Relevant bibliographies by topics / United States. Presidential Commission on Election Administration

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Academic literature on the topic 'United States. Presidential Commission on Election Administration'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "United States. Presidential Commission on Election Administration"

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Min, Jeonghun, and Paul-Henri Gurian. "Do campaigns matter outside the United States? Equilibrium and enlightenment in Korean presidential elections." International Political Science Review 38, no. 1 (July 7, 2016): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512115598566.

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Do presidential campaigns matter outside the United States? We examine how public opinion responds to campaign events during Korean presidential campaigns. The fundamental variables of the election year influence vote intention before the campaign begins and substantially influence eventual vote choice. Campaign events assist voters to learn more about the fundamental variables – regionalism, party identification, and retrospective evaluations of the incumbent administration – and this leads to more informed intentions during the campaign. The results suggest that there is substantial congruence in the explanatory power of Holbrook’s ‘equilibrium’ theory and Gelman and King’s ‘enlightenment’ theory in presidential campaigns held in the US and in Korea.
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Vaccari, Cristian. "“Technology Is a Commodity”: The Internet in the 2008 United States Presidential Election." Journal of Information Technology & Politics 7, no. 4 (October 11, 2010): 318–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19331681003656664.

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Olsen, Erik Alfred. "THE 2020 U.S. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, TRUMPISM AND THE ROOTS OF NEGATIVE DISTRUST." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 2 (2021): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-2-67-79.

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This article explores the role of negative distrust as applied to the 2020 U.S. presidential election focusing specifically on the campaign and sup- porters of President Donald J. Trump. I survey negative campaigning rhetoric, the enlistment of far-right militant groups to his cause and the general political discourse of the Trump campaign and its allies and how these elements created a dangerous environment within the United States leading to the 6 January attack on the U.S. Capitol. Furthermore, I examine how the sowing of con - spiracy theories, fear and disinformation had led directly to a degradation of the presidential election process and for the first time in U.S. history, there was not a safe and smooth transfer of power from one presidential administration to another. Finally, I conclude how the active employment of negative distrust amongst the electorate contributes to political and national instability that threatens not merely constitutional crisis, but the invalidation of the electoral process in the United States in general.
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Shi, Yinhong. "The Recent and Predictable Future: The U.S. Posture Toward China During and After the Presidential Election Campaign." East Asian Affairs 01, no. 01 (June 2021): 2150001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2737557921500017.

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Due to the serious perverse actions of the Trump administration in the fields of strategic rivalry, political/ideological confrontation, diplomatic exchanges and trade war between China and the United States as well as in that of global governance, Biden’s new administration is bound to make revisions somewhat and somehow. However, the current posture of the United States toward China is not only strong and enduring international structural dynamics in many aspects, but also multilateral strong and enduring domestic political and social ones. Therefore, its revision is to be necessarily quite partial and limited, and the confrontation and competition with China in some other areas will probably intensify. To a large extent, the trend of China–US relations after the US election could be influenced or even shaped by China, so China’s strategy and policy and appropriate adjustment are of great importance. China needs to take the initiative to avoid military conflicts with the United States, treating it as the essential highest common interest and the vital “common denominator” and to strive for a sort of pragmatic, focused and concrete dialogue or negotiation with the Biden administration as soon as possible after it took office.
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Belokonev, Sergey Yu, Sergey A. Vodopetov, and Vladimir G. Ivanov. "THE IMPACT OF MIGRATION FROM VENEZUELA ON THE DOMESTIC POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE UNITED STATES." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 240–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-2-240-253.

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The authors analyze the impact of migration from Venezuela on the domestic policy of the United States. According to the data for 2017, more than 11 percent of immigrants to the United States from South America are Venezuelans, and the same figure for 2016 was close to 9 percent, which indicates a fairly sharp increase in the number of refugees. An active influx of Venezuelans may be one of the key factors in the future US 2020 presidential elections. The largest diaspora of Venezuelans in the United States lives in Florida, which will be one of the key states in the future presidential election campaign. In connection with the potential loss of Republican’s positions in such an important region as Florida, it is necessary for the administration of Donald Trump to reconsider its policy in the state. In addition, representatives of the Democratic party are greatly interested in increasing influence in the state. Thus, the authors conclude that the administration of Donald Trump generally benefits from the crisis in Venezuela, as it will help to carry out a number of domestic political reforms aimed at economic protectionism and tackling of immigration.
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Zeleza, Paul Tiyambe. "Obama’s Africa Policy: The Limits of Symbolic Power." African Studies Review 56, no. 2 (August 8, 2013): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2013.48.

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Abstract:The election of Barack Obama as the first African-descended president of the United States in 2008 was greeted with euphoria in the U.S. and around the world, including Africa. Little, however, changed in the substance of U.S.–Africa relations. This underscores the limits of the symbolic politics of race and presidential personalities in the face of the structural imperatives of U.S. power and foreign policy in which African interests remain marginal and subordinate to U.S. interests. The article explores the structural contexts of foreign policy-making in the United States and what might be expected from the second Obama administration.
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Barilleaux, Ryan J. "Passages to the Presidency: From Campaigning to Governing. By Charles O. Jones. Washington, DC: Brookings, 1998. 224p. $39.95 cloth, $16.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 214–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401362019.

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The American political system has many features that set it apart from other governments of the world, but not all are equally apparent. One distinctive aspect is the length and importance of the transition period from one presidential administration to another. In most countries the passage of power occurs almost as soon as the election results are known (consider, e.g., the rapid assumption of power by President Kostunica after Slobodan Milosevic admitted defeat in the September 2000 Yugoslav election), but in the United States roughly ten weeks elapse between the election and inaugu- ration. The American approach, as Charles Jones puts it in this outstanding book, is to transfer power at a "leisurely pace."
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McKay, David. "Campaigning as Governing: The 1996 US Presidential Elections." Government and Opposition 32, no. 1 (January 1997): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb01207.x.

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ON TUESDAY, 5 NOVEMBER 1996 BILL CLINTON WAS REelected President of the United States by a comfortable margin. In addition, the Republicans retained control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate. Although these results were generally unsurprising, the election was an important one for students of American electoral behaviour. In particular, the results were widely expected to cast new light on two distinctive strands of thought in the literature: claims that we are in the midst of a realignment of the electorate towards the Republicans; and claims that American voters now consciously choose divided government so as to limit the scope of government and avoid the extremes in both parties. The second part of this article will address these questions and will discuss their implications for President Clinton's second term. First, however, it will be useful to examine the results in more detail.
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Germano, Roy. "Remittances as diplomatic leverage?: The precedent for Trump’s threat to restrict remittances to Mexico." Research & Politics 4, no. 2 (April 2017): 205316801770941. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168017709411.

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As a presidential candidate, Donald J. Trump argued that he could compel Mexico to pay for a border wall by threatening to restrict the flow of remittances sent by Mexicans living in the United States. The proposal was largely dismissed by the press and the political establishment. American officials, however, have used threats to restrict remittances as leverage before. Some experts believe, in fact, that a threat from three House Republicans to restrict remittance flows to El Salvador changed the outcome of El Salvador’s 2004 presidential election in favor of the pro-trade, US-friendly candidate favored by the Bush administration. The objectives of this article are to demonstrate that Trump’s proposal to use remittances as leverage has precedent and to use survey data to attempt to evaluate the claim that a threat to restrict remittances influenced the outcome of the 2004 Salvadoran presidential election. Statistical tests suggest that remittance recipients were indeed more likely to vote for the Bush administration’s preferred candidate in the 2004 election; however, it does not appear that remittance recipients changed the outcome, nor is it clear from the available data whether the remittances threat or some other factor caused remittance recipients to vote differently than non-recipients.
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Gilbert, Robert E. "Coping with presidential disability: The proposal for a standing medical commission." Politics and the Life Sciences 22, no. 1 (March 2003): 2–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400006249.

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On June 29, 2002, President George W. Bush invoked the United States Constitution's Twenty-Fifth Amendment, ratified in 1967. By so doing, he helped focus attention on the amendment's two disability provisions, Sections 3 and 4. Section 3 provides for voluntary transfer of power from the president to the vice president and is wholly dependent on the president's wishes. Section 4 provides for involuntary transfers of power, possibly over the president's objection. This controversial provision allows a vice president, with the assent of a majority of the cabinet, to become acting president. Critics have long argued that the vice president and cabinet officers, since they all owe their positions to the president, may be excessively reluctant to act even when action clearly is warranted. Therefore, some of these critics have proposed that a presidential disability commission be established at the beginning of every administration either to act under Section 4 in place of the cabinet or to provide formal and regular medical assessments so as to press for action in the event of presidential inability. I argue that such proposals are unwise and that their implementation would be counterproductive and even dangerous, both to the presidency and to the nation.
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Books on the topic "United States. Presidential Commission on Election Administration"

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on House Administration. Examining the voting process: How states can build on recommendations from the Bauer-Ginsberg Commission : hearing before the Committee on House Administration, House of Representatives, One Hundred Thirteenth Congress, second session, held in Washington, DC, July 23, 2014. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2014.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on House Administration. Markup of H. Res. 132, omnibus resolution for committee funding in the 114th Congress; Committee Res. 114-6, limitation on allocation of franked mail; H.R. 195, Election Assistance Commission Termination Act; and H.R. 412, to reduce federal spending and the deficit by terminating taxpayer financing of presidential election campaigns: Meeting before the Committee on House Administration, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fourteenth Congress, first session, held in Washington, DC, March 4, 2015. Washington: U.S. Government Publishing Office, 2015.

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The Federal Election Commission: Policy, politics, and administration. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2008.

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H.R. 672, to terminate the Election Assistance Commission: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Elections of the Committee on House Administration, House of Representatives, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, first session, held in Washington, DC, April 14, 2011. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2011.

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United States. Federal Election Commission, ed. The impact of the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 on the administration of elections for federal office, 2001-2002. [Washington, D.C.?]: Federal Election Commission, 2004.

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United States. Federal Election Commission, ed. The impact of the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 on the administration of elections for federal office, 1999-2000. [Washington, D.C.?]: Federal Election Commission, 2001.

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David, Clinton W., Lang Daniel George, and Miller Center Commission on Presidential Transitions and Foreign Policy., eds. Presidential transitions and foreign affairs. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1987.

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Hearing on the 2008 audit review and agency spending by the Election Assistance Commission: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Elections, Committee on House Administration, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session, held in Washington, DC, April 1, 2007. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2009.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on House Administration. Subcommittee on Elections. Hearing on the 2008 audit review and agency spending by the Election Assistance Commission: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Elections, Committee on House Administration, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session, held in Washington, DC, April 1, 2007. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2009.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on House Administration. Hearing on Federal Election Commission and 527 groups: Hearing before the Commitee on House Administration, House of Representatives, One Hundred Eighth Congress, second session, hearing held in Washington, DC, May 20, 2004. Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "United States. Presidential Commission on Election Administration"

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Hurtado-Torres, Sebastián. "The United States and the Last Two Years of the Frei Administration." In The Gathering Storm, 137–50. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501747182.003.0007.

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This chapter addresses the congressional election of 1969, which took place in a landscape substantially different from that of 1965. Most political forces had endured transformative changes that led to the birth of new organizations, further internal polarization, or outright fragmentation. The Christian Democratic Party had suffered a predictable decrease in its popularity after four and a half years in government, during which many promises had been delivered on but no truly revolutionary change had been implemented. As shown by the internal fights of 1967–1968 and the attitude of its most likely presidential candidate for 1970, Radomiro Tomic, the Christian Democratic Party had lost the unity of purpose that had accounted for so much of its electoral success a few years earlier. Nevertheless, Eduardo Frei's personal popularity and the party's electoral following still allowed the Christian Democratic Party to stand as the strongest party in Chilean politics. The Radical Party had also been weakened by internal divisions; since 1967, the party had moved decisively, although not without conflict, to the left. Meanwhile, one of the most important Socialist leaders, Raúl Ampuero, created a new political movement in 1968, the Popular Socialist Union (USOPO), generously funded by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The only party that had not endured any transformative crisis or substantial change in the years after the election of 1964 was the best organized and most united of all, the Communist Party.
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Latimer, Christopher. "Using Presidential Popularity for Understanding the Relationship between President Bush and Congressional Republicans' Online Campaigning." In Public Affairs and Administration, 1409–21. IGI Global, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-8358-7.ch069.

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This chapter is an assessment of the growing use of the Internet by congressional campaigns in the United States to determine whether candidates' Websites are affected by presidential popularity. There is previous research linking low public opinion of a sitting president with a negative impact on members of his political party running for election, particularly during the midterm, but very little analysis examines this phenomenon online. The chapter examines the 2002, 2004, 2006, and 2008 House Republican campaign Websites to see if there is a relationship between presidential popularity and congressional online campaign behavior. An examination of Republican campaign Websites was coded based on whether President Bush was present in picture form. The authors demonstrate that there is a correlation between President Bush's popularity and his presence on these Republican congressional Websites in general and more prevalent in different regions of the country.
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Rofe, J. Simon. "FDR’s Closest Contender." In US Presidential Elections and Foreign Policy, 40–60. University Press of Kentucky, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813169057.003.0003.

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This chapter identifies twin foreign policy influences on the 1944 election. The first and most straightforward was that the United States was, like many others, a nation at war and that this had a huge impact on the campaign. The second influence was the decision by the Republican contender, Thomas E. Dewey, not to campaign on the extent of Roosevelt administration’s prior knowledge of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Dewey’s begrudging discretion strongly encouraged by US Army chief of staff General George C. Marshall, limited the scope of his ability to critique the administration and its prosecution of the war.
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Hurtado-Torres, Sebastián. "Eduardo Frei, the U.S. Embassy, and the Election of Salvador Allende." In The Gathering Storm, 165–88. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501747182.003.0009.

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This chapter describes the efforts by the United States and Eduardo Frei to prevent Salvador Allende from attaining the presidency. The Nixon administration, after choosing not to involve itself in the 1970 presidential race to the extent the Johnson administration had in the 1964 election, reacted with great alacrity to Allende's victory in the popular election. Richard Nixon himself instructed CIA director Richard Helms to conduct covert operations in Chile, behind Ambassador Korry's back. In addition, Chilean politicians, particularly Christian Democrats of the Frei line, tried or at least explored ways of averting an Allende victory and sought for that purpose the support of the U.S. embassy in Santiago. Though many of the documents that tell this part of the story have been available to researchers since at least the early 2000s, only one scholarly work has treated these attempts by Chilean politicians, especially Eduardo Frei, in depth. The tendency of scholars of U.S. foreign relations during the Cold War to assume rather uncritically that the only decisions that mattered were taken in Washington has narrowed the perspectives from which the history of Cold War Chilean politics has been studied and interpreted.
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Rabe, Stephen G. "Overthrowing Governments." In Kissinger and Latin America, 49–83. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501706295.003.0003.

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This chapter details how the first crisis for the Nixon administration came with the news that leftist Salvador Allende had captured a plurality of the vote in the September 1970 presidential election. It reviews the U.S. role in destabilizing the Allende government. The historical literature tends to give scant attention to the United States and Chile after September 11, 1973. To recount the complete story about the U.S. role in Chile demands investigating not only the war against Allende but also the myriad of ways that the Nixon and Ford administrations and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger bolstered the Pinochet dictatorship. The chapter also analyzes Kissinger's lead role in encouraging the overthrow of President Juan José Torres (1970–1971), the socialist political and military leader of Bolivia.
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Sanders, Andrew. "The Early Years of the ‘Troubles’." In The Long Peace Process, 29–90. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786940445.003.0003.

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This chapter explores the conduct of actors in the United States Government during the early years of the violence in Northern Ireland. It considers the reasons for the relatively non-interventionist approach that Richard Nixon adopted during the first year of his administration and places emphasis on the role of Ambassador John Moore, a prominent Irish-American figure. It also provides an analytical narrative of the development of violence in Northern Ireland, placing this alongside an examination of the responses of the US media and officials. It then assesses the relatively minimal impact of Nixon’s resignation and the inauguration of President Gerald Ford on the US role in Northern Ireland. Finally, it looks at the Democratic Primary campaign in 1968 and the British response to the prospects of a Democratic President winning the Presidential Election that year.
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Conference papers on the topic "United States. Presidential Commission on Election Administration"

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Shin, Jaiwon. "The NASA Aviation Safety Program: Overview." In ASME Turbo Expo 2000: Power for Land, Sea, and Air. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/2000-gt-0660.

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In 1997, the United States set a national goal to reduce the fatal accident rate for aviation by 80% within ten years based on the recommendations by the Presidential Commission on Aviation Safety and Security. Achieving this goal will require the combined efforts of government, industry, and academia in the areas of technology research and development, implementation, and operations. To respond to the national goal, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) has developed a program that will focus resources over a five year period on performing research and developing technologies that will enable improvements in many areas of aviation safety. The NASA Aviation Safety Program (AvSP) is organized into six research areas: Aviation System Modeling and Monitoring, System Wide Accident Prevention, Single Aircraft Accident Prevention, Weather Accident Prevention, Accident Mitigation, and Synthetic Vision. Specific project areas include Turbulence Detection and Mitigation, Aviation Weather Information, Weather Information Communications, Propulsion Systems Health Management, Control Upset Management, Human Error Modeling, Maintenance Human Factors, Fire Prevention, and Synthetic Vision Systems for Commercial, Business, and General Aviation aircraft. Research will be performed at all four NASA aeronautics centers and will be closely coordinated with Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) and other government agencies, industry, academia, as well as the aviation user community. This paper provides an overview of the NASA Aviation Safety Program goals, structure, and integration with the rest of the aviation community.
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