Relevant bibliographies by topics / United States. Military Group (El Salvador)

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Academic literature on the topic 'United States. Military Group (El Salvador)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "United States. Military Group (El Salvador)"

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Khan, Abdul Zahoor, Nargis Zaman, and Zahir Shah. "United States Fundamental Interests in Chile and Cuba: A Historical Study." Global Regional Review I, no. I (December 30, 2016): 218–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).17.

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US hegemony as the result of its interventions in Cuba and Chile is a historical reality. The United States used to be scared that imposition of Communism had minimized the Americans dominance over there under the policy of nationalization. Although, the United States had tried his luck in Cuba twice, in decades of 1960’s, to vanish communism dangerous roots, but unfortunately faced defeat. Again in 1970’s decade the United States faced the same threat of communism (in form of Salvador Allende regime) in Chile. Chile has blessed with such rich mineral resources like Cuba, so the United States also had similarly established their strong hold inform of different significant companies. In order to prevent the power of Salvador Allende and his nationalization policy, the United States had launched military coup in 1973 resulted in success that also helps to minimize the communism threats in region
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Khan, Abdul Zahoor, Ahmed Ali, and Sajjad Ali. "United States Intervention and the Following Hegemony in Cuba and Chile: A Critical Appraisal." Global Regional Review II, no. I (December 30, 2017): 343–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2017(ii-i).24.

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US hegemony as the result of its interventions in Cuba and Chile is a historical reality. The United States used to be scared that the imposition of Communism had minimized the Americans dominance over there under the policy of nationalization. Although, the United States had tried his luck in Cuba twice, in decades of the 1960s, to vanish communism dangerous roots, but unfortunately faced defeat. Again in the 1970s decade, the United States faced the same threat of communism (in the form of Salvador Allende regime) in Chile. Chile has blessed with such rich mineral resources like Cuba, so the United States also had similarly established its strong hold inform of different significant companies. In order to prevent the power of Salvador Allende and his nationalization policy, the United States had launched a military coup in 1973 that resulted in success that also helps to minimize the communism threats in the region.
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James Hone, Matthew. "Innovations in Intervention: El Salvador’s Role as a U.S. Strategic and Tactical Laboratory." De Raíz Diversa. Revista Especializada en Estudios Latinoamericanos 4, no. 7 (January 1, 2017): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ppela.24487988e.2017.7.64048.

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The United States, amongst other motives, utilized their intervention into El Salvador as a laboratory for strategic, tactical and technological military techniques. The extent of the experimentation has not been fully divulged due to the continued classification of documentation and the secretive nature of U.S. special operations. However, there is sufficient evidence available to reveal that the U.S. participation in El Salvador initiated or expanded on a number of practices that would be incorporated well after the conflict
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James Hone, Matthew. "Innovations in Intervention: El Salvador’s Role as a U.S. Strategic and Tactical Laboratory." De Raíz Diversa. Revista Especializada en Estudios Latinoamericanos 4, no. 7 (January 1, 2017): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ppla.24487988e.2017.7.64048.

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The United States, amongst other motives, utilized their intervention into El Salvador as a laboratory for strategic, tactical and technological military techniques. The extent of the experimentation has not been fully divulged due to the continued classification of documentation and the secretive nature of U.S. special operations. However, there is sufficient evidence available to reveal that the U.S. participation in El Salvador initiated or expanded on a number of practices that would be incorporated well after the conflict
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Daghrir, Wassim. "The United States' Global Realism: US Policy in El Salvador as a Case Study." JOURNAL OF ADVANCES IN HUMANITIES 4, no. 2 (December 9, 2016): 462–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jah.v4i2.1302.

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Should the United States’ global mission be to make the world “safe for democracy”, as Woodrow Wilson said, or, in the words of John Quincy Adams, should the US be “the well-wisher of freedom and independence of all” but the “champion and vindicator only of our own”? The debate between Idealists and Realists in US foreign policy has been going on forever. Idealists hold that the US should make its internal political philosophy, namely Democracy, the goal of its foreign policy. Realists, on the other hand, esteem that the US foreign policy should be mainly oriented towards the protection and enhancement of “the National Interest”. My line of reasoning is that the balance has always shifted towards Realism and, occasionally, aggressive Realism. U.S. interventions in Latin America offer telling case studies. They have taken the shape of a mixture of overt and covert interventions in conjunction with the significant political, economic and military pressures. Washington’s efforts to check hostile developments in the Americas necessitated the investment of considerable tax-dollars, political capital, and even American lives. To accomplish its political, strategic, and economic objectives in the area, the U.S. has devoted extensive human and material resources. The strategy to follow might differ depending on each country’s specificity or on the reactions of the U.S. Congress and public opinion. The big lines, however, remain unaffected, as we will try to find out through our study of the U.S. interventions in El Salvador.
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Behrens, Susan Fitzpatrick. "From Symbols of the Sacred to Symbols of Subversion to Simply Obscure: Maryknoll Women Religious in Guatemala, 1953 to 1967." Americas 61, no. 2 (October 2004): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0127.

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In December of 1980 three women religious and a lay missioner from the United States were brutally raped and murdered by the Salvadoran military. This outrage brought international attention to the violence in El Salvador and led to a temporary halt in US military aid. The sisters were neither the first nor the most violently killed—8,000 people were massacred in 1980 and 45,000 between 1980 and 1984—but their rape and murder, the murder of Archbishop Romero in March of 1980, and that of six Jesuit priests in 1989 were consistently cited as evidence of the sheer brutality and impunity of the Salvadoran military regime. Killing priests and bishops and raping and murdering nuns signified quite simply that “nothing was sacred.”
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Medrano, Celia. "Securing Protection for De Facto Refugees: The Case of Central America's Northern Triangle." Ethics & International Affairs 31, no. 2 (2017): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679417000041.

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The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reports that the number of requests for international refugee or asylum protection increased fivefold from 2010 to 2015. In the United States these requests are mainly filed by citizens from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras—the countries collectively referred to as the Northern Triangle of Central America (TNCA). These applicants flee their countries of origin to escape threats to their lives and personal safety from gang violence, organized crime, and even police and military agents. Though the violence cannot be classified as a “war,” the daily life of many Central Americans is currently marked by human tragedies comparable to those experienced during the regional armed conflicts of past decades.
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De La Cruz, Rachael. "No Asylum for the Innocent: Gendered Representations of Salvadoran Refugees in the 1980s." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 10 (September 2017): 1103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217732106.

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During the 1980s, El Salvador was engaged in a brutal civil war; massacres, torture, and rape pervaded the countryside. This social and economic upheaval created approximately 1.5 million refugees and internally displaced persons throughout Central and North America. Gender is a critical yet understudied aspect of this mass displacement. I analyze humanitarian publications and government documents to examine the discursive gendering of Salvadoran refugees on the international stage. I argue that U.S. activists portrayed Salvadorans as feminized civilian victims in need of rescue by the paternalistic United States to change public opinion of the Salvadoran Civil War and its refugees. These gendered and infantilized constructions belie the reality that the vast majority of Salvadoran refugees to the United States were men of military age. I examine the Salvadoran refugee from a new perspective that foregrounds gender as a category of analysis.
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Toinet, Marie-France. "De Carter à Reagan : La politique salvadorienne des États-Unis." Études internationales 13, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 497–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701385ar.

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Ever since Monroe's doctrine and up to President Carter, the American foreign policy in Latin America has been remarkably continuous both from the point of view of objectives - the maintenance and extension of American influence and domination - and that of the pressures required to attain them - from direct military intervention to economic sanctions, including clandestine activities of destabilization. Carter came to power and from then on that policy rested on different principles which became expressed, particularly in the case of El Salvador, in pressures for the respect of human rights, a temporary suspension of aid from the Interamerican Development Bank and in the immediate recognition of the regime which followed the coup d'État of october 1979 and which made possible a third option between a reactionary dictatorship and a takeover by the Marxists. The principles were once again altered under President Reagan for whom the fight against communism and international terrorism is a priority. Latin America acquired a new strategic importance and El Salvador became the scene of the East-West conflict, the symbol of American determination to contain Soviet expansionism. But Reagan's policy in El Salvador had to be restrained confronted as it was by opposition both internal, from the public, and external through the stand taken by the Allies. In spite of starting doctrinal differences, Carter's and Reagan's policies in El Salvador are very similar, both showing incoherence and inefficiency. They are heirs to a situation and an intellectual tradition which they perpetuate, one clumsily, the other cheerfully. But the failure of the Reagan administration is even more patent than that of its predecessor. The United States have only one alternative left, military intervention or negotiations with the guerilla, and furthermore they risk "losing" El Salvador the Vietnam or the Nicaragua way.
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Hazelton, Jacqueline L. "The “Hearts and Minds” Fallacy: Violence, Coercion, and Success in Counterinsurgency Warfare." International Security 42, no. 1 (July 2017): 80–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00283.

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Debates over how governments can defeat insurgencies ebb and flow with international events, becoming particularly contentious when the United States encounters problems in its efforts to support a counterinsurgent government. Often the United States confronts these problems as a zero-sum game in which the government and the insurgents compete for popular support and cooperation. The U.S. prescription for success has had two main elements: to support liberalizing, democratizing reforms to reduce popular grievances; and to pursue a military strategy that carefully targets insurgents while avoiding harming civilians. An analysis of contemporaneous documents and interviews with participants in three cases held up as models of the governance approach—Malaya, Dhofar, and El Salvador—shows that counterinsurgency success is the result of a violent process of state building in which elites contest for power, popular interests matter little, and the government benefits from uses of force against civilians.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United States. Military Group (El Salvador)"

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Rivas, Jose Alfonso Cotto. "Military Acquisition in El Salvador and the United States of America : a comparative and critical analysis." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1999. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA365350.

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Thesis (M.S. in Management) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1999.
"June 1999" Thesis advisor(s): Lawrence R. Jones, Jerry L. McCaffery. Includes bibliographical references (p. 127-129). Also available online.
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King, James Phillip. "Teampreaching training Army chaplains in collaborative supervision of preaching /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2004. http://www.tren.com.

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Keiran, Alan Nichols. "Reaching out a strategy for increasing command religious program participation within Marine Forces Pacific /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 1997. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p068-0104.

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Meyers, John S. "Marine Corps Training and Advisory Group an innovative example of the Marine Corps' effort to rebalance the force /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490815.

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Schneider, Frederick W. (Frederick Walter) 1959. "Advising the ARVN: Lieutenant General Samuel T. Williams in Vietnam, 1955-1960." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc504626/.

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Beginning in 1954, the United States Army attempted to build a viable armed force in South Vietnam. Until the early 1960s, other areas commanded more American attention, yet this formative period was influential in later United States involvement in Vietnam. This thesis examines United States advisory efforts from 1955 to 1960 by analyzing the tenure of Lieutenant General Samuel T. Williams as Chief of the Military Assistance Advisory Group in South Vietnam. During Williams's tenure, the communist forces in the north began the guerrilla insurgency in earnest. Williams's failure to respond to this change has been justly criticized; yet his actions were reflective of the United States Army's attitude toward insurgencies in the late 1950s.
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Maguire, Gregory M. "Concept of a dynamic organizational schema for a network-centric organization." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FMaguire.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Systems Technology)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Carl R. Jones, William G. Kemple. Includes bibliographical references (p. 95-97). Also available online.
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McPherson, Jared L. "Indefinite Detention as a Democratic Counterterrorism Policy." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1416091531.

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Duhan, Daniel P. "Tactical decision aid for unmanned vehicles in maritime missions." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2274.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
An increasing number of unmanned vehicles (UV) are being incorporated into maritime operations as organic elements of Expeditionary and Carrier Strike Groups for development of the recognized maritime picture. This thesis develops an analytically-based planning aid for allocating UVs to missions. Inputs include the inventory of UVs, sensors, their performance parameters, and operational scenarios. Operations are broken into mission critical functions: detection, identification, and collection. The model output assigns aggregated packages of UVs and sensors to one of the three functions within named areas of interest. A spreadsheet model uses conservative time-speed-distance calculations, and simplified mathematical models from search theory and queuing theory, to calculate measures of performance for possible assignments of UVs to missions. The spreadsheet model generates a matrix as input to a linear integer program assignment model which finds the best assignment of UVs to missions based on the user inputs and simplified models. The results provide the mission planner with quantitatively-based recommendations for unmanned vehicle mission tasking in challenging scenarios.
Lieutenant, United States Navy
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Roberts, Mervyn Edwin III. "Let the Dogs Bark: The Psychological War in Vietnam, 1960-1968." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849646/.

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Between 1960 and 1968 the United States conducted intensive psychological operations (PSYOP) in Vietnam. To date, no comprehensive study of the psychological war there has been conducted. This dissertation fills that void, describing the development of American PSYOP forces and their employment in Vietnam. By looking at the complex interplay of American, North Vietnamese, National Liberation Front (NLF) and South Vietnamese propaganda programs, a deeper understanding of these activities and the larger war emerges. The time period covered is important because it comprises the initial introduction of American PSYOP advisory forces and the transition to active participation in the war. It also allows enough time to determine the long-term effects of both the North Vietnamese/NLF and American/South Vietnamese programs. Ending with the 1968 Tet Offensive is fitting because it marks both a major change in the war and the establishment of the 4th Psychological Operations Group to manage the American PSYOP effort. This dissertation challenges the argument that the Northern/Viet Cong program was much more effective that the opposing one. Contrary to common perceptions, the North Vietnamese propaganda increasingly fell on deaf ears in the south by 1968. This study also provides support for understanding the Tet Offensive as a desperate gamble born out of knowledge the tide of war favored the Allies by mid-1967. The trend was solidly towards the government and the NLF increasingly depended on violence to maintain control. The American PSYOP forces went to Vietnam with little knowledge of the history and culture of Vietnam or experience conducting psychological operations in a counterinsurgency. As this dissertation demonstrates, despite these drawbacks, they had considerable success in the period covered. Although facing an experienced enemy in the psychological war, the U.S. forces made great strides in advising, innovating techniques, and developing equipment. I rely extensively on untapped sources such as the Foreign Broadcast Information Service transcripts, Captured Document Exploitation Center files, and access to the U.S. Army Special Operations Command Archives. Additionally, I have digitized databases such as the Hamlet Evaluation System and Terrorist Incident Reporting System for Geographic Information System software analysis. The maps provide examples of the possibilities available to the historian using these datasets.
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Weber, Nathaniel R. "The United States Military Assistance Advisory Group in French Indochina, 1950-1956." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2010-12-8874.

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This thesis examines the American Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) sent to French Indochina, from 1950 to 1956, when the United States provided major monetary and material aid to the French in their war against the communist Viet Minh. MAAG observed French units in the field and monitored the flow of American materiel into the region. Relying upon primary research in the National Archives, the thesis departs from previous interpretations by showing that MAAG held generally positive assessments of France‟s performance in Indochina. The thesis also argues that MAAG personnel were more interested in getting material support to the French, than in how that material was used, to the point of making unrealistic assessments of French combat abilities. By connecting primary research with the greater history of Cold War American military assistance, the thesis contributes to the scholarship on American involvement in Vietnam.
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Books on the topic "United States. Military Group (El Salvador)"

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John, Guzman. Refletctions behind the retina. [United States]: Xlibris, 2011.

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Office, General Accounting. El Salvador: Transfers of military assistance fuels : report to the Honorable Tom Harkin, U.S. Senate. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1989.

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Roeder, James. 357th Fighter Group. Carrollton, Tex: Squadron/Signal Publications, 2000.

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Office, General Accounting. El Salvador: Extent of U.S. military personnel in country : fact sheet for the Honorable Edward M. Kennedy, U.S. Senate. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1990.

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Office, General Accounting. El Salvador: Extent of U.S. military personnel in country : fact sheet for the Honorable Edward M. Kennedy, U.S. Senate. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1990.

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Office, General Accounting. El Salvador: Limited use of U.S. firms in military aid construction : report to the Honorable Tom De Lay, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1989.

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Office, General Accounting. Army Special Forces: Rationale for relocating the 5th Special Forces Group from Fort Bragg, North Carolina : report to the Honorable Terry Sanford. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1989.

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China (Republic : 1949- ). Guo fang bu. Shi zheng bian yi shi, ed. Mei jun gu wen tuan zai Tai gong zuo kou shu li shi: US MAAG-Taiwan : an oral history. [Taibei]: Guo fang bu shi zheng bian yi shi, 2008.

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China (Republic : 1949-). Guo fang bu. US MAAG-Taiwan: An oral history. Taipei, Taiwan: Ministry History and Translation Office, Ministry of National Defense, 2008.

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China (Republic : 1949- ). Guo fang bu. Shi zheng bian yi shi, ed. Mei jun gu wen tuan zai Tai gong zuo kou shu li shi: US MAAG-Taiwan : an oral history. [Taibei]: Guo fang bu shi zheng bian yi shi, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "United States. Military Group (El Salvador)"

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Burke, Kyle. "Private Wars in Central America." In Revolutionaries for the Right, 118–54. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640730.003.0006.

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Growing more confident, John Singlaub and other retired covert warriors launched a series of paramilitary campaigns in Central America in the 1980s. As the Reagan administration faced stiff resistance about its wars in Nicaragua and El Salvador from Congress and the American public, many on the right concluded that the private sector was best suited to channel money, weapons, supplies, and advisors to embattled paramilitary groups. Starting in 1981, Singlaub and his allies organized rallies, sponsored television and radio programs, and published books, pamphlets, and articles to raise millions of dollars in private donations from wealthy individuals and businesses, international groups, and grassroots organizations. Then they used these funds to establish private military aid programs that they hoped would not only fill in for the United States military and intelligence services but also do a better job for less money. This struggle against foreign enemies, made possible by will and weapons, simultaneously legitimized a growing paramilitary subculture in the United States. For it presented a vision of combat in which ordinary citizens took up arms to fight communism.
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Eisenbrandt, Matt. "“A Bed to Drop Dead In”." In Assassination of a Saint. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520286795.003.0005.

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This chapter describes the filing of the legal case against Alvaro Saravia as well as several unnamed “Doe” defendants, designations intended to be filled with the identities of death squad financiers with connections to the United States. The chapter presents the documentation and evidence that describes the alleged funding of the death squads, including the Saravia Diary and a U.S. embassy cable about a group called the “Miami Six”. It transitions to a discussion of how, as a full-scale civil war raged, many of the Salvadoran oligarchs teamed up with Roberto D’Aubuisson to create the ARENA political party while the U.S. administration of Ronald Reagan greatly increased economic assistance to the Salvadoran military responsible for so much of the repression.
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Bongar, Bruce, Kate Maslowski, Catherine Hausman, Danielle Spangler, and Tracy Vargo. "The Problem of Suicide in the United States Special Operations Forces." In Handbook of Military and Veteran Suicide, 190–200. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med:psych/9780199873616.003.0016.

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Since 1986, the US Special Operations Command (SOCOM) has been employed by the military for carrying out a range of challenging tasks key to counterterrorism efforts. These Special Operations Forces (SOF) represent a unique group within the military and has traditionally been considered highly resistant to deleterious effects of both physical and psychological strain; however, recent figures suggest a rise in suicides within special operators. Increasingly, suicide prevention efforts within the military have focused more explicitly on enhancing resilience rather than decreasing suicide risk. In line with this newer mentality, SOCOM has developed the Preservation of the Force and Family (POTFF). The POTFF program aims to enhance the service member’s resilience by addressing four domains: physical performance, psychological performance, social performance, and spiritual performance. The rationale and design of the POTFF program is reviewed in this chapter. Future directions and challenges associated with this effort are also discussed.
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Hoover Green, Amelia. "Civil War in El Salvador." In The Commander's Dilemma, 59–78. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501726477.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the social, political, and economic factors underlying the Salvadoran civil war, and the development of the organizations that ultimately contested the war. The military government's intense, disproportionate repression of even moderate reformers both accelerated progress toward war and served as a tactic of war. Similarly, the histories, and prehistories, of both state and rebel organizations informed their strategies and tactics in conflict. El Salvador's civil war featured well-organized, ideologically sophisticated Communist rebels, who sought control of the state, rather than resource wealth, secession, or ethnic domination. Facing them was a generally inept and brutal state force, which ultimately required vast amounts of assistance from the United States—military and otherwise—to avoid losing the war outright. Yet there was little demographic difference between the fighting forces, in terms of age, education, ethnicity, or other factors. The chapter then looks at some broad, structural similarities and differences between El Salvador's war and others.
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Barany, Zoltan. "Military Diplomacy." In Armies of Arabia, 195–247. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190866204.003.0006.

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The armies of Arabia depend on foreign countries in many respects—as a source of protection, contract soldiers, and armaments—therefore, it is important take a closer look at their external relations. Chapter 5 begins with an analysis of the GCC, asking why it has failed to foster close military cooperation and examining the special relationships and deepening conflicts within the group. Since the Gulf’s militaries’ relations with all world regions could not possibly be tackled, the focus here is on Arab and Muslim states in the Middle East. The discussion of Gulf relations with the United States and the United Kingdom centers on the military bases they have used and maintained in Arabia. Israel has always occupied a unique place in the foreign affairs of Gulf countries; therefore, the last section of the chapter is taken up with the examination of the changing relationship between Jerusalem and the GCC.
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Eisenbrandt, Matt. "“There Must Have Been a Thousand Romeros”." In Assassination of a Saint. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520286795.003.0013.

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The chapter describes the legal team’s last trip to El Salvador before trial, during which they interview a witness who describes Archbishop Romero as a military target. The team prepares for trial by securing the testimony of several witnesses from El Salvador and the United States who can describe the overwhelming importance of Romero’s life and the profound loss of his death, which helped precipitate the start of the civil war. The team also speaks with a new contact, Gordon Ellison, who worked in the 1980s with the head of the Salvadoran Special Investigative Unit and accompanied officials on the original search for the getaway driver, Amado Garay. As trial approaches, the legal team decides to ask Garay to testify live at the trial.
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Rostow, W. W. "The Role of the United States in the Post-Cold War World." In The Great Population Spike and After. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195116915.003.0011.

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As in the other chapters in this book, it is wise to begin by recalling the past. In this case, I begin with the history and concepts that have guided U.S. foreign policy. This historical survey is useful first because the issues we will confront in the next half century, while distinctive, will not be wholly new. Americans have wrestled with them, wisely or otherwise, in the past, and that should help provide perspective as we face the future on the other side of the Great Spike. Second, looking forward, it is necessary to see the past as objectively as we can. There are endless aphorisms about the usefulness of history to illuminate the present and the future, as well as many concerning its lack of usefulness. In general, the use of history as a guide to the future has a bad name. Samuel Taylor Coleridge in one century and Lewis Namier in another both asserted that humanity could only look at the past and was incapable of looking forward. But in a book about the future, there is virtue in trying to belie Coleridge and Namier and, looking backward as well as forward, in trying to clarify where we have come from and what we face in the time ahead. In the half century from the Revolutionary War to President James Monroe's message to the Congress in 1823, the United States evolved from a group of colonies to a nation-state. In this half century, the United States gained its independence with the decisive aid of France. It struggled through another war with Britain over a neutral country's right to freedom of the seas. In 1823, it moved to guarantee the independence of its hemisphere against military intrusion from outside. There was an abiding security as well as an ideological component in the Monroe Doctrine. As for security, it warned the nations of Europe, including Russia, not to extend their military presence in the hemisphere. John C. Calhoun, then secretary of war, wished the United States to guarantee not merely the independence of Latin America from any extension of European power but also Latin America's movement toward democracy. John Quincy Adams, then secretary of state, had two objections. First, he felt that "the feudal and clerical heritage" of Latin America would render its movement toward democracy problematic.
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Hazelton, Jacqueline L. "High Cost Success." In Bullets Not Ballots, 106–29. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501754784.003.0005.

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This chapter evaluates how the counterinsurgency campaign during the Salvadoran civil war provides support for the compellence theory. In El Salvador from 1979 to 1992, the U.S.-backed government fought the Communist and nationalist insurgency to a draw, preserving the government from an insurgent takeover. Elite accommodation took place largely among civilian and military officers in the government as hard-liners and slightly more liberal political and military entrepreneurs jockeyed for influence. The Salvadoran government resisted U.S.-pressed reforms but accepted U.S. efforts to strengthen its security forces. It used its increased fighting ability to clear civilian areas, creating vast refugee flows that reduced provision of material support to the insurgency. It also used U.S.-provided air power to break down the insurgency's conventional formations but was never able to successfully pursue and destroy the smaller bands of insurgents or gain more popular support than it began the war with. Continued insurgent political and military strength, along with the end of the Cold War, forced the United States and the hard-liners within the military to accept peace talks and a political settlement to the war rather than the military victory they had pressed for.
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Caverley, Jonathan D. "When an Immovable Object Meets an Irresistible Force." In Reconsidering American Civil-Military Relations, 177–90. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197535493.003.0010.

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In a period in which much conventional wisdom about American politics has been thrown into question two essential facts remain: the public popularity of the US military remains high relative to any other US institution and the level of partisan polarization continues to climb. Recent crises in US civil-military relations suggest it unlikely that both of these facts can continue to simultaneously be true. This essay therefore introduces the concept of affective polarization to the study of civil-military relations. When a population is affectively polarized, multiple social identities reinforce a disdain within a group for members outside of it. In the contemporary United States, these social identities have coalesced within political parties. While the US military may not be interested in affective polarization, affective polarization is definitely interested in the US military. This essay lays out how, as it continues to evolve into an exercise in fiscal rather than social mobilization, the US military may grow more prone, like most other national institutions, to being swallowed.
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Rabe, Stephen G. "Overthrowing Governments." In Kissinger and Latin America, 49–83. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501706295.003.0003.

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This chapter details how the first crisis for the Nixon administration came with the news that leftist Salvador Allende had captured a plurality of the vote in the September 1970 presidential election. It reviews the U.S. role in destabilizing the Allende government. The historical literature tends to give scant attention to the United States and Chile after September 11, 1973. To recount the complete story about the U.S. role in Chile demands investigating not only the war against Allende but also the myriad of ways that the Nixon and Ford administrations and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger bolstered the Pinochet dictatorship. The chapter also analyzes Kissinger's lead role in encouraging the overthrow of President Juan José Torres (1970–1971), the socialist political and military leader of Bolivia.
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Conference papers on the topic "United States. Military Group (El Salvador)"

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Clifton, G., J. Holmes, S. Perez, D. Lorentz, K. Georgakopoulou, L. Benavides, J. Gates, et al. "Interim Analysis of a Randomized Phase II Study of the Novel HER2/NeuPeptide (GP2) Vaccine To Prevent Breast Cancer Recurrence: United States Military Cancer Institute Clinical Trials Group Study I-05." In Abstracts: Thirty-Second Annual CTRC‐AACR San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium‐‐ Dec 10‐13, 2009; San Antonio, TX. American Association for Cancer Research, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/0008-5472.sabcs-09-5110.

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Peoples, G., S. Perez, G. Clifton, J. Holmes, K. Georgakopoulou, L. Benavides, J. Gates, et al. "Interim Analysis of a Randomized Phase II Study of the Novel Ii-Key Hybrid HER2/NeuPeptide (AE37) Vaccine To Prevent Breast Cancer Recurrence: United States Military Cancer Institute Clinical Trials Group Study I-05." In Abstracts: Thirty-Second Annual CTRC‐AACR San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium‐‐ Dec 10‐13, 2009; San Antonio, TX. American Association for Cancer Research, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/0008-5472.sabcs-09-3183.

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Bluestein, Maurice. "Applied Heat Transfer in the Development of the New Wind Chill Temperature Chart." In ASME 2004 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2004-59103.

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In November, 2001, the national weather services of the United States and Canada, recognizing inaccuracies in the original, adopted a revised Wind Chill Temperature (WCT) chart. This revision was developed by the authors under a mandate from a joint action group for temperature indicies (JAG/TI) formed by the U.S. Office of the Federal Coordinator for Meteorology. This new chart provides, for a given air temperature and recorded wind speed, that air temperature, the WCT, which would result in the same rate of heat loss from exposed human skin in still air. Values of the WCT are given for a range of air temperatures from −45°F to 40°F and a range of wind speeds from 5 mph to 60 mph. For Canada, the ranges are from −50°C to 10°C and 10 km/hr to 80 km/hr. The new chart was developed using principles of heat transfer, including conduction, forced convection and radiation. Skin tissue resistance was obtained from human studies. This paper describes the application of these principles and will show how these same principles have been used to demonstrate the errors in the original chart developed over 60 years ago by our military in Antarctica and adopted by the U.S. Weather Service in 1973. As was the case for the original chart, a clear night sky has been assumed, thus ignoring any direct solar radiation that would otherwise tend to elevate the WCT. The new chart is unlikely to be the final version long term and this paper will also discuss possible future modifications.
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Theis, Melissa A., Hilary L. Gallagher, Richard L. McKinley, and Valerie S. Bjorn. "Hearing Protection With Integrated In-Ear Dosimetry: A Noise Dose Study." In ASME 2012 Noise Control and Acoustics Division Conference at InterNoise 2012. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ncad2012-0636.

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Military personnel working in high noise environments can be exposed to continuous noise levels up to 150 dB. United States (US) Department of Defense (DoD) Hearing Conservation Programs (HCPs) [1–3] set safe noise exposure limits to reduce the risk for noise induced hearing loss. These daily noise exposure limits were based on ambient noise levels and the duration of time spent in that noise environment. Current dosimeters, worn on the lapel of personnel and at least one system worn under a hearing protector, were designed to measure noise levels and calculate noise dose, but do not provide a validated measure of noise dose external to or under a hearing protector. Noise dose under hearing protectors can be estimated by subtracting the real ear attenuation (REAT) data, collected in accordance with the American National Standards Institute (ANSI) S12.6 [4], at each octave band from the ambient octave band noise. This procedure gives accurate results for group data, but does not account for individual variations in effective attenuation. To address this issue, the US Naval Air Systems Command (NAVAIR) led the development of ship suitable in-ear dosimetry integrated into a hearing protector, and co-sponsored an effort executed by the Air Force Research Laboratory (AFRL) to calibrate in-ear noise dose readings. This was accomplished by conducting human noise exposure experiments, with and without hearing protection, which calculated noise dose from temporary threshold shifts (TTS) in hearing. Ten subjects participated in the study. Noise levels were 91, 94, and 97 dB for up to 2 hrs, 1 hr, and 30 minutes respectively. These exposure levels were well within US DoD safe noise exposure guidelines (DoD HCP) [1–3]. Data will be presented describing the open and occluded (protected) ear TTS response to noise dose achieved by subjects in the experiment. Preliminary findings indicate that human subject data is extremely important in developing and validating calibration factors for any type of noise dosimeter but is especially important for in-ear dosimetry. Results from this study demonstrated that the REAT noise dose estimations and the in-ear dosimetry earplugs consistently overestimated the effective noise dose received by subjects. However, more than 10 subjects are required to improve the confidence level of the estimated calibration factor.
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