Academic literature on the topic 'United States - Relations - India'

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Journal articles on the topic "United States - Relations - India"

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Davydov, A. A., and A. V. Kupriyanov. "US–Indian Relations: Formation of an Alliance or a Temporary Partnership?" Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S4 (September 2022): S285—S292. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622100069.

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Abstract This article analyzes bilateral relations between India and the United States in the context of a new round of confrontational bipolarity between Washington and Beijing. The analysis of the historical dynamics of relations between the United States and India demonstrate that the US policy towards New Delhi has always been of an opportunistic nature and depended primarily on the events in southern Asia and the Indian Ocean, and on the dynamics of US relations with key Asian powers—the Soviet Union and China. India has never had an independent value for the United States. The existence of common values has always been used by both parties only to justify the next rapprochement between them and has always been determined by purely pragmatic considerations. At the same time, maintaining close relations with the United States is a strategic necessity for India, since the development of the Indian economy and the ability of New Delhi to balance between great powers depend on them. The authors come to the conclusion that today the imperatives of Washington and New Delhi have not changed significantly; therefore, there is no need to talk about a deep transformation of American–Indian relations.
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Travis, Thom A. "United States-India Relations: Obstacles and Opportunities." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 4 (October 1986): 381–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200402.

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The United States-India relationship began with great promise, that later dissipated as the two states adopted contrasting positions on many key world issues. US-India disagreements have centred on the Soviet Union, Pakistan and North-South matters, and hare led to frictions that will not easily disappear. In this essay, the main manifestations and sources of these nagging differences would be discussed. Then, an attempt would be made to show how greater mutual understanding of one another's perspectives could lead to policy modifications that could promote the closer ties desired by each government.
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Saha, S. C. "United States-India Relations 1947–1962: Stresses and Strains Over Communist China." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 44, no. 1-2 (January 1988): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400106.

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The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independence bears testimony to this formulation. Thus in 1941 when India won independence, the United States enjoyed considerable goodwill in India. The United States was willing and far abler than Stalin's Soviet Union to help in the economic betterment of India. The US launched the Point Four Programme, a politico-humanitarian package.1 Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was consciously warm towards it because, apart from other reasons, he found it good tactics to use against domestic communism, and the collapse of the Telengana rebellion in Southern India proved him right. During his first visit to the United States in 1949, Nehru and President Truman seemed to have achieved a reasonable desire of mutual sympathy in genera! outlook on. world affairs. What alienated India's diplomacy from that of the United States most was the difference in their views of the nature of Chinese Communist threat and what approaches could be made about it. The United States had not yet given in to Dulles's pactomania, nor had the dreadful McCarthy era started. Yet guided by their different experiences, the two countries began to choose their different paths which did not converge until the Communist Chinese massive invasion of India's north-eastern border in October 1962. So conflicting were the approaches of India and the United States that they found themselves ranged on opposite sides on many issues regarding China. This worked clearly to the disadvantage of both. The differences discouraged economic assistance to India while the United States lost the sympathy of the emerging Asian nations. My paper examines the various aspects of these Indo-American differences over Communist China in order to define the impact on their political relations. It establishes that the ‘China Question’—the non-recognition by the United States, non-admission to the United Nations, the status of Formosa, etc., created bitter differences between India and the United States till the China War of 1962. This provided cause for an unparalleled deepening of the Indo-US involvement.
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Yousafzai, Iftikhar Ahmad, and A. Z. Hilali. "India’s Role as a Determinant in Pakistan-US Relations (2005-2015)." Review of Applied Management and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 285–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/ramss.v4i1.122.

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The United States adopted a policy of de-hyphenation in its relations with India and Pakistan in the post-09/11 period which continued to be operational in the period 2005-2015. This policy apparently meant that the United States would deal each of the two South Asian adversaries, India and Pakistan. The main reason for this phenomenon was that the policy-makers in the US saw India as a heavy-weight to counter the rising economic, political and military power of China in Asia. Pakistan could not be fitted in this strategic calculus. The United States changed its previous position on Kashmir and instead of calling for resolving this issue according to the United Nations resolutions, it stressed on bilateral negotiations. Similarly, the United States endorsed Indian stance that Pakistan was backing terrorist outfits that perpetrated acts of terrorism in India. Strategic partnership between The US and India extended cooperation in civil nuclear technology, missile defense, space technology and defense production. No such cooperation could be extended to Pakistan. Permanent membership in the UN Security Council for India was endorsed despite Pakistan’s objections.
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Arshad, Muhammad Saad, Najma Akbar, and Syed Shamsuddin. "China's Role in the Indo-US Strategic Interest in the Indian Ocean Region." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VIII, no. III (September 30, 2023): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2023(viii-iii).05.

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The strategic position and economic resources of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) make it a point of contention for both big and regional governments. The United States and India maintain friendly diplomatic and security ties and are regarded as trustworthy strategic partners. Both countries maintained diplomatic ties throughout the Cold War, although India was the USSR's reliable strategic ally at the time. India changed its course and started bolstering its bilateral relations with the US after the Cold War ended. Both states participate in several economic and geopolitical accords. Although the United States and India both have interests in the Indian Ocean area, their interests coincide to counteract China's rise to prominence as an economic force in this region.
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Ganguly, Sumit, and Andrew Scobell. "India and the United States." World Policy Journal 22, no. 2 (2005): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07402775-2005-3007.

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Soltaninejad, Mohammad. "Iran–India Relations: The Unfulfilled Strategic Partnership." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 73, no. 1 (January 24, 2017): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928416683054.

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With its enormous natural and human resources, a growing economy and adjacency to Iran’s security and strategic environment, India is considered one of the most important options with which the Islamic Republic of Iran can establish stable and reliable, if not strategic, relations. Despite this, all economic, trade and cultural capacities as well as diplomatic initiatives have not elevated the mutual relations higher than ‘cordial and friendly’. The present article discusses the reasons behind Indo-Iranian failure to create a once desired strategic partnership. The main idea is that differences in the direction and objectives of the relations between Iran and India, that is, balancing the United States for the former and cooperation with Iran besides the United States for the latter, have led to failure of the efforts to establish a strategic partnership. The theory of soft-balancing is used to analyse Iran–India relations when United States as a factor affecting bilateral relations is concerned.
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Bajpai, Kanti. "India and the United States." South Asian Survey 15, no. 1 (January 2008): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152310801500103.

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Morgan, M. Granger, K. Subrahmanyam, K. Sundarji, and Robert M. White. "India and the United States." Washington Quarterly 18, no. 2 (June 1995): 155–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609509550152.

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Agarwala, Rina. "Divine Development: Transnational Indian Religious Organizations in the United States and India." International Migration Review 50, no. 4 (December 2016): 910–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12188.

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This article examines how Indian Americans’ religious organizations send not only financial remittances to India, but also social remittances that shape development ideologies. Comparing Indian-American Hindu and Muslim organizations, I find both groups draw from their socioeconomic experiences in India and use their position as elite immigrants in the United States to identify and empower their respective religious constituencies in India and overturn different social relations (not just religious practices). Hindu Americans draw from their majority status in India to overturn India's lower position in the world system and support poverty alleviation efforts within a neoliberal development framework. Indian-American Muslims draw from their poor status in India to overturn economic inequities within India by shifting India's development rhetoric from identity to class. Collective religious identities (expressed through organizations) not only affect the intensity of immigrants’ development efforts, but also their content and ideology. These findings urge us to fold transnational religious organizations into contemporary discussions on migration and development.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United States - Relations - India"

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Wangwhite, Sherry W. "China's reactions to the India deal implications for the United States." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FWangwhite.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Malley, Michael S. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 30, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-87). Also available in print.
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Askew, Joseph Benjamin. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.

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"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.
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Pickens, Zachary E. "Hegemonic Ideas and Indian Foreign Policy to the United States: Changes in Indian Expectations and Worldviews." Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1195925395.

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Gray, Elizabeth Kelly. ""Passage to More Than India": American Attitudes toward British Imperialism in the 1850s." W&M ScholarWorks, 1998. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626188.

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Kaufman, Joseph J. "American grand strategy and peripheral aspirant regional hegemonic states U.S.-India security relations in the early 21st century /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1265.

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Askew, Joseph. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Online version, 2002. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/25604.

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Tanwir, Arshad. "The United States in India-Pakistan relations: a study of the role of the United States in the strained Indo-Pak relations in the post cold war." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2552.

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Georgekutty, Thadathil V. (Thadathil Varghese). "India's Nonalignment Policy and the American Response, 1947-1960." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331601/.

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India's nonalignment policy attracted the attention of many newly independent countries for it provided an alternative to the existing American and Russian views of the world. This dissertation is an examination of both India's nonalignment policy and the official American reaction to it during the Truman-Eisenhower years. Indian nonalignment should be defined as a policy of noncommitment towards rival power blocs adopted with a view of retaining freedom of action in international affairs and thereby influencing the issue of war and peace to India's advantage. India maintained that the Cold War was essentially a European problem. Adherence to military allliances , it believed, would increase domestic tensions and add to chances of involvement in international war, thus destroying hopes of socio-economic reconstruction of India. The official American reaction was not consistent. It varied from president to president, from issue to issue, and from time to time. India's stand on various issues of international import and interest to the United States such as recognition of the People's Republic of China, the Korean War, the Japanese peace treaty of 1951, and the Hungarian revolt of 1956, increased American concern about and dislike of nonalignment. Many Americans in high places regraded India's nonalignment policy as pro-Communist and as one that sought to undermine Western collective security measures. Consequently, during the Truman and Eisenhower presidencies the United States took a series of diplomatic, military, and economic measures to counter India's neutralism. America refused to treat India as a major power and attempted to contain its influence on the international plane by excluding it from international conferences and from assuming international responsibilities. The Russian efforts to woo India and other nonaligned countries with trade and aid softened America's open resistance to India's nonalignment. As a result, although tactical, a new trend in America's dealings with India was visible during the closing years of Eisenhower's presidency. Therefore, America sought to keep nonaligned India at least nonaligned by extending economic aid.
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Silvestri, Francesca. "US foreign policy towards India, 1993-2005 : a study emphasizing the importance of systematic selection and usage of documentary evidence." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/55433/.

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This thesis studies the implications of the selection of empirical evidence underpinning reported interpretations and conclusions about US foreign policy towards India. US-India relations have been investigated by a number of scholars whose work has been reported in well-regarded books and journal articles. Their studies typically rely for empirical evidence on official documents, and occasionally on interviews. In spite of their qualities, none of these studies provides explicit rational for their selection of US and Indian primary sources and about the procedures and the criteria used to identify relevant information from these sources. This shortcoming poses a risk for the validity of their conclusions. To assess the nature of this risk, this thesis reports a fresh study of US foreign policy towards India in which all publicly available US documents are used. These documents are the basis of a Qualitative Content Analysis (QCA), the results of which feed into the subsequent analysis. The substantive results of this research are compared with those in the existing literature. This comparison reveals, in addition to obvious similarities, important differences that can be attributed to unsystematic and incomplete use of empirical material in the existing literature. These differences, that emanate from a more explicit and systematic approach to evidence, provide grounds for a reassessment of the significance of many factors influencing US foreign policy towards India. This study identifies relevant factors that have so far been overlooked in the existing literature, and that need to be included in accounts to understand widely documented changes in this area of US foreign policy. Substantively, this thesis highlights the vital importance of the Clinton period in understanding the foreign policy of the United States, a period which had not been examined in sufficient detail by existing studies. Contrary to what most of the existing literature suggests, elements of continuity between the Clinton and the Bush administrations are particularly important to explain the evolution of US foreign policy towards India. In spite of the change in the presidency from Democrat to Republican, President George W. Bush (hereafter Bush) continued to hold the same level of commitment shown by his predecessor in developing closer strategic ties with India, making it a priority of his foreign policy. This aspect is particularly important to furthering a more thorough understanding of US relations with India.
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Vicente, Tainá Dias 1990. "A aproximação entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia e o processo de negociação do acordo nuclear civil (2008)." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279376.

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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T13:08:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vicente_TainaDias_M.pdf: 1332018 bytes, checksum: fa776f5addff76cca859bd3f89712053 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Resumo: Esse trabalho é resultado do estudo do processo de negociação do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil, concluído em outubro de 2008, entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia. A pergunta que surge ao deparar com este objeto é como os países concluíram um acordo tão sensível às duas partes tendo um histórico de discordâncias em relação à política nuclear? Tratando-se de um tema sensível e de caráter estratégico, como a questão nuclear, chama a atenção que esses países, distantes na política internacional, tenham se aproximado a tal ponto. O trabalho discorre, portanto, sobre o processo de construção do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil que vem inserido em um contexto de aproximação diplomática e estratégica cuja iniciativa partira dos Estados Unidos. Algumas das motivações e implicações do acordo serão abordadas ao longo do trabalho, mas o objetivo é mostrar como ocorreu o processo de aproximação institucional entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia que resultou no acordo de cooperação nuclear civil
Abstract: This work is a result of the study of the negotiation process of the nuclear cooperation deal concluded in October, 2005, between United States and India. The question that emerges when we face this object is how countries with such a historical disagreement about nuclear politics could find a common ground in such a sensitive matter? It calls our attention that these divergent countries in international politics could approximate in the nuclear matter being this a sensitive theme and with a strategic character. This dissertation is about the process of building civil nuclear cooperation deal inserted in the context of diplomatic approximation and strategic initiative which departed from the United States. Some of the motivations and implications of the deal are going to be addressed. However, the main objective is to show how the process of institutional approximation between United States and India that resulted in a pacific nuclear deal occurred
Mestrado
Política Externa
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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Books on the topic "United States - Relations - India"

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Jain, B. M. South Asia, India, and United States. Jaipur: R.B.S.A. Publishers, 1987.

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D, Sokolski Henry, ed. United States and India strategic cooperation. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2009.

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D, Sokolski Henry, ed. United States and India strategic cooperation. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2009.

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Jain, B. M. India and the United States, 1961-1963. New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1987.

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Sokolski, Henry D. United States and India strategic cooperation. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2010.

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Sokolski, Henry D. United States and India strategic cooperation. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2010.

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Whitehurst, Clinton H. Improving United States-India relations: More commerce, less diplomacy. Clemson, S.C: Strom Thurmond Institute, 1988.

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Rao, Kilaru Ram Chandra. India, United States, and Pakistan: A triangular relationship. Bombay: Himalya Pub. House, 1985.

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Shankar, Kalyani. India & the United States: Politics of the sixties. New Delhi: Macmillan India, 2007.

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Brands, H. W. India and the United States: The cold peace. Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "United States - Relations - India"

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Rozman, Gilbert. "Japan, the United States, Australia, India." In Strategic Triangles Reshaping International Relations in East Asia, 114–24. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003296256-13.

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Kumaraswamy, P. R. "India, the United States, and the Middle East." In East-West Asia Relations in the 21st Century, 48–61. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003326595-6.

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Banik, Swagata, and Shubham Gupta. "The Effect of Intersectional Forces on Gender-Affirming Surgeries in the United States." In Transforming Unequal Gender Relations in India and Beyond, 353–73. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4086-8_22.

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Hong, Nong. "The United States and China in the Indian Ocean." In US-China Global Maritime Relations, 80–120. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003401070-4.

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Díaz, Antonio Aja. "United States-Cuba." In Debating U.S.-Cuban Relations, 224–43. Revised and updated edition. | New York : Routledge, 2017. |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315271279-12.

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Thakkar, Chirayu. "India and the United States." In Global India, 136–54. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003305132-11.

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Jackson, Taylor, and Christopher Sands. "United States–Canada Relations." In The Palgrave Handbook of Canada in International Affairs, 537–62. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-67770-1_24.

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Ritter, Archibald R. M. "United States-Cuba Relations." In Debating U.S.-Cuban Relations, 153–75. Revised and updated edition. | New York : Routledge, 2017. |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315271279-9.

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Shemella, Paul. "The United States." In The Routledge Handbook of Civil-Military Relations, 296–309. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003084228-26.

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Friedman, Gerald, and John Godard. "The United States." In Comparative Employment Relations in the Global Economy, 285–98. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routedge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315544793-14.

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Conference papers on the topic "United States - Relations - India"

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Alikberov, Eduard Shabanovich, and Alfiya Rafisovna Alikberova. "THE ANALYSIS OF RELATIONS IN THE CHINA-INDIA-USA STRATEGIC TRIANGLE." In Chinese Studies in the 21st Century. Buryat State University Publishing Department, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18101/978-5-9793-1678-9-2021-1-14-20.

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The presented work is devoted to the study of the influence of such a form of rela-tionship as a triangle on the behavior of states and their interaction within the frame-work of a tripartite format. The relevance of this topic is due to the dominant position of the United States in the world, as well as the growing role in the system of interna-tional relations of two Asian giants, China and India, capable in the 21st century to-confront Western countries in the international arena. The role of the China–India–USA strategic triangle — key players in the world political arena — will increase in the near future. Using the example of the interaction of the three states of the People's Republic of China, the Republic of India and the United States of America, the study examines and analyzes the main principles of the successful coordination of the three sides in the triangle: balance of power, refraining, and security. The main conclusion of the presented study is the importance of maintaining a balance in the strategic tri-angle "China-India-USA", since the aforementioned countries occupy important posi-tions in the main areas of international relations: economy and security, the world or-der in the Asia-Pacific region depends on them. The methodological basis of the work is the general humanitarian research method-system analysis, which allowed us to analyze the principles of construction and functioning of the triangle as a system as a whole, and also to study the features of all components of this system, their interde-pendence and internal patterns of development. The materials of this article can be used in the future by international experts, orientalists and economists studying the Indo-Pacific and Asia-Pacific regions, as well as when reading a course of lectures and writing textbooks.
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Silva, Eluan Joel Rodrigues da, Cristiano de Bem Torquato de Souza, Raphael Henrique Chappuis, Sarah Evelyn Silva Fernandes, and Kleber Fernando Pereira. "Scientific production on the effects of COVID-19 on the central nervous system: a systematic review." In XIII Congresso Paulista de Neurologia. Zeppelini Editorial e Comunicação, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5327/1516-3180.493.

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Background: The presence of COVID-19 in the world has brought changes to our society. The research groups around the world started an analysis of how the SARS-CoV-2 virus interacts pathophysiologically with biological systems. Objectives: Quantify, based on the literature, the scientific production by Institution and country of origin, which related the damage of COVID-19 in the Central Nervous System (CNS). Design and setting: We conducted a literature review. It was use the databases of PubMed, LILACS (Latin American and Caribbean Literature on Health Sciences), SciElo and The Lancet. Results: 91 articles were included. The Institutions with the most publications were: University of California (United States), All India Institute Of Medical Sciences (India) and Qingdao University (China), with May 2020 being the period with the most publications. The most frequent symptoms caused by COVID-19 in the CNS were: Anosmia, Headache, Vomiting, Nausea and Hyposmia. Conclusions: United States, India and China were the countries with an expressive, even small, number of publications relating the effects of COVID-19 on the CNS. The largest number of publications in May 2020 shows that studies were rapidly developed shortly after the disease was raised to the level of a pandemic in March of the same year. The symptomatic effects of the disease show the primary involvement of the respiratory system with effects on the CNS.
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Mahmood, Basim, and Ronaldo Menezes. "United states congress relations according to liberal and conservative newspapers." In 2013 IEEE 2nd Network Science Workshop (NSW). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/nsw.2013.6609201.

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Kallakurchi, Jagannath, and Pradipta Banerji. "Personalized Learning Path (PLP) – "App" for improving academic performance and prevention of dropouts in India." In 9th International Conference on Human Interaction and Emerging Technologies - Artificial Intelligence and Future Applications. AHFE International, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002935.

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Personalized Learning is an evolving trend in many schools in the United States and globally. However, an earlier study showed that personalized tutoring positively affected students' achievement. A tutor can quickly and competently evaluate students' capacities and needs and suggest appropriate instruction, resulting in students' academic performance. Studies have found that digital tools in education are efficient, such as digital tutors, digital assessments, and student-centric curricula can support student achievement similar to what is done by skilled human tutors. A PLP App developed with AI, specifically to address issues relevant to India, is presented in this paper that provides precise help to students from across the spectrum who need additional support in understanding any subject and concepts and wish to improve academic performance. This PLP App helps teachers identify gaps in knowledge and understanding of subjects among students and support them with technology-enabled tools to bridge the gap. This is done using Coherence maps between different levels of learning in concepts in specific subjects, which address gaps in learning that cannot be easily addressed in any other manner by both students and teachers. It doesn't just tailor learning, keeping the differences among learners in mind; it also shifts the weight of students' progress from the teacher and divides it between the students and teachers. The PLP App considers the conditions of Learning, such as the motivation of the student, the associated feelings of autonomy, ability, and relevance of the Learning. Setting goals and receiving feedback are essential parts of the learning process. The learning path created by the Coherence maps is a concrete, visualized, and easily understandable list of goals designed to guide students from their current level of knowledge to a higher level of competence. Self-assessment and peer review, coupled with the learning path, help students better understand their skills and increase their sense of autonomy and ownership in Learning. Students should have personal learning paths to encourage them to set and manage their academic goals. The data relating to each student is captured on an ongoing basis by the PLP App to ensure all student performance data is recorded in the system to provide most accurate understanding of the level of knowledge. The PLP software also supports teachers' plans and students' preferences by keeping past track records. Observation and monitoring of benchmarks allow the teacher to assign additional content to the student for better performance. The drop-out of students from schools in India has many reasons. They include understanding the subject or content, personal reasons, economic reasons, and many other reasons. However, it has been established by earlier studies that a significant part of the reason for drop-outs is a failure in specific courses, such as Mathematics and English. The PLP App at least addresses the understanding of the subject content, which should at least reduce the drop-outs due to failure in specific courses.
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Sari, Ni Komang Yulia Cempaka, and I. Gede Wahyu Wicaksana. "United States in Asia: Transition in the International System and Restraining China Influence." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279805290535.

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Wiyono, Wiyono, and Achmad Nurmandi. "Smart Transportation Development: Success Strategy in China, United States, United Kingdom, and India." In 8th International Conference on Human Interaction and Emerging Technologies. AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002731.

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This study aims to analyze the development of “Smart Transportation” countries, China, the United States, the United Kingdom, and India. The country was chosen considering the high number of “Smart Transportation” research and the success of good transportation management. This study uses a qualitative data software analysis (QDSA) approach. The data source of this research uses 277 Scopus database articles that focus on "Smart Transportation" research. The research data search phase uses the keyword "Smart Transportation" from 2011-2022. Analysis of the research data using software tools VosViewer and NvivoPlus12 to visualize data based on cluster co-citation, and co-occurrence network. The results show that four countries have a "Smart Transportation" development strategy that focuses on planning, management, and security aspects. The planning aspect focuses on transportation planning, urban planning, and smart urban planning. Then the management aspect focuses on the management of transportation data, big data, and data management. Lastly, the transportation security aspect focuses on developing network security, management security systems, and technical security. The development of “Smart Transportation” in four countries has a different approach strategy. China is focused on developing transportation data management, big data, transportation planning, and focusing on security. The United States focuses on management and security, not on transportation development. The UK has in common with the United States which does not have a focus on developing transportation management and security, but has a focus on making transportation planning. The focus of transportation development in India has similarities with China, namely data management and transportation planning. So India does not focus on developing transportation on security. The development of Smart Transportation in countries in the world pays attention to management factors and aspects of sustainability in its development. Transportation security is an important part in the development of transportation in every country.
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Spartak, Sergei. "THE "PASSPORT ISSUE" IN RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES." In 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocialf2018/1.6/s01.022.

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Fontana, Maria Pia, and Miguel Mayorga. "Le Corbusier. Arquitectura urbana: Millowners Association Building y Carpenter Center." In LC2015 - Le Corbusier, 50 years later. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/lc2015.2015.972.

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Resumen: La obra de Le Corbusier es una amplia exploración de soluciones urbanas y arquitectónicas que plantean relaciones de continuidad entre edificio y ciudad, arquitectura y entorno, espacio interior y espacio exterior: rampas, cuerpos bajos, entrantes y salientes, plantas libres y fachadas con espesor, son algunos de los elementos de integración y/o de mediación utilizados por el maestro suizo. El Millowners Association Building de 1954 ubicado en la ciudad de Almedabad en la India, y el Carpenter Center for Visual Arts de la Graduate School of Design of Harvard de 1961-1964 en la ciudad de Cambridge, en Estados Unidos, son dos edificios que presentan rasgos característicos en común: una volumetría básica, uso del hormigón armado visto, uso de similares elementos de fachada y una rampa que sobresale del edificio y que confiere a ambos un carácter reconocible y peculiar. Los dos edificios ya han sido puestos en relación por diferentes críticos como Giedion 1967, o Frampton 1975, e incluso se ha considerado uno como antecedente del otro. Sin embargo, un análisis comparativo permite verificar que aunque la rampa es el elemento común más evidente, éste juega un papel muy diferente en la definición de las relaciones urbanas de cada uno de los edificios con su entorno inmediato y con la ciudad. Y además que también, en la relación del edificio con la ciudad entran en juego otros elementos y soluciones arquitectónicas, que de manera solidaria, son determinantes definidores de su relación con el entorno y su carácter urbano. Abstract: The work of Le Corbusier is a comprehensive exploration of urban and architectural solutions which show continuity relationships between city and building, architecture and environment, interior and exterior space throughout elements of integration and / or mediation used by the Swiss master like ramps, lower volumes, incoming and outgoing, open floor plans and thick facades. The Association Millowners Building (1954) located in the city of Almedabad in India, and the Carpenter Center for Visual Arts at the Graduate School of Design of Harvard (1961 to 1964) located in the city of Cambridge, in the United States, are two buildings that have some characteristics in common, like a basic volume, use of reinforced concrete, using similar facade elements and a projected ramp gives a recognizable and distinctive character of both buildings. Different authors compared the two buildings as Giedion 1967 or 1975 Frampton, and have stated that one has been based on the other. However, a comparative analysis verifies that although the ramp is the most obvious common element, it plays a very different role in the definition of urban relationships of each of the buildings with their immediate environment and the city. Moreover other elements configure crucial aspects in the relationship between the buildings and the urban space creating architectural solutions and interesting relations that are crucial for the definition of the relationship with the environment and the urban character of every building. Palabras clave: Le Corbusier, Millowners Association Building, Carpenter Center for Visual Arts, Urban Architecture. Keywords: Le Corbusier, Millowners Association Building, Carpenter Center for Visual Arts, Arquitectura Urbana. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/LC2015.2015.972
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Chen, Juan, Yan Lu, Ting Zhang, and Zhaolian Ouyang. "Artificial Intelligence in Medicine in the United States, China and India." In ISAIMS 2020: 2020 International Symposium on Artificial Intelligence in Medical Sciences. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3429889.3429938.

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Ravi, M., and Arun Sivasubrahmaniyan. "Natural Gas Vehicle Safety Requirements in India, Europe and United States." In 8th SAEINDIA International Mobility Conference & Exposition and Commercial Vehicle Engineering Congress 2013 (SIMCOMVEC). 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States: SAE International, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/2013-01-2815.

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Reports on the topic "United States - Relations - India"

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Wezeman, Pieter D., Justine Gadon, and Siemon T. Wezeman. Trends in International Arms Transfers, 2022. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/cpns8443.

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Imports of major arms by European states rose by 47 per cent between 2013–17 and 2018–22, while the global volume of international arms transfers fell by 5.1 per cent. There were decreases in arms transfers to Africa (–40 per cent), the Americas (–21 per cent), Asia and Oceania (–7.5 per cent) and the Middle East (–8.8 per cent) between the two periods. The five largest arms importers in 2018–22 were India, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Australia and China. The five largest arms exporters were the United States, Russia, France, China and Germany. The war in Ukraine had only a limited impact on the total volume of arms transfers in 2018–22, but Ukraine did become a major importer of arms in 2022. In addition, most European states substantially increased their arms import orders and the war will have significant ramifications for future supplier–recipient arms trade relations globally. From 13 March 2023 the freely accessible SIPRI Arms Transfers Database includes updated data on transfers of major arms for 1950–2022, which replaces all previous data on arms transfers published by SIPRI. Based on the new data, this fact sheet presents global trends in arms exports and arms imports, and highlights selected issues related to transfers of major arms.
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Sellak, Mohamed. United States-Moroccan Relations. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada247761.

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McCulloch, Rachel. United States-Japan Economic Relations. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w2408.

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Graves, Joseph L., and Jr. Future of United States - Panamanian Relations. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada220644.

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Bergeman, Stephen P. The United States -- India Strategic Relationship. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada566630.

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McGuffin, Gary R. United States-Cuban Relations: Time for Change? Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada440705.

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Yencha, Jr, and John M. The Future of United States - Japan Relations. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada264567.

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McHugh, John. United States Relations With Russia: Forging a Way Ahead. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada500886.

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Wheeler, Christopher L. Labor Relations: Unions and the United States Air Force. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ad1018715.

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O'Leary, Christopher J., and Robert A. Straits. Intergovernmental Relations in Employment Policy: The United States Experience. W.E. Upjohn Institute, February 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.17848/wp00-60.

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