indonesia Maritime Axis became a priority under Joko Widodo’s administration. The maritime development aspect once articulated in the Djuanda Declaration in 1957, however, during several periods of leadership, the government marginalized the Maritime realm and was more directed to encourage agricultural as well as inland centric development vigorously. Truly unfortunate, it became contrast with the fact that Indonesia, as an archipelagic country based on the United Nations Convention for the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in 1982, hibernated over periods to maritime development. This study examined Indonesia Maritime Axis policy from a geopolitics perspective in international relations and national interests. The research method utilized qualitative with a descriptive analysis approach. The main argument rest in a state which performed geopolitics in regional dynamics, prominently towards Indo-Asia-Pacific rim to achieve national interests. The United States and China tried to anchor down their influence over this vast and vibrant region while Indonesia seeks opportunities towards cooperation to increase economic growth. Furthermore, Indonesia firmly showcased a rising middle power, as well as an archipelagic country, which struggle to protect its maritime sovereignty.
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Hassner, Pierre. "Europe between the United States and the Soviet Union." Government and Opposition 21, no. 1 (January 1, 1986): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1986.tb01106.x.
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‘EUROPE BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE SOVIET UNION’. This subject could have been formulated in different terms, such as: ‘Europe between East and West’ or: ‘The European states between the two empires’ or: ‘The two Europes and the two superpowers’. Europe is at the same time one geographically and culturally, divided into nations, and split into two camps. The United States and the Soviet Union are both two global and two European powers, two ordinary states and the leaders of two alliances, the standard bearers of two ideologies. If one were discussing Korea instead of Europe, one would hesitate between calling our study ‘Korea between East and West’ and ‘Korea between North and South’. Europe is that continent where political divisions seem cast in the stone of history and geography, where the opposition between East and West seems to have at the same time a geopolitical meaning (that of maritime versus continental coalition), an ideological one (liberal democracy or capitalism versus communism) and a cultural one (the Western Church versus the Eastern one, Rome versus Byzantium).
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Sasaki, Hiroshi. "IHI’s Experience of Technical Transfer and Some Considerations on Further Productivity Improvement in U.S. Shipyards." Journal of Ship Production 4, no. 02 (May 1, 1988): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5957/jsp.1988.4.2.104.
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Ishikawajima-Harima Heavy Industries Co., Ltd. (IHI), a leading shipbuilder in Japan, has uniquely exported shipbuilding technology throughout the world for three decades. North American efforts, starting in the mid-1970's, were stimulated by the U.S. Government/industry National Shipbuilding Research Program (NSRP). The technology transfer, for which the U.S. Maritime Administration deserves much credit, has significantly modernized and improved U.S. shipbuilding systems with carryover into naval shipyard operations for overhaul of all types of warships. But, productivity levels achieved thus far in the United States, while impressive, are not nearly as great as those in Japan. This paper is based on analyses of the underlying differences of shipbuilding systems, technology, and practices between those in Japan and in the United States. It is hoped that descriptions of the state-of-the-art IHI technology will serve as guidance for further productivity improvements in the United States.
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Weiers, Bruce J. "The Productivity Problem in U.S. Shipbuilding." Journal of Ship Production 1, no. 01 (February 1, 1985): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5957/jsp.1985.1.1.7.
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U.S. shipbuilding productivity is significantly less than that of Japan and some European countries. The traditional view has either minimized the importance of the difference in productivity between U.S. and the best foreign shipyards, or focused on the lack of opportunities for U.S. yards to build in long series. As a result of research since 1977—much of it conducted under the auspices of the Maritime Administration National Shipbuilding Research Program—a new view of the productivity difference has developed. Several studies have established that the productivity difference is very large. A number of studies have related this difference to new methods and systems of shipbuilding developed abroad. Based on a review of the literature, this study describes these methods and systems and examines obstacles to their adoption in the United States. Implications for public policy are discussed. Some current efforts of U.S. shipbuilders to improve productivity and Maritime Administration and Navy programs of technology promotion are referenced.
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Cai, Penghong. "The South China Sea: Troubled Waters in China-U.S. Relations." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 02 (January 2017): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500130.
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Similar to his foreign policy and strategic thinking, President Trump’s South China Sea policy features strong uncertainty. The new president is keen on enhancing U.S. military strength, but often uses “suspense” to achieve better deals on the negotiation table. Whether the practice can be directly linked to the rebalancing strategy is uncertain, but it can be said that the Trump administration is seeking peace through stronger military power, which will exert complex impact on the security situation of the South China Sea as well as the rest of the Asia-Pacific region. President Trump believes that the United States should consolidate its maritime supremacy in the Asia-Pacific, yet seeking confrontation and conflicts is by no means a policy option for the United States to maintain its regional hegemony. In comparison, China’s approach to resolving disputes and the security dilemma with the United States is to seek common ground while shelving disputes. Both countries should try to enhance their mutual understanding on the South China Sea issue for sustainable development of China-U.S. relations.
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Saunders, David R. "Dimming the Seas around Borneo: Contesting Island Sovereignty and Lighthouse Administration amidst the End of Empire, 1946–1948." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 7, no. 2 (April 15, 2019): 181–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2019.5.
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AbstractThis article examines issues of island sovereignty and lighthouse administration in maritime Southeast Asia in the context of post-war decolonisation. It does so by demonstrating how lax and complacent colonial governance in British North Borneo led to the construction of a lighthouse on contested island territory. By the late 1940s these islands became the focal point of a regional dispute between the Philippines, North Borneo's colonial government, and the United Kingdom. While lighthouses were, in the colonial mind-set, deemed essential for illuminating the coasts and projecting order onto the seas, the Philippine government sought to renege on colonial-era obligations and wrest a new sense of post-colonial legitimacy.The legacy of the Turtle Island transfer was therefore significant in recalibrating imperial lighting in the Sulu Sea, as well as giving rise to a Philippine post-colonial authority that was characterised by an acknowledgement of indigenous Suluk maritime heritage. Similarly, it reflected an extension of previous instances of transnational disputes in the region, where the island shoal had been simultaneously claimed and administered by the United States, the United Kingdom and the historical Sulu Sultanate. While the lighthouse remained destroyed, and the seas dimmed, by mid-1948 the Turtle Islands had attained a new post-colonial and transnational status. Utilising a range of archival sources, memoirs and published material, this article sheds light on an under-examined period of Southeast Asian history.
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Čampara, Leo, Vlado Frančić, Lovro Maglić, and Nermin Hasanspahić. "Overview and Comparison of the IMO and the US Maritime Administration Ballast Water Management Regulations." Journal of Marine Science and Engineering 7, no. 9 (August 22, 2019): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jmse7090283.
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Along with the International Maritime Organization (IMO), the United States Maritime Administration has developed its own ballast water management legislation under the dual authority of the US Coast Guard and the Environmental Protection Agency. The IMO and US ballast water management regulations are globally recognized as the most significant and influential regimes. Complexity and certain regulatory differences pose considerable concern amongst all stakeholders in the shipping industry, predominantly ship owners and ship operators. This paper presents a conceptual study which overviews, emphasises, and compares key provisions of these two sets of regulations by targeting and unveiling significant points from their perspective since they represent the largest group of stakeholders. Therefore, the paper aims to support shipowners and operators in better understanding the Ballast Water Management regulations and their differences. In addition, the study may benefit in choosing an adequate ballast water treatment system to be installed onboard ships, considering the sea areas where ships intend to operate. Finally, the paper can also help policy makers understand those differences that could present a major barrier in the efficient and smooth ballast water management implementation.
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MUBAH, A. SAFRIL. "Indonesia’s Double Hedging Strategy toward the United States–China Competition: Shaping Regional Order in the Indo-Pacific?" Issues & Studies 55, no. 04 (December 2019): 1940007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251119400071.
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This study highlights Indonesia’s strategy in response to the growing competition between the United States and China. In recent years, Indonesia under the administration of President Joko Widodo has played a strategic role in maintaining regional stability in the Indo-Pacific amid inflaming tensions between the two countries. On the basis of an “independent and active” foreign policy with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) at the center of a concentric circle, Indonesia has employed a hedging strategy to bolster regional stability and foster cooperation among countries in the region. While there may be room for a hedging strategy, it is important to understand how Indonesia has employed this strategy to shape the regional order. This paper argues that Indonesia has adopted a double hedging strategy of economic pragmatism on the one hand and limited bandwagoning on the other. The former includes a deepening of economic cooperation with China through collaboration between Indonesia’s vision of a Global Maritime Fulcrum and China’s Belt and Road Initiative. The latter includes keeping the US involved in the Indo-Pacific by proposing its Indo-Pacific concept to regional players without challenging the existing proposals offered by major powers. This paper consists of four sections. The first section introduces the theoretical basis by focusing on Indonesia’s foreign policy ideas as it deals with competition between great powers. The second section discusses the synthesis of Indonesia’s vision of a Global Maritime Fulcrum and concept of the Indo-Pacific. The third section demonstrates how Indonesia has employed its double hedging strategy. The fourth section highlights the conclusions of this study by summarizing Indonesia’s response to competition between the US and China and providing recommendations for further research.
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Gigolaev, German. "Tenth Session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea: Changing of the US Position (1981)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2022): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021209-7.
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40 years ago, the Third UN Conference on the Law of the Sea adopted the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (1982). Although the United States, together with the USSR and other major maritime powers, initiated the conference, in 1981, after Reagan became President of the United States, it called for a comprehensive review of the draft Convention that had by then been prepared. Proponents of continuing the compromise policy were removed from the US delegation at the Conference. American efforts during the 10th session of the Conference were focused on delaying negotiations and preventing the formalisation of the Convention text to prolong the work of the Conference for another year. Drawing on US Department of State documents and up-to-date academic literature, the author examines the conduct of US diplomacy during the first year of the Reagan Administration at the 3rd UN Conference on the Law of the Sea, during the preparation and work of the 10th session of the Conference (1981). He concludes that US policy at the 10th session of the Conference was in line with the general policy direction of the US Administration, which had made a definitive break with the détente policy and staked on a new aggravation of the international situation. The Administration's relationship with big business, dissatisfied with the provisions of the draft Convention regarding deep seabed mineral development beyond national jurisdictions, also appears to have been an important factor behind the change in the US position on the draft Convention.
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Dix, Mark, and Alan Mearns. "From the Beginning: The 40 Year History of NOAA’s Emergency Response Division." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2017, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 2408–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2017.1.2408.
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The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) Emergency Response Division’s success over 40 years draws on the nascent and sustained vision of its founders and the people that dedicated themselves to providing state of the art science in combatting oil spills and hazardous material releases. Lessons in research, development, partnership, reinvention, reorganization, and adaptation season the story that describes what is now the scientific touchstone in the United States’ maritime spill response vanguard. But the voyage to present day was (and is) not all smooth sailing. The scientists who built the unit and staffed it for decades recall the best, worst, and in between history of a small but highly influential division in the Federal government that helped pioneer spill science in the United States and internationally by responding to over 4,000 incidents. This retrospective highlights the genesis and growth of the 1970’s Outer Continental Shelf Environmental Assessment Program (OCSEAP) and its evolution through Hazardous Materials Response Division (HMRD) to the now Emergency Response Division (ERD). The paper concludes with the vision of what growth areas lie ahead for the Division and oil spill response.
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Greenwald, Richard A. "The Failure of America's Maritime Policy - Andrew Gibson and Arthur Donovan, The Abandoned Ocean: A History of United States Maritime Policy (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2000). Pp. xiv + 362." Journal of Policy History 13, no. 4 (October 2001): 479–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2001.0015.
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De Castro, Renato Cruz. "The Duterte Administration's Foreign Policy: Unravelling the Aquino Administration's Balancing Agenda on an Emergent China." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 35, no. 3 (December 2016): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341603500307.
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From 2010 to 2016, then-President Benigno Aquino balanced China's expansive maritime claim in the South China Sea. President Aquino challenged China by shifting the AFP's focus from domestic security to territorial defence, bolstering closer Philippine–US security relations, acquiring American military equipment, seeking from Washington an explicit security guarantee under the 1951 Mutual Defence Treaty (MDT), and promoting a strategic partnership with Japan. However, the Duterte administration is unravelling its predecessor's balancing agenda by distancing itself from the United States and gravitating closer to China, despite the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) July 12 2016 award to the Philippines. President Duterte's foreign policy is directed at reviving the equi-balancing policy on China, in contrast to then-President Aquino's balancing strategy. This is best exemplified by his efforts to harness China for several major infrastructure and investments projects in the Philippines and to resort to bilateral negotiations with Beijing. The present article argues that instead of relying on the US, President Duterte is fostering closer security partnership with Japan to equi-balance an emergent China.
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Bodansky, Daniel. "Climate Change: Reversing the Past and Advancing the Future." AJIL Unbound 115 (2021): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2020.89.
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After four years of not simply inaction but significant retrogression in U.S. climate change policy, the Biden administration has its work cut out. As a start, it needs to undo what Trump did. The Biden administration took a step in that direction on Day 1 by rejoining the Paris Agreement. But simply restoring the pre-Trump status quo ante is not enough. The United States also needs to push for more ambitious global action. In part, this will require strengthening parties’ nationally determined contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement; but it will also require actions by what Sue Biniaz, the former State Department climate change lawyer, likes to call the Greater Metropolitan Paris Agreement—that is, the array of other international actors that help advance the Paris Agreement's goals, including global institutions such as the International Maritime Organization (IMO), the Montreal Protocol, and the World Bank, as well as regional organizations and non-state actors. Although the Biden administration can pursue some of these international initiatives directly through executive action, new regulatory initiatives will face an uncertain fate in the Supreme Court. So how much the Biden Administration is able to achieve will likely depend significantly on how much a nearly evenly-divided Congress is willing to support.
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Doherty, Owen J. "Ready Reserve Fleet: Ship Maintenance and Activations." Journal of Ship Production 13, no. 03 (August 1, 1997): 188–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5957/jsp.1997.13.3.188.
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As the size of the United States flag fleet continues to shrink, the Ready Reserve Force (RRF) assumes an even greater importance in national emergencies. There are approximately 100 RRF vessels located throughout the littorals of the United States. The outported vessels are shown in Fig. 1. Other vessels are either located at one of the three Reserve Fleets or have been activated for the Department of Defense. The maintenance of these vessels is critical to their successful activation and operation. The Maritime Administration (MARAD), which is part of the Department of Transportation, has taken action on key areas of concern in the lessons learned from Desert Shield/Desert Storm. This has resulted in improving the reliability and timeliness of the vessels in meeting their activation requirements. One major improvement (started in fiscal year 1996) is the placement of nine-and ten-man crews onboard the majority of the vessels to ensure readiness. In addition, sea trials and dock trials will be conducted more frequently. Some system upgrades are being accomplished for safe, reliable operations. Also, MARAD is reviewing contracting procedures to improve and to simplify the award of ship repair contracts. This paper gives an overview of how MARAD maintains RRF vessels. In particular, it discusses the type and amount of outside support (industrial assistance) needed to both maintain and activate the vessels. There is a wide variety of vessels in the RRF, ranging from break-bulk ships to offshore petroleum discharge vessels. Furthermore, the RRF fleet is strategically located across the United States, requiring a widespread need for industrial assistance in terms of both type and location of services required.
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Dumbleton, John J. "Expert System Applications to Ocean Shipping—A Status Report." Marine Technology and SNAME News 27, no. 05 (September 1, 1990): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5957/mt1.1990.27.5.265.
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Artificial intelligence has been emerging as one of the fastest growing technologies during the past five years. One subset of this discipline that has experienced phenomenal growth, when measured by spending levels by the commercial sector and all levels of government, is that of Expert Systems. The development of Expert Systems applications for shipping operations has also been growing, albeit at a somewhat slower rate. However, a number of very innovative systems are nearing completion in the United States, as well as in Europe and Asia, that will radically change how vessels are operated and managed. This paper provides an overview of Expert Systems concepts, a discussion of the Maritime Administration's program of research and implementation of this technology, and a review of systems and other projects that are nearing completion in the United States as well as abroad. The paper concludes with prospects for future development of Expert Systems as the merchant fleets of the world look for ways to improve their competitiveness.
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Brooke, Samantha, David Graham, Todd Jacobs, Charles Littnan, Mark Manuel, and Robert O’Conner. "Testing marine conservation applications of unmanned aerial systems (UAS) in a remote marine protected area." Journal of Unmanned Vehicle Systems 3, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 237–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/juvs-2015-0011.
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In 2014, the United States National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) utilized unique partnerships with the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), and the US Coast Guard for the first comparative testing of two unmanned aircraft systems (UAS): the Ikhana (an MQ-9 Predator B) and a Puma All-Environment (Puma AE). A multidisciplinary team of scientists developed missions to explore the application of the two platforms to maritime surveillance and marine resource monitoring and assessment. Testing was conducted in the Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument, a marine protected area in the Northwest Hawaiian Islands. Nearly 30 h of footage were collected by the test platforms, containing imagery of marine mammals, sea turtles, seabirds, marine debris, and coastal habitat. Both platforms proved capable of collecting usable data, although imagery collected using the Puma was determined to be more useful for resource monitoring purposes. Lessons learned included the need for increased camera resolution, co-location of mission scientists and UAS operators, the influence of weather on the quality of imagery collected, post-processing resource demands, and the need for pre-planning of mission targets and approach to maximize efficiency.
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Patterson, Anthony H., and Philip S. McCarter. "Digital Selective Calling: The Weak Link of the GMDSS." Journal of Navigation 52, no. 1 (January 1999): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0373463398008133.
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Digital Selective Calling (DSC) is causing serious problems for Search and Rescue (SAR) providers. Administrations must seriously consider the humanitarian and legal implications of continuing the implementation of DSC. They may be in violation of the Safety of Life at Sea Convention, the International Convention on Maritime Search and Rescue, 1979, and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982, by knowingly implementing communications technology that may jeopardize lives at sea even though the primary intent of DSC is to establish a suitable distress alerting method. States may very well open themselves to legal liability if loss of life or environmental damage can be linked in any way to the known faults of DSC.
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Gigolaev, German. "American Diplomacy on the Eve of the Adoption of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea: the Evolution of the Position." ISTORIYA 14, no. 12-2 (134) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840029711-1.
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At the X session of the III UN Conference on the Law of the Sea, which began in March 1981, two months after the Ronald Reagan administration came to the White House, American representatives announced their intention to conduct a comprehensive review of the informal text of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea adopted at the IX session for its compliance with the goals of the US national maritime policy. The course of American diplomacy was aimed at delaying negotiations until the completion of this process, thanks to which the United States managed to avoid the completion of the Conference and the adoption of the draft Convention in 1981. However, in the following year, 1982, the Convention was supposed to be opened for signature. The American representatives faced the question of choosing a strategy for the upcoming session. This article analyzes the development of the position of American diplomacy on the eve of the decisive XI session of the III UNCLOS based on published documents of the US Department of State and the Ronald Reagan Library.
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Schwartz, Thomas A., and John Yoo. "Maritime Territorial Disputes in Asia and the Relaxation of Cold War Tensions: The Case of Dokdo and the 1965 Japan-Korea Normalization Agreements." Chinese Journal of International Law 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 727–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/chinesejil/jmab038.
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Abstract This article continues the legal and historical inquiry into the dispute between Japan and Korea over Dokdo, an island that sits in the sea between the two nations, by examining the 1965 normalization agreement between Japan and Korea. Japan has argued that the agreement, in which Japan provided economic aid to Korea, settled all outstanding claims stemming from World War II between the nations, including those over territory. We analyze the meaning of international agreements by combining traditional international legal analysis with U.S. archival records, the standard tools of diplomatic history. Our conclusion from these materials is consistent with our earlier work on the 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty. The face of the 1965 Agreement does not mention Dokdo. There are no supplemental materials to the agreement from the parties that expressly address the island. Under standard approaches to international legal interpretation, we cannot read a text to resolve an issue that it does not specifically address. Because it did not seek to change the legal status of the island, the 1965 Agreement merely requires that the analysis fall back to the 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty, which itself did not seek to change the status quo as it existed before 1905. American diplomatic materials confirm this reading of the 1965 Agreement. The United States played an all-important role in Asian security affairs. After the Korean War, U.S. leaders in the Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson administrations wanted Korea and Japan to cooperate on security issues. American leaders believed that rehabilitating Japan and encouraging Japanese aid to Korea would reduce U.S. defense burdens in Asia and support more self-sufficiency on the part of its two closest Asian allies. The U.S. sought to defer any issues that might disrupt an agreement. The United States had pursued a similar kick-the-can-down-the-road strategy in the 1951 Peace Treaty. Dokdo became one of those intractable issues that the United States successfully excluded from the 1965 Agreement and left its resolution to the future.
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Callahan, Michael D. "NOMANSLAND: The British Colonial Office and the League of Nations Mandate for German East Africa, 1916–1920." Albion 25, no. 3 (1993): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050877.
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One of the many problems facing the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 was the future of the conquered German and Turkish territories in Africa, the Pacific, and the Middle East. Widespread anti-imperialist sentiment in Europe and the United States opposed direct annexation of the possessions, but wartime agreements and the security interests of the Allies prevented returning the conquered areas to their former rulers. In particular, many British leaders wanted to ensure that Germany could never again attempt world domination and were convinced that the restoration to Germany of its overseas possessions would pose a “grave political and military menace” to Britain's vital maritime connections with South Africa and India. After a long, often acrimonious debate, the Conference agreed on a compromise that placed the former German colonies and Ottoman provinces under the supervision of the League of Nations. This solution gave the Allies control of their acquisitions as “mandates” within a framework of international accountability. Great Britain received the most mandates, including Germany's largest colony of German East Africa. For the British leaders who had always advocated transforming German East Africa into a British colony, the new system seemed to make little practical difference. For the colonial officials in London and at the highest levels of colonial administration within the conquered possession, however, the mandates system presented serious problems and was not simply a disguise for annexation.
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Zubko, Andrii. "YSTEM OF WEIGHT MEASURES IN GREAT BRITAIN, THE COUNTRIES OF NORTH AMERICA AND OCEANIA." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 72 (2024): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2024.72.04.
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The territory of the islands of Britain and Ireland was inhabited by people in prehistoric times. Numerous megalithic monuments remain from this culture. In the first millennium BC, Celtic tribes moved there from continental Europe, who later mixed with the local population. The maritime trade of the ancient civilisations of the Mediterranean with the population of the British Isles is reported by some historical sources of the antiquity. This trade was conducted by exchanging goods for goods. There is no information in historical sources about the measures, in particular weights, used by the ancient population of the British Isles in production and trade. In the first century BC, the Romans conquered the territory of Britain. They established their own system of measures, including weights, and their own monetary system. After the fall of the Roman Empire in the V century, Germanic tribes such as the Angles, Saxons, and Utes invaded Britain. At first, they created several kingdoms here, and in the IX century, they united into a single Anglo-Saxon state. It was during the Anglo-Saxon period from the V to the XI centuries that the foundations of the modern British System of Measures and Monetary System were laid. In the formation of the British weight system, units of weight measures of the Celts, Romans and Germans were used. Norms of weight measures were approved in the laws of the Anglo-Saxon kings of the X–XI centuries, which have survived to this day. The conquest of Britain in 1066 by the Norman Duke William did not make changes to the system of weight measures used here. Over the centuries, from time to time, for the purpose of improvement, royal decrees and laws amended these measures. The transformation of the weight measurement system for a thousand years can be studied precisely by analysing the materials of English legislation. In the XVI–XX centuries, Great Britain became a colonial power, whose possessions covered vast territories in the North America, Africa, Asia and Oceania. Here, the colonial administration introduced the British system of weight measures, but the local population used their own measures along with the British ones. After the gradual disintegration of the British colonial empire, some new states that were formed on the site of its former possessions – the USA, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand – continued to use British standards of weight measures. The British system of weight measurements is made public in the USA. Nowadays, the British system of weight measures, along with the metric, is officially considered the state in the United Kingdom.
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Roach, J. Ashley. "Maritime Boundary Delimitation: United States Practice." Ocean Development & International Law 44, no. 1 (January 2013): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00908320.2012.726828.
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Telesetsky, Anastasia. "Maritime Historic Rights in United States Jurisprudence." Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 7, no. 2 (October 4, 2019): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340124.
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Abstract This article provides a review of the major “historic rights” cases in United States federal jurisprudence involving disputes between the United States and its constituent states. On the basis of these cases, the article describes the three step-approach taken by the judiciary in deciding whether there are cognizable “historic right” claims.
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Robertua, Verdinand, and Angel Damayanti. "MARITIME SECURITY PERSPECTIVE IN THE CASE STUDY OF DEEPWATER HORIZON." Sociae Polites 22, no. 2 (November 25, 2021): 126–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v22i2.3481.
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Maritime security still focuses on the territorial sovereignty of a country. Environmental disasters and transboundary humanitarian crimes that occur at sea are a challenge for International Relations academics to reformulate maritime security. British Petroleum (BP) is negligent in implementing safety standards in oil exploration and exploitation in the Gulf of Mexico, United States resulting in oil leakage on the Deepwater Horizon platform. This research uses the Deepwater Horizon case study in exploring the relevance of maritime security in the prevention and management of marine pollution disasters. Primary data sources were taken from observations of researchers in seminars related to the Deepwater Horizon and secondary data were obtained from journals, electronic news and official reports from the US Government. There are two findings obtained. First, contemporary maritime security is much more complex than traditional maritime security and second, contemporary maritime security involves an element of justice seeking as demonstrated by the United States Court's decision against BP regarding negligence in the Deepwater Horizon.
Keywords: Maritime Security, United States of America, Deepwater Horizon, British Petroleum
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Gunawan, Michelle Vicky. "PERAN AMERIKA SERIKAT DALAM MEMPERKUAT KEAMANAN MARITIM INDONESIA TAHUN 2009-2019 [THE UNITED STATES' ROLE IN BOLSTERING THE INDONESIAN MARITIME STRUCTURE FROM 2009-2019]." Verity: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (International Relations Journal) 11, no. 21 (June 11, 2020): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v11i21.2449.
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<p>Maritime security is an issue that is considered important by the United States. The role of the United States in the maritime sector is driven by its national interest. This encourages the United States to work with countries that have strategic geopolitical conditions such as Indonesia. This thesis aims to discuss the interests of the United States in Indonesia's maritime security sector, the role of the United States in the Indonesian maritime security sector, and Indonesia's considerations in establishing cooperation with the United States. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a comparison of the role of the United States in the Indonesian maritime sector in the period of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono II and Joko Widodo I. Following the theory of neoclassical-realism and neo-realism International Relations is the product of states’ national interest and this includes Indonesian interest in cooperation. This research uses a qualitative approach and descriptive and comparative methods with data collection techniques through literature study and online search. The thesis finds an increase in the role of the United States in strengthening Indonesia's maritime security in 2009-2019 after the presence of the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy. This increase is accommodated by and is based on the pursuit of the national interests of each party.</p><p><strong>BAHASA INDONESIA ABSTRAK: </strong>Keamanan maritim merupakan salah satu isu yang dianggap penting oleh Amerika Serikat. Peranan Amerika Serikat dalam sektor maritim merupakan salah satu upaya pemenuhan kepentingan nasional negara. Hal tersebut mendorong Amerika Serikat menjalin kerja sama dengan negara yang memiliki kondisi geopolitik strategis seperti Indonesia. Penelitian ini membahas mengenai kepentingan Amerika Serikat dalam sektor keamanan maritim Indonesia, peran Amerika Serikat dalam sektor keamanan maritim Indonesia dan pertimbangan Indonesia untuk menjalin kerja sama dengan Amerika Serikat. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah memberikan perbandingan peran Amerika Serikat dalam sektor kemaritiman Indonesia di periode Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono II dan Joko Widodo I. Teori neoclassical-realism dan neo-realism menjelaskan bahwa Hubungan Internasional dapat terjadi karena dorongan kepentingan nasional. Sesuai dengan kenyataan, Indonesia juga memiliki kepentingan dalam kerja sama tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif serta metode deskriptif dan komparatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui studi pustaka dan penelusuran daring. Terdapat tiga hasil analisis dalam penelitian ini yang merupakan jawaban dari rumusan masalah yang dibuat oleh penulis. Dari hasil penelitian, dapat disimpulkan adanya peningkatan peran Amerika Serikat dalam memperkuat keamanan maritim Indonesia tahun 2009-2019 setelah adanya kebijakan Global Maritime Fulcrum. Peningkatan ini diwadahi oleh dan dilandasi tujuan untuk memperjuangkan kepentingan nasional masing-masing pihak terkait.</p>
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Roach, J. Ashley, and Robert W. Smith. "United States Responses to Excessive Maritime Claims, Second Edition." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 30, no. 2 (1997): 281–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-1997-2-281.
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Clarke, Richard L. "Maritime unions and the U.S. merchant marine." Journal of Transportation Management 11, no. 2 (September 1, 1999): 16–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22237/jotm/936144180.
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U.S. maritime unions have played a vital historical role in both the defense and the economic development of the United States. The economic and the political forces that helped shape and promote the growth of U.S. seafaring labor unions changed dramatically in the 1990s. Maritime union membership in the United States has fallen by more than 80 per cent since 1950. Inflexible union work rules and high union wage scales have contributed to this decline. Recent regulatory and industry changes require a new union approach if U. S. maritime unions are to survive the next decade.
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Edgell, David L. "United States Travel and Tourism Administration." Annals of Tourism Research 19, no. 3 (January 1992): 595–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0160-7383(92)90153-g.
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Nnamani, Felix Vincent. "United States’ Africa Command and Maritime Security in the Gulf of Guinea, 2007 – 2020." Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 494–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.01-j.
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This study examined the impact of US Africa Command on maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea in West Africa, between 2007 and 2020, with specific emphasis on the core maritime security challenges in West Africa. The study was anchored on the World Systems Theory, while data were generated using documentary and survey methods. Data collected were analysed using content analysis. The study found that maritime security challenges in West Africa include piracy, armed robbery, and drug trafficking. It also found that maritime insecurity has remained endemic in the Gulf of Guinea, despite the establishment of US Africa Command. The study locates the limited effectiveness of AFRICOM in mitigating maritime security challenges to its establishment without adequate consultation with West African leaders which triggered suspicion and resistance among countries in the Gulf of Guinea. The study posits that the geostrategic importance of the sub-regional maritime has remained the U.S government’s strategic interest. The study, therefore, recommends, among others, that the U.S. government should strengthen inter-state collaboration through existing security agencies in the sub-region.
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Suseto, Buddy, Zarina Othman, and Farizal Mohd Razalli. "Assessing the Evolution of Maritime Strategy in the Asia Pacific." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 23, no. 2 (December 26, 2019): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.41709.
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The end of the Cold War has provided an opportunity for scholars to do an in-depth study on the concept of maritime security, especially in the Asia Pacific region. One of the most important but often neglected concepts is maritime strategy which has been developing for centuries. Maritime strategy is designed for states’ survival and to protect their national interests. Nevertheless there is no ‘one size fits all’ concept. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to analyse the similarities and differences between continental states such as the United States, and India, and maritime states such as Indonesia, Japan, Australia, and Singapore in implementing their maritime strategy. In an attempt to present the results, we have reviewed secondary data mainly from the literature written by scholars in the field. Preliminary findings suggests that countries, either continental or maritime states, designed their maritime strategy for national security reasons. States aim to survive in the unknown international political arena. However, domestic and socioeconomic factors such as economic growth, geostrategic interest as well as nature of threats, may have shaped differences among states’ maritime strategy. The emerging non-traditional threats such narcotic trafficking, terrorism and human smuggling, have contributed to the threats for many states, this further justifies the importance of maritime strategy.
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Beckman, Robert C., and Clive H. Schofield. "Defining eez Claims from Islands: A Potential South China Sea Change." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 29, no. 2 (June 9, 2014): 193–243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718085-12341321.
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In the face of seemingly intractable territorial and maritime disputes in the South China Sea, the article examines how the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (losc), sets out what maritime claims States can make in the South China Sea and how it establishes a framework that will enable States to either negotiate maritime boundary agreements or negotiate joint development arrangements (jdas) in areas of overlapping maritime claims. It provides an avenue whereby the maritime claims of the claimants can be brought into line with international law, potentially allowing for meaningful discussions on cooperation and maritime joint development based on areas of overlapping maritime claims defined on the basis of the losc.
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Киселев, И. В. "Novorossiysk-Taman Operation of the Soviet Forces and the Finale of the Battle of the Caucasus in 1942–1943: Plan, Course, Results." Nasledie Vekov, no. 4(36) (December 31, 2023): 130–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36343/sb.2023.36.4.010.
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В публикации рассматриваются основные события и результаты завершающего этапа битвы за Кавказ в 1943 г. С 10 сентября по 9 октября советские войска провели Новороссийско-Таманскую наступательную операцию, которая завершилась ликвидацией Кубанского плацдарма немцев. У отечественных и зарубежных исследователей сформировались разные взгляды на итоги этого сражения. Поэтому разрешение сложившихся противоречий и определение результатов последних боев на Кубани стало целью исследования. Источниками для него послужили статистические материалы, советские и немецкие оперативные документы, воспоминания и дневники участников боев. Автору удалось проанализировать планы и соотношение сил, рассмотреть ключевые события Новороссийско-Таманской операции, сопоставить потери Красной армии и вермахта, установить результаты советского наступления и эвакуации немецко-румынских войск в Крым. The article is dedicated to the final stage of the battle of the Caucasus during the Great Patriotic War. From 10 September to 9 October 1943, Soviet troops carried out the Novorossiysk-Taman offensive operation. As a result, the liberation of Kuban was completed, and the bridgehead of German-Romanian forces that existed there was eliminated. Russian and foreign researchers have formed different views on the results of this battle. In this regard, the aim of this work was to study the course and results of the battles in the Caucasus in the fall of 1943. The main sources for it were documents from the Central Archives of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, the Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv of Germany, and the National Archives and Records Administration of the United States. Memoirs and diaries of participants in the fighting in the Taman Peninsula were also used. The research employed historical-statistical and comparative-historical methods. Firstly, the plans of the command of the Red Army and the Wehrmacht regarding the Kuban bridgehead in September 1943 were compared. The author showed that the preparation of the Soviet offensive in Kuban coincided with the decision to evacuate the 17th German Army from Taman to the Crimea. Then, the potentials of the North Caucasus Front and the 17th Army were compared: the Soviet troops had a significant advantage in technology, yet their manpower superiority remained insignificant; their defense was perfectly prepared and was called “The Blue Line”. However, the mountainous forested terrain and numerous floodplains became a significant obstacle to the Soviet offensive. Despite all the difficulties, the Red Army achieved great success at the beginning of its offensive liberating Novorossiysk, a major seaport and a strong point of the German defense. The 17th Army’s front was broken through, the German command had to speed up the withdrawal of its troops and reduce the time for evacuation to the Crimea. The Soviet navy and air force failed to disrupt the Axis maritime transportation. As a result, the main forces of the German-Romanian troops left Kuban and retained their potential. Nevertheless, the liberation of the Taman Peninsula was an important success for the Red Army and allowed the 15-month battle of the Caucasus to be completed.
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Safford, Jeffrey J., Andrew Gibson, and Arthur Donovan. "The Abandoned Ocean: A History of United States Maritime Policy." Journal of American History 88, no. 3 (December 2001): 1166. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700543.
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Janis, Mark W. "The Interpretation of International Maritime Conventions in United States Law." American Journal of Comparative Law 38 (1990): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/840547.
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Fleming, D. K. "The Abandoned Ocean: A History of United States Maritime Policy." International journal of maritime economics 3, no. 1 (March 2001): 121–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ijme.9100007.
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Broeze, Frank. "Abandoned Ocean: A History of United States Maritime Policy (review)." Technology and Culture 42, no. 3 (2001): 611–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2001.0098.
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Schermerhorn, C. "Capitalism's Captives: The Maritime United States Slave Trade, 1807-1850." Journal of Social History 47, no. 4 (March 27, 2014): 897–921. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shu029.
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Mercogliano, Salvatore R., Andrew Gibson, and Arthur Donovan. "The Abandoned Ocean: A History of United States Maritime Policy." Journal of Military History 66, no. 2 (April 2002): 642. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3093156.
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Toan Thang, Dr Nguyen. "Navigating Undelimited Waters: States’ Rights and Obligations in Addressing Maritime Disputes, with a Focus on the East Sea." International Journal of Advanced Multidisciplinary Research and Studies 4, no. 1 (January 29, 2024): 1059–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.62225/2583049x.2024.4.1.2340.
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The phenomenon of coastal States pushing their boundaries further into the sea has resulted in the enlargement of maritime territories. Consequently, that has given rise to conflicts regarding the assertion of sovereignty and sovereign rights over overlapping maritime areas among these coastal States. As States intensify the extraction of resources from the waters, these already intricate disputes become further complicated. In the East Sea, most ASEAN countries, including Vietnam, still have unresolved maritime disputes with their neighboring nations. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) outlines obligations for concerned states, particularly in Articles 74(3) and 83(3). These include the duty to exert every effort to establish interim arrangements of a practical nature and to refrain from actions that could impede or obstruct the eventual attainment of a final agreement. However, the UNCLOS does not have a specific explanation for the above obligations, leading to the incomplete resolution of conflicts between States in the overlapping maritime areas, mainly when a State unilaterally undertakes law enforcement activities in the above maritime areas. The article aims to elucidate the overlapping maritime areas in the context of the East Sea, thereby analyzing and exploring the rights and responsibilities of coastal States in resolving disputes in undelimited maritime areas. Examining the legal frameworks, maritime territorial claims, and mechanisms for dispute resolution becomes imperative in understanding the complexities of this region.
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Ross, Robert S. "China's Naval Nationalism: Sources, Prospects, and the U.S. Response." International Security 34, no. 2 (October 2009): 46–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.34.2.46.
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Recent developments in Chinese politics and defense policy indicate that China will soon embark on an ambitious maritime policy that will include construction of a power-projection navy centered on an aircraft carrier. But just as nationalism and the pursuit of status encouraged past land powers to seek great power maritime capabilities, widespread nationalism, growing social instability, and the leadership's concern for its political legitimacy drive China's naval ambition. China's maritime power, however, will be limited by the constraints experienced by all land powers: enduring challenges to Chinese territorial security and a corresponding commitment to a large ground force capability will constrain China's naval capabilities and its potential challenge to U.S. maritime security. Nonetheless, China's naval nationalism will challenge U.S.-China cooperation. It will likely elicit increased U.S. naval spending and deployments, as well as politicization of China policy in the United States, challenging the United States to develop policy to manage U.S.-China naval competition to allow for continued political cooperation.
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Erlina, Esther Christie, and Raden Ahmad Gusman Catur Siswandi. "Law Enforcement Issues and Regulations in Undelimited Maritime Boundaries: An International Law Perspective." Lentera Hukum 7, no. 1 (March 10, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/ejlh.v7i1.16643.
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Maritime boundaries play an essential role in determining the state's sovereignty, rights to exploit natural resources, maintain security, and territorial integrity. However, maritime boundaries often overlap between states, which can amount to conflicts. Maritime areas whose boundaries have not been agreed between neighboring states are referred to as “undelimited maritime boundaries” (UMB). Indeed, Article 74 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982 has set out rules regarding UMB. However, conflicts still arise between states; for instance, the conflict related to law enforcement between Indonesia and Viet Nam in the South China Sea. This study aims to analyze law enforcement issues and the rights and obligations of states in UMB under international law. This study uses normative legal research which applies the method of legislative, conceptual, and analytical approaches. This study finds that states involved in UMB are prohibited from carrying out excessive law enforcement since it could trigger more conflicts and will hamper the ongoing final maritime delimitation negotiation process. In order to ensure zero conflicts during the negotiation process, this paper recommends that Indonesia should make every effort to enter into a comprehensive provisional arrangement about UMB with its neighboring states.
Keywords: International Law, Law Enforcement, Undelimited Maritime Boundaries.
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Erlina, Esther Christie, and Raden Ahmad Gusman Catur Siswandi. "Law Enforcement Issues and Regulations in Undelimited Maritime Boundaries: An International Law Perspective." Lentera Hukum 7, no. 1 (March 10, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/ejlh.v7i1.16643.
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Maritime boundaries play an essential role in determining the state's sovereignty, rights to exploit natural resources, maintain security, and territorial integrity. However, maritime boundaries often overlap between states, which can amount to conflicts. Maritime areas whose boundaries have not been agreed between neighboring states are referred to as “undelimited maritime boundaries” (UMB). Indeed, Article 74 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982 has set out rules regarding UMB. However, conflicts still arise between states; for instance, the conflict related to law enforcement between Indonesia and Viet Nam in the South China Sea. This study aims to analyze law enforcement issues and the rights and obligations of states in UMB under international law. This study uses normative legal research which applies the method of legislative, conceptual, and analytical approaches. This study finds that states involved in UMB are prohibited from carrying out excessive law enforcement since it could trigger more conflicts and will hamper the ongoing final maritime delimitation negotiation process. In order to ensure zero conflicts during the negotiation process, this paper recommends that Indonesia should make every effort to enter into a comprehensive provisional arrangement about UMB with its neighboring states.
Keywords: International Law, Law Enforcement, Undelimited Maritime Boundaries.
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Wilsford, David. "Le Département d’État : une administration d’étrangers ou une étrange administration ?" Revue française d'administration publique 69, no. 1 (1994): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1994.2775.
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The United States Department of State A Government of Strangers or a Strange Government ? Within American government, the United States Department is typical of a fragmented ‘stateless’ bureaucracy. It shares a great deal of power with the Congress, interest groups and the mass media, and has seen its influence gradually eroded by the White House and the Department of Defense. Because other institutional actors are structurally very strong in the American political System, the American Department of State is correspondingly less powerful within its universe compared to its counterparts in most advanced industrial democracies. It is both a ‘government of strangers’ and a ‘strange government’. Nonetheless, as an actor on the international stage, the American Department of State is powerful because of the position of the United States on the geopolitical scene.
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Xhelilaj, Ermal. "Legal instruments of the Law of the Sea related to the peaceful resolution of maritime disputes." Pomorstvo 36, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31217/p.36.1.14.
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During the last decades, the international practice has indicated that maritime disputes among coastal states have erupted as a result of direct infringements of maritime jurisdiction and rights of one coastal state towards another. These maritime disputes involve many aggravated issues and problems reflecting often conflicts of international nature which have to be tackled and given an appropriate resolution to avoid a possible escalation of a maritime conflict or crisis. The most problematic and dangerous cases related to these maritime conflicts are the maritime zones’ delimitation among coastal states which as their mechanism of sovereignty may utilize their armed forces to resolve the relevant disputes, considered very sensitive and paramount matters of national interests. The maritime dispute between Albania and Great Britain in the Corfu Channel incident is considered an aggravated interstate conflict where the armed forces of both coastal states confronted each other with lethal and extreme use of force. To avoid such a dangerous confrontation of maritime interests which can have dire consequences for international or regional peace and stability, the international organization such as the United Nations has adopted legal instruments for the resolution of maritime disputes through peaceful mechanisms and legal approaches such as international tribunals, international maritime conventions as well as diplomatic channels and political negotiations. It is the main objective of this article to examine these legal approaches and instruments to identify the legislative advantages and legal issues which may influence possible future maritime disputes among states.
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Harrington, Charles. "Maritime Boundaries on National Ocean Service Nautical Charts." Cartographic Perspectives, no. 14 (March 1, 1993): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14714/cp14.984.
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The National Ocean Service (NOS) is responsible for charting the Nation's coastal waters and, therefore, is the lead Agency for the portrayal of maritime limits of the United States of America. The 1958 Geneva Convention on the Territorial Sea and the Contiguous Zone states " ... the normal baseline for measuring the breadth of the territorial sea is the low waterline along the coast as marked on large-scale charts officially recognized by the coastal state." In 1976, NOS was requested to show various maritime limits on its regular issue of nautical charts. The paper presents the history of maritime boundaries on National Ocean Service (NOS) charts, methods used in constructing the various maritime limits, the definition of the limits, the push for lateral seaward boundaries, and the technical aspects of maritime limits.
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Stavridis, James. "VI. The United States, the North Atlantic and Maritime Hybrid Warfare." Whitehall Papers 87, no. 1 (May 3, 2016): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02681307.2016.1291023.
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Stephens, Hugh W. "Maritime security in the United States: Latent threats and latent vulnerabilities." Terrorism and Political Violence 2, no. 4 (December 1990): 554–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559008427083.
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Kuehn, John. "Carriers and Amphibs: Shibboleths of Sea Power." Journal of Advanced Military Studies 11, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21140/mcuj.20201102006.
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This article argues that American naval force packages built around aircraft carriers and amphibious assault ships no longer serve maritime security interests as effectively as in the past. It further claims that the current commitment in the published maritime strategy of the United States to the twin shibboleths of “carriers and amphibs” comes from a variety of attitudes held by senior decision makers and military leaders. This commitment betrays both cultural misunderstanding or even ignorance of seapower—“sea blindness”—as well as less than rational attachments to two operational capabilities that served the United States well in the past, but in doing so engendered emotional commitments that are little grounded in the facts.
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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "ADMINISTRATION: JUDICIAL AND GENERAL UNITED STATES OF AMERICA." International Labour Law Reports Online 22, no. 1 (2001): 449–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160202x00491.
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