Journal articles: 'United States - Relations - India'

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Davydov, A. A., and A. V. Kupriyanov. "US–Indian Relations: Formation of an Alliance or a Temporary Partnership?" Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S4 (September 2022): S285—S292. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622100069.

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Abstract This article analyzes bilateral relations between India and the United States in the context of a new round of confrontational bipolarity between Washington and Beijing. The analysis of the historical dynamics of relations between the United States and India demonstrate that the US policy towards New Delhi has always been of an opportunistic nature and depended primarily on the events in southern Asia and the Indian Ocean, and on the dynamics of US relations with key Asian powers—the Soviet Union and China. India has never had an independent value for the United States. The existence of common values has always been used by both parties only to justify the next rapprochement between them and has always been determined by purely pragmatic considerations. At the same time, maintaining close relations with the United States is a strategic necessity for India, since the development of the Indian economy and the ability of New Delhi to balance between great powers depend on them. The authors come to the conclusion that today the imperatives of Washington and New Delhi have not changed significantly; therefore, there is no need to talk about a deep transformation of American–Indian relations.

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Travis, Thom A. "United States-India Relations: Obstacles and Opportunities." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 4 (October 1986): 381–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200402.

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The United States-India relationship began with great promise, that later dissipated as the two states adopted contrasting positions on many key world issues. US-India disagreements have centred on the Soviet Union, Pakistan and North-South matters, and hare led to frictions that will not easily disappear. In this essay, the main manifestations and sources of these nagging differences would be discussed. Then, an attempt would be made to show how greater mutual understanding of one another's perspectives could lead to policy modifications that could promote the closer ties desired by each government.

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Saha, S. C. "United States-India Relations 1947–1962: Stresses and Strains Over Communist China." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 44, no. 1-2 (January 1988): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400106.

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The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independence bears testimony to this formulation. Thus in 1941 when India won independence, the United States enjoyed considerable goodwill in India. The United States was willing and far abler than Stalin's Soviet Union to help in the economic betterment of India. The US launched the Point Four Programme, a politico-humanitarian package.1 Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was consciously warm towards it because, apart from other reasons, he found it good tactics to use against domestic communism, and the collapse of the Telengana rebellion in Southern India proved him right. During his first visit to the United States in 1949, Nehru and President Truman seemed to have achieved a reasonable desire of mutual sympathy in genera! outlook on. world affairs. What alienated India's diplomacy from that of the United States most was the difference in their views of the nature of Chinese Communist threat and what approaches could be made about it. The United States had not yet given in to Dulles's pactomania, nor had the dreadful McCarthy era started. Yet guided by their different experiences, the two countries began to choose their different paths which did not converge until the Communist Chinese massive invasion of India's north-eastern border in October 1962. So conflicting were the approaches of India and the United States that they found themselves ranged on opposite sides on many issues regarding China. This worked clearly to the disadvantage of both. The differences discouraged economic assistance to India while the United States lost the sympathy of the emerging Asian nations. My paper examines the various aspects of these Indo-American differences over Communist China in order to define the impact on their political relations. It establishes that the ‘China Question’—the non-recognition by the United States, non-admission to the United Nations, the status of Formosa, etc., created bitter differences between India and the United States till the China War of 1962. This provided cause for an unparalleled deepening of the Indo-US involvement.

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Yousafzai, Iftikhar Ahmad, and A. Z. Hilali. "India’s Role as a Determinant in Pakistan-US Relations (2005-2015)." Review of Applied Management and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 285–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/ramss.v4i1.122.

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The United States adopted a policy of de-hyphenation in its relations with India and Pakistan in the post-09/11 period which continued to be operational in the period 2005-2015. This policy apparently meant that the United States would deal each of the two South Asian adversaries, India and Pakistan. The main reason for this phenomenon was that the policy-makers in the US saw India as a heavy-weight to counter the rising economic, political and military power of China in Asia. Pakistan could not be fitted in this strategic calculus. The United States changed its previous position on Kashmir and instead of calling for resolving this issue according to the United Nations resolutions, it stressed on bilateral negotiations. Similarly, the United States endorsed Indian stance that Pakistan was backing terrorist outfits that perpetrated acts of terrorism in India. Strategic partnership between The US and India extended cooperation in civil nuclear technology, missile defense, space technology and defense production. No such cooperation could be extended to Pakistan. Permanent membership in the UN Security Council for India was endorsed despite Pakistan’s objections.

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Arshad, Muhammad Saad, Najma Akbar, and Syed Shamsuddin. "China's Role in the Indo-US Strategic Interest in the Indian Ocean Region." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VIII, no. III (September 30, 2023): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2023(viii-iii).05.

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The strategic position and economic resources of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) make it a point of contention for both big and regional governments. The United States and India maintain friendly diplomatic and security ties and are regarded as trustworthy strategic partners. Both countries maintained diplomatic ties throughout the Cold War, although India was the USSR's reliable strategic ally at the time. India changed its course and started bolstering its bilateral relations with the US after the Cold War ended. Both states participate in several economic and geopolitical accords. Although the United States and India both have interests in the Indian Ocean area, their interests coincide to counteract China's rise to prominence as an economic force in this region.

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Ganguly, Sumit, and Andrew Scobell. "India and the United States." World Policy Journal 22, no. 2 (2005): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07402775-2005-3007.

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7

Soltaninejad, Mohammad. "Iran–India Relations: The Unfulfilled Strategic Partnership." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 73, no. 1 (January 24, 2017): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928416683054.

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With its enormous natural and human resources, a growing economy and adjacency to Iran’s security and strategic environment, India is considered one of the most important options with which the Islamic Republic of Iran can establish stable and reliable, if not strategic, relations. Despite this, all economic, trade and cultural capacities as well as diplomatic initiatives have not elevated the mutual relations higher than ‘cordial and friendly’. The present article discusses the reasons behind Indo-Iranian failure to create a once desired strategic partnership. The main idea is that differences in the direction and objectives of the relations between Iran and India, that is, balancing the United States for the former and cooperation with Iran besides the United States for the latter, have led to failure of the efforts to establish a strategic partnership. The theory of soft-balancing is used to analyse Iran–India relations when United States as a factor affecting bilateral relations is concerned.

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8

Bajpai, Kanti. "India and the United States." South Asian Survey 15, no. 1 (January 2008): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152310801500103.

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9

Morgan, M. Granger, K. Subrahmanyam, K. Sundarji, and Robert M. White. "India and the United States." Washington Quarterly 18, no. 2 (June 1995): 155–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609509550152.

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10

Agarwala, Rina. "Divine Development: Transnational Indian Religious Organizations in the United States and India." International Migration Review 50, no. 4 (December 2016): 910–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12188.

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This article examines how Indian Americans’ religious organizations send not only financial remittances to India, but also social remittances that shape development ideologies. Comparing Indian-American Hindu and Muslim organizations, I find both groups draw from their socioeconomic experiences in India and use their position as elite immigrants in the United States to identify and empower their respective religious constituencies in India and overturn different social relations (not just religious practices). Hindu Americans draw from their majority status in India to overturn India's lower position in the world system and support poverty alleviation efforts within a neoliberal development framework. Indian-American Muslims draw from their poor status in India to overturn economic inequities within India by shifting India's development rhetoric from identity to class. Collective religious identities (expressed through organizations) not only affect the intensity of immigrants’ development efforts, but also their content and ideology. These findings urge us to fold transnational religious organizations into contemporary discussions on migration and development.

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11

Swu, Tovika. "The Obama Administration and United States-India Defence Relations." International Journal of Humanities and Social Science 5, no. 4 (July 25, 2018): 52–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14445/23942703/ijhss-v5i4p110.

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12

Shriparkash. "The Foreign Policies of India with the United States." Integrated Journal for Research in Arts and Humanities 2, no. 5 (October 30, 2022): 217–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.55544/ijrah.2.5.33.

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Based on common democratic principles and a growing union of interests on bilateral, global and regional concerns, India and the United States have grown their bilateral relations into a "global strategic partnership." The concentration on growth and decent governance by the Indian government has given a chance to strengthen bilateral ties and cooperation under the mottos "Sanjha Prayas, Sab ka Vikas" (Shared Effort, Progress for All) and "Chalein Saath Saath" (Forward Together We Go), which were adopted during the first two summits between Prime Minister Modi and President Obama in September 2014 and January 2015, respectively. India and the United States were described as "Enduring Global Partners in the 21st Century" in the summit-level joint statement released in June 2016. Regular high-level political meetings have sustainedly boosted bilateral cooperation, and the extensive and expanding dialogue architecture has laid the groundwork for future India-U.S. engagement. The business and funding, security and defence, educational, and other facets of the bilateral relationship between the United States and India have all expanded and become cross-cutting. Active interpersonal communication and support from the public in both countries help to strengthen our bilateral relationship.

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13

Das, Runa. "A Post-colonial Analysis of India–United States Nuclear Security: Orientalism, Discourse, and Identity in International Relations." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 6 (October 15, 2015): 741–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909615609940.

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This article uses Edward Said’s post-colonial framework to analyze India–United States (US) nuclear security relations in the post-Cold War period as a clash of US Orientalism and India’s nuclear sovereignty as a key marker of India’s post-colonial essence. Through an analysis of the discourses of India and the US with regard to India’s May 1998 detonation and the 123 Agreement, it explores the following questions: To what extent has America’s security relationship with India been characterized by Orientalist discourses? Does the revision of the US post-9/11 security relationship with India as evidenced through the 123 Agreement indicate continuity or change in America’s Orientalist discourses vis-à-vis the nuclear policies of the Indian state? How has this shaped India’s nuclear nationalism? In exploring these questions, it will be argued that US security discourses reflective of Orientalism have constructed India along Orientalist lines; have structured US security policies towards the nuclear strategies of the Indian state (thereby consolidating India’s nuclear nationalism); and, that the revision of the US security relationship with India post-9/11 shows a continuity of America’s Orientalism towards the Indian state and its nuclear program. The article concludes with an analysis of the implications of Orientalism on South Asian security/International Relations.

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14

Thanh, Ton Sinh. "Book review: Le Thi Hang Nga, India–United States Relations (1947–1991) [Quan hệ Ấn Độ– Hoa Kỳ (1947–1991)]." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 2 (April 26, 2020): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420917122.

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Le Thi Hang Nga, India–United States Relations (1947–1991) {Quan h– United States Relati–1991)} (Hanoi: Truth National Political Publishing House, 2017). 227 pp., Price 56.000 VND (Paperback). ISBN: 9786045738078.

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15

Nisar, Rana Danish. "Assessing India - United States Security Agreements: A Critical Analysis." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 536–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-3-536-546.

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Asia is now a central part of world politics, where the interests of a number of global and regional actors have collided, including India, China, Japan, the United States and Russia. With the collapse of the socialist bloc and the end of the Cold War, the U.S. embarked on a new security policy, changed its priorities, promoting a new balance of power and defining a new role for itself in the post-bipolar world. India, on the other hand, has strengthened its position in the Asian region thanks to its rapid economic growth, huge domestic market, modernization of armed forces, and practice of democratization. Given India’s transformation and the strategic importance of the Indian Ocean and its maritime transport routes, Washington has become interested in strengthening ties with New Delhi. As a result, India - U.S. relations are moving from the estrangement of the past to the strategic engagement of the present. Since 2004, when the document entitled “Next Step towards Strategic Partnership” was adopted, the two countries have been experiencing a phase of deep strategic convergence. This is particularly true in the area of security and defense. In the present study the author argues that Indo-US defense agreements stimulate India’s offensive power, while negatively affecting regional security in South Asia and especially Pakistan’s security. In the milieu of research methodology, the author uses the methods of content analysis, event analysis, and problem-chronological method.

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16

Walker, M. Karen. "Narratives of Engagement in us–India Relations: A Look Back at the us–India 123 Agreement Debate." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 1 (November 27, 2016): 49–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341327.

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This article presents a rhetorical critique of diplomatic and public discourse that emanated from a joint commitment of the United States and India to pursue full civilian nuclear cooperation. The article argues that four narratives combined to transform the us–India relationship from estrangement to engagement. The narratives of exceptionalism, kinship, sojourning and convergence changed perspectives on the context, social order and substance of the us–India relationship, effectuating India’s movement from outside to inside the nuclear non-proliferation regime, and constituting the United States and India as strategic partners.

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17

Agrawal, Subhash. "India and the United States: A New Partnership." International Spectator 46, no. 2 (June 2011): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2011.576171.

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Shriparkash. "U.S. - INDIA Relations: Current Scenario." Integrated Journal for Research in Arts and Humanities 2, no. 6 (December 11, 2022): 288–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.55544/ijrah.2.6.39.

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Both their respective home attempts to achieve their respective domestic climate targets and the remotivated global efforts to boost climate ambition were shared by India and the United States. Both parties reiterated their promise to the crucial role of multilateral cooperation in addressing these global macroeconomic challenges as they discussed the current challenges to the global macroeconomic outlook in the context of the conflict in Ukraine, such as rising commodity and energy prices as well as supply constraints. They both reaffirmed their commitment to stepping up their efforts to put the G20 Common Framework for Debt Treatment into effect in a realistic, timely, organised, and coordinated way.

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19

Garson, Robert. "India and the United States, 1961–1963." International Affairs 67, no. 1 (January 1991): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621306.

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Zagoria, Donald S., Sulochana Raghavana Glazer, and Nathan Glazer. "Conflicting Images: India and the United States." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 4 (1990): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044586.

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Zagoria, Donald, and Dennis Kux. "India and the United States: Estranged Democracies." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 3 (1994): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20046720.

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22

Koehn, Peter H. "Linking China, India, and the United States." International Studies Review 12, no. 2 (June 7, 2010): 331–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2010.00940.x.

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23

Ali, Rizwan. "The Politics of Energy Trade Between Iran and Pakistan." Forman Journal of Social Sciences 02, no. 01 (December 17, 2022): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32368/fjss.20220206.

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Pakistan and Iran are neighboring countries that have longstanding historical ties. However, there is little research available about Pakistan-Iran energy trade relations, especially with respect to the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline. This research is based on primary data collected through qualitative interviews with key policymakers, academicians, and social activists, from Australia, India, Pakistan, and the United States. Based on the analysis of the data, this paper argues that there are risks involved for Pakistan in either honoring United States’ sanctions on Iran or bypassing them. In the former, Pakistan is incurring a huge cost in terms of delayed energy import from Iran while in the latter Pakistan, its officials, and its relevant organizations may face heavy sanctions by the United States. The study concludes that Pakistan must adopt a safer policy to pursue energy import from Iran while conducting good relations with both U.S. and Iran. The participation of India in the Iran-Pakistan energy project can increase the likelihood of its success. Key Words: Iran-Pakistan Relations, Energy Trade, United States, Politics, Foreign Policy

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24

Galistcheva, Natalia Valerievna, and Elena Vakhtangovna Nebolsina. "The U.S. and China in India’s Foreign Economic Policy: In Quest of Balance for Maintaining Strategic Autonomy." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 304–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-304-324.

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The paper investigates trade and investment relations between India and its two major trading partners, viz. the U.S. and China in the 2000-2010s. On the basis of mixed method research with equal use of quantitative and qualitative, as well as historical and statistical methods, the authors estimate the possibilities for expanding interstate interactions and the difficulties the countries might face. By comparing the scale and particulars of the product structure of Indo-American and Indo-Chinese trade, the authors reveal that intra-industry trade between India and the United States is at a fairly high level, which, in turn, is not typical for the trade between India and China, which is mostly inter-industry due to the sluggish cooperation of Indian and Chinese entrepreneurs. The authors assess the intensity of the Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral trade between 2000-2018 by means of indices of intensity of Indias exports and imports to / from the USA and China, as well as indices of intensity of exports and imports of its partners to / from India. The obtained results outline the upward trend of the share of Indian exports to the U.S. relative to other countries, which indicates that India is successfully conquering the U.S. market, and Indian goods are becoming increasingly competitive. Meanwhile, the volume of Indian-Chinese trade remains on a much lower level than it could be expected with the current share of India in the world trade. In the meantime, neither for the United States nor for China, India is a dominant partner. The article also investigates major obstacles hindering the development of both Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral relations. The obtained results enable the authors to predict that in the short- and mid-term economic cooperation between India and its leading partners is likely to strengthen, with India keeping striving for standing neuter while building the two most crucial vectors of its foreign economic policy.

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Pulipaka, Sanjay, and Libni Garg. "India and Vietnam in the Indo-Pacific." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 2 (May 7, 2021): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284211004984.

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The international order today is characterised by power shift and increasing multipolarity. Countries such as India and Vietnam are working to consolidate the evolving multipolarity in the Indo-Pacific. The article maps the convergences in the Indian and Vietnamese foreign policy strategies and in their approaches to the Indo-Pacific. Both countries confront similar security challenges, such as creeping territorial aggression. Further, India and Vietnam are collaborating with the United States and Japan to maintain a favourable balance of power in the Indo-Pacific. While Delhi and Hanoi agree on the need to reform the United Nations, there is still some distance to travel to find a common position on regional economic architectures. The India–Vietnam partnership demonstrates that nation-states will seek to define the structure of the international order and in this instance by increasing the intensity of multipolarity.

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Dhingra, Swati, and Timothy Meyer. "Leveling the Playing Field: Industrial Policy and Export-Contingent Subsidies in India–Export Related Measures." World Trade Review 20, no. 4 (August 2, 2021): 606–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474562100032x.

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AbstractIn India–Export Related Measures, the United States challenged a range of Indian measures as prohibited export-contingent subsidies, and a WTO panel largely agreed. This article examines the factors at play in the United States’ decision to bring the challenge. At the level of policy, the United States case reflects India's graduation from the protections afforded developing nations’ export-contingent subsidies under the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures. A closer examination, however, shows that India ramped up its export-contingent subsidies just as the SCM Agreement required it to wind those subsidies down. Moreover, the expanded Indian subsidies led to increased import competition with the politically influential metals and pharmaceutical sectors in the United States, which pushed the US challenge. We reflect on the larger implications of the challenge for the future of trade rules on industrial policy. In particular, we note that the United States pursued a trade enforcement policy that would have the effect of increasing pharmaceutical prices in the United States, by reducing subsidies for imported generic drugs, at a time when the Trump administration allegedly was trying to reduce the price of prescription drugs. This disconnect suggests the need for both greater transparency in trade policy and greater governmental coordination on the connection between trade policy and other policy priorities.

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Asaturov, Sergey, and Andrei Martynov. "Trends in international relations in the Indo-Pacific region." ScienceRise: Juridical Science, no. 1(19) (March 31, 2022): 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15587/2523-4153.2022.254248.

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The global Indian and Pacific region is playing an increasing role in modern international relations. At the beginning of the XXI century, this region is a crossroads of different interests of great powers. The United States continues to play a leading role. The Pentagon introduced the concept of the Indo-Pacific region. From a military-strategic point of view, this concept is a symbol of American-Chinese competition. This process intensified under the Trump administration in 2017-2020. The Biden administration is consolidating regional democracies. Australia, India and Japan play a key role in this process. The European Union promotes the values and ideas of democracy in the Indo-Pacific region. China is an important trading partner of the EU. The intensification of the Sino-US confrontation in early 2022 has blocked the entry into force of the China-EU Free Trade and Investment Agreement. In early 2022, the United States, Great Britain and Australia announced the creation of a military alliance. India and Japan are concerned about China's growing military power. The Republic of Korea has a similar position. Hotspots of confrontation in the region are Taiwan, the Korean Peninsula, the disputed Spratly Islands. The Indo-Pakistani conflict around Kashmir destabilizes regional security. The Indo-Pacific region is an example of a complex multipolar system of international relations. This system is more risky in terms of security. The functioning of internal regional and interregional communication networks is complicated by military-technical, environmental, demographic, socio-cultural, interstate contradictions. The formation of a regional security system is limited by political problems. Post-modern democracies, such as Australia, India, Japan and the modernized Chinese autocracy and the North Korean Stalinist dictatorship, coexist in the Indo-Pacific region. The balance of interests is maintained by the United States and the European Union. This balance is volatile and unpredictable

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Pant, Harsh V. "India: Domestic Politics, Foreign Relations and Cooperation with the United States." Asian Affairs 44, no. 2 (July 2013): 308–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.795301.

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Das, Runa. "The United States–India Nuclear Relations after 9/11: Alternative Discourses." Asian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (April 2012): 86–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2012.673865.

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Sarmad, Khwaja. "Dennis Kux. Estranged Democracies: India and the United States 1941-1991. New Delhi: Sage Publications. 1993. Hardbound. Indian Rupees 375.00." Pakistan Development Review 33, no. 2 (June 1, 1994): 200–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v33i2pp.200-201.

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Cold war US-Soviet relations were characterised by a large gap between hostile talk and cautious action, though both countries backed and armed rival sides in wars in the third world. During the cold war US foreign policy was detennined by the sole objective of containing Soviet territorial and ideological 'expansionism'. This was also the defining element in US-Indian subcontinent relations in the coldwar period. Thus the main reason for the estrangement in US-India relations is not hard to discern-while the US aggressively sought partners in its anti-Soviet alliance system, India nurtured its economic and military supplies relationship with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, while there persisted a fundamental conflict between Pakistan and India over the Kashmir issue, Pakistan participated in the US sponsored anti-Soviet alliance system and gained from US military and economic assistance.

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Panda, Snehlata. "India and the United States: perceptions and policy." Strategic Analysis 23, no. 1 (April 1999): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908455032.

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Batool, Asma. "Pak-US Relations and Indian Factor." Global Foreign Policies Review III, no. I (December 30, 2020): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2020(iii-i).02.

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The South Asian region has always been a place of major concern for United States due to its strategic location; inter linked conflicts, threat of nuclear proliferation and tenacity of security threats such as terrorism. The region is hub of many conflicts and violence due to Pakistan-India's historical rivalry, terrorism and sectarian divisions. Security of the Pakistan has been unstable and highly based on proxy wars and involvement of Non-state actors. US has taken the responsibility to contribute in peace process of Pakistan-India conflicts to bring stability to the region but did not succeed. The Indian factor has always been primary for Pakistan while conducting relations with America. US tilt towards India has been significant since 2010 when strategic partnership between two initiated. After Trump came into power the US tilt towards India increased. To counter this US-Indo duo and maintain the balance in the region Pakistan has strengthened ties with Russia and China and also focusing on making adjustment in its nuclear doctrine to maintain its deterrence against the historical regional rival India.

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Uyanaev, Sergey V. "The "USA-India-China" triangle: current state and prospects." USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, no. 8 (December 15, 2023): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673023080096.

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Recent years the virtual triangle "USA-India-China" attracts an increased attention of many political experts. The article considers three bilateral lines the triangle, analyzes their intersecting influence on each other. The author pays attention to the Chinese factor in the dialogue between the United States and India, emphasizes the role of Washington in the complex relations between New Delhi and Beijing, notes the influence of India on the interaction between the United States and China. The conclusions about the significance of the situation in the triangle for the interests of Russia are also drawn.

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Haq, Abrar Ul, and Mubeen Adnan. "Peripheral Cold War: A Perspective Study of India and Pakistan Relations." Global International Relations Review V, no. III (September 30, 2022): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-iii).03.

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India and Pakistan have long history of animosity which is evident in their bilateral relations. Defining the politics of security is an attempt to first develop the comprehensive definition of security in India Pakistan case and engender certain knowledge that how the threats are surfacing in other aspects of state affairs. The political, economic and social sectors have associated with security while strategic relations of India and United States to counter China are also very important aspects of Pakistan security proposition. This research paper seeks to have a latest oversight to observe how these changing relations might incriminate the strategic environment of South Asia and specifically in Pakistan India relations and how the strategic importance of these periphery’s lead them to cooperate with strong states to get the military and economic benefits. The conflict and strategic relations with the powerful states to maintain the balance of power, forms the peripheral cold war.

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Varma, Roli, and Meghna Sabharwal. "International Collaboration: Experiences of Indian Scientists and Engineers after Returning from the United States." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 17, no. 5-6 (December 11, 2018): 593–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341498.

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AbstractThis article presents findings on international research collaboration from a National Science Foundation-funded study with 83 faculty in science and engineering (S&E) who returned to India after studying and working in the United States. These faculty members were brought up in the Indian socio-cultural context, but they were professionalized in the scientific culture of Western academia. When they returned to India to take a faculty position, they knew collaborators in the US with desired skills, including their advisors. Yet, returned Indian migrant faculty face significant challenges in establishing successful international research collaboration with their American peers. Interestingly, this is not the case with collaborators from Europe and other parts of the world with whom they had little connection before moving to India. Findings show some inequities that exist between scientists and engineers in the US and India that pertain to resources and attitudes towards collaboration.

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Shur, Elizaveta A. "Engagement policy and formation of allied relations: India in the US foreign policy strategy under George W. Bush and B. Obama." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 5, no. 2 (2021): 571–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2021-5-2-7.

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The article presents an analysis of the engagement policy and the formation of allied relations which hold a central place in the foreign policy of the United States. It is noted that the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks demonstrated the ideological insecurity of the United States and forced Washington to join the global campaign against terrorism. Despite the untenable willingness to bear the burden of war alone, the American political establishment began to look for allies and partners. The purpose of this article is to identify India’s place in the system of American foreign policy strategies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama. When studying this topic, the author relied on the methods of analysis, synthesis, comparison and generalization. The phenomenon of using public diplomacy and the engagement policy for strengthening allied relations with India has been studied very little by domestic and foreign science. The article concludes that the White House showed considerable interest in India due to its favorable geographical location, experience in counterterrorism, tense relations with China (a potential competitor of the United States), and the status of the world’s largest democracy, which indicates the country’s commitment to democratic values which are actively promoted by Washington. The article reveals the obstacles in the way of India’s involvement in this cooperation: despite its interest in establishing a dialogue with the United States, the republic did not show any desire to move away from the traditional policy of equidistance in international relations for fear of becoming an American puppet. During the administration of Barack Obama, U.S.–India relations received a new impetus as part of the US Pivot to Asia. The scope of cooperation between the two countries was significantly expanded. The relations reached a new level after Narendra Modi took office as Prime Minister of India. The scientific significance of this study lies in the fact that previously this topic has been considered exclusively through the prism of Chinese politics and nuclear problems.

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Ayres, Alyssa. "Beyond Disciplines: India Studies in the United States." India Review 5, no. 1 (April 2006): 14–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480600742601.

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Marwat, Faisal Ameer. "Pakistan - United States of America Relations: Impediments and way forward." Journal of Law & Social Studies 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.03.01.6772.

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During the past seven decades, the relations among America and Pakistan have seen such a significant number of ups and downs. Hindered by different commitment, solid and particular irritation, both of states have attempted to impact each other, but have been unsuccessful at significant number of stages. Pakistan once saw, as the most associated partner when fits to United States of America interests in 50s, twisted hooked on utmost endorsed companion of America in 90s. The centralization of relations fluctuated from one perilous to that of totally overlooking the different as in 1971, to that of critical activity as was seen following the intrusion of Afghanistan by the Soviets in December 1979 and during the war on psychological warfare after 9/11 assaults, which totally changed the image of the relations. Meanwhile the occasions of 9/11, Pakistan devours embraced a proactive and realistic methodology in its isolated relations that helped nation to organize a discretionary rebound at provincial and all-inclusive echelons. Pakistan had option towards successfully modification post-9/11 difficulties hooked on situations and thus become cutting edge worldwide actions against psychological combat. Global network properly recognized commitment in contradiction of anxiety mongering; activities make stable local complaint by preliminary procedures towards improved relations by way of India and Afghanistan. Following finish of the Taliban system in Afghanistan and an adjustment in Pakistan’s Afghan approach, a significant prevention in improving relations with Russia and the Central Asian states has been evacuated and there are solid indications of progress in respective relations.

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Vinod, M. J. "Attitudes towards India: Contrasting Approaches of the United States and the Soviet Union." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 46, no. 1 (January 1990): 17–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492849004600102.

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A comparative study of India's relations with the two Super Powers, the US and the USSR provides a very complex and interesting model in the relations between nations. On the one hand it would appear rather paradoxical that two large and genuine democracies of the world, India and the United States should have but an ordinary relationship devoid of any deep and enduring rapport. At the people-to-people level there exists one might say, an abundance of goodwill and warmth for one another; yet at the state-to-state level there appears to be a lack of understanding and support for each other's position in vital spheres of activity. On the other hand, inspite of their ideological differences, relations between India and the Soviet Union have turned out to be friendly and enduring. The paradox deserves a closer study.

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Hornat, Jan. "The power triangle in the Indian Ocean: China, India and the United States." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 29, no. 2 (January 3, 2015): 425–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2014.974507.

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Gul, Noman, Fareed Ullah, and Azmat Ali Shah. "Sino-US Global Competitive Dynamics Post 9/11 and its Impacts on Pakistan's Security." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 162–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-ii).16.

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In this paper we examine the security implications for Pakistan after the engagement of two powerful states, China and United States. After the incident of September 11, 2001 (9/11) and their security impacts in the capacity of Pakistan's domestic and peripheral front. Their rivalry in the 21st century at the geo strategic, geopolitical and geo-economic level have been explained on the basis of realism, neo-realism and complex interdependence philosophies of international relations. The drastic political and strategic change in the status of Kashmir propelled Pakistan and China to review their foreign policies in future. In response, China wants Pakistan a strategic partner to closely look onto Afghanistan's political crisis during and after the withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan. However, the strategic relationship nuclear partnership between America and India has allowed the Sino-Pak strategic and nuclear partnership to level the magnitude of the United States' influence in South Asia. The issue of cross border terrorism, infiltration from Afghanistan and Indian espionage policy further sabotaged peace and security calculus in Pakistan's internal and external levels. India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership has further deteriorated Pakistan's relations with Afghanistan.

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Athukorala, Prema-chandra. "Trump's Trade War: An Indian Perspective." Asian Economic Papers 19, no. 1 (April 2020): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00749.

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This paper examines the implications of the Trump Administration's U.S. trade policy on U.S.–India relations and the Indian economy against the backdrop of strengthening political and strategic ties between the two countries, which have been strong since the beginning of this century. Trump's strategy of using tariffs as the bargaining chip in bilateral economic relations with India, while ignoring mutual geopolitical interests, has coincided with new protectionist tendencies in India under the Make in India strategy of the Modi government, setting the stage for a protracted bilateral trade dispute. U.S. safeguard duties on steel and aluminium have taken a toll on India's exports of these products to the United States, but these products account for a tiny share of India's total exports to the United States. The hard hit was Trump's termination of India's designation as a beneficiary developing nation under the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP). The GSP abolition is likely to have a much more significant effect on the Indian economy as exports under the program are heavily concentrated in the traditional labor-intensive industries. However, given the handsome mandate received by the Modi government at the May 2019 election and that the next election is four years away (2024), GSP abolition is unlikely to receive much weight in determining India's position in trade negotiations compared with the new protectionist policy stance stemming from the Make in India strategy. The WTO verdict on the U.S. complaint on India's manufacturing export subsidies, if upheld by the WTO Appellate body, would strengthen the U.S. position in negotiating a trade deal with India.

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Gorman, Daniel. "Britain, India, and the United Nations: colonialism and the development of international governance, 1945–1960." Journal of Global History 9, no. 3 (October 13, 2014): 471–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022814000217.

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AbstractThis article argues that the manner by which colonial societies achieved independence as sovereign states in the late 1940s and 1950s fundamentally shaped the parallel emergence of ideas and institutions of international governance, particularly at the newly created United Nations. Using Anglo-Indian relations as its primary focus, it argues that the internationalization of imperialism was particularly evident in two areas: postcolonial states’ negotiation of relations with their former colonial power within the UN system; and the influence of colonialism on international governance, particularly through the idea and practice of planning. The article assesses these developments through an analysis of British debates about United Nations membership for postcolonial states, India's role at the San Francisco Conference in 1945 where the United Nations was formed, India's campaign for a seat on the Security Council and its engagement with ECOSOC, the applicability of existing international conventions to postcolonial states, and the transfer of the ideal of planning from colonial to international governance.

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Iqbal, Nazish. "India-Pakistan-Afghanistan Triad: A Case Study of Classical Realism." Global Foreign Policies Review III, no. I (December 30, 2020): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2020(iii-i).03.

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India and Pakistan have their own political and economic aims in Afghanistan since inception. The association between Pakistan and Afghanistan have always remained uneven. This is due to the convergence and divergence of interest of both the states. Indian factor has played its greater role in the strained relationship between both the states. Hostile Indian presence on the Afghanistan border is a matter of security concern for Pakistan. Taliban factor always remained a threat for India. India signed strategic partnership deal with Afghanistan and became the sixth largest donor to Afghanistan. Afghanistan is getting greater economic benefits from India and in return has provided its land for terrorist activities against Pakistan. Pakistan on the other hand has played very effective role in bringing Afghan Taliban and United states to the negotiation table for achieving peace in Afghanistan. This paper utilizes the classical realism theory to explain the political and economic interests of India and Afghanistan and also explains the strained Pak Afghan relations ever since due to the involvement of Indian factor. So this triad always remained in conflict and on trajectory of uneven relationship.

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Lee, Steven, and Andrew Rotter. "Comrades at Odds: The United States and India, 1947-1964." International Journal 56, no. 4 (2001): 704. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203617.

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Assim Faiq, Dr Tala. "Reading About Indo-Pakistani Relations." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH IN SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES 13, no. 01 (2023): 505–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37648/ijrssh.v13i01.041.

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The South Asian region occupies a great strategic importance due to the nature of regional and international interactions in the region, especially that India has always sought to strengthen relations with the great powers, including the United States of America, and at the same time Pakistan sought to strengthen relations with international powers, including China, and India set out to enhance its strength and international standing To confront Pakistan and the regional powers represented by China from a group of factors that explained the nature of Indo-Pakistani relations. These factors were represented at the internal and external levels by political, economic, social and military factors.

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Lee, Sang-Hwan, and Wonjae Hwang. "The United States and Asia in 2023." Asian Survey 64, no. 2 (March 2024): 308–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2024.64.2.308.

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The past year witnessed a broad range of cooperation between the US and Asian states. As tensions with China and Russia and threats from North Korea continued to mount, the Biden administration’s strategic goal of a free and open Indo-Pacific gained ground in many Asian states, and strategic partnerships were formed based on various interests. The trilateral partnership between the US, South Korea, and Japan and deepening ties between the US and India were notable. While US–China relations deteriorated, there was a glimpse of positive adjustment in their competition. However, uncertainties and skepticism were raised regarding shared interests or values. Worries about the rise of a new Cold War intensified. The third year of the Biden administration continued to see persistent challenges to its Asia policy.

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Aristawidya, Kinanti, and Idil Syawfi. "Hostility vs. Reluctance: Implication of Nuclear Posture Adoption towards India's Bilateral Relations with Pakistan and China." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 19, no. 2 (December 19, 2023): 189–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v19i2.6695.189-211.

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This paper examines India's different nuclear posture adoption toward Pakistan and China. India has been developing its nuclear weapons to ensure its survival amidst ongoing tensions with Pakistan and China. However, India's relationship with China tends to be cooperative, while Pakistan tends to be conflictual. Theoretically, the mutual accumulation of nuclear power will increase tension and further deteriorate bilateral relations. Through posture optimization theory and Jervis' four worlds, this article qualitatively compares the two cases and its implication for their bilateral relations. The result shows that India's adoption of an assured retaliation posture that directly deters Pakistan affects their relationship to be hostile and leaves no possibilities for cooperation. On the contrary, the existence of the United States as India's strategic partner made China reluctant to be aggressive and opt for diplomatic settlements with India. India-Pakistani relations dynamics reflect Jervis's doubly dangerous world, while Sino-Indian relations reflect the second world unaffected by the accumulation of power, although there is an intense security dilemma. Keywords: India; Pakistan; China; Nuclear Posture; Nuclear Policy

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Hamidi, Sidra. "Constructing nuclear responsibility in US–India relations." International Affairs 98, no. 2 (March 2022): 707–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab225.

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Abstract In 2005, the United States recognized India as a ‘responsible state with advanced nuclear technology’. How did India go from pariah to a legitimate nuclear state? This article historicizes the concept of nuclear responsibility to explain India's shifting place in the nuclear regime. Existing perspectives view responsibility as a function of discrete state behaviors to the detriment of understanding the relationship between power and responsibility as a discourse. This article tracks the evolving discourse of early proliferators, such as the US, UK and France, who legitimated their possession of nuclear weapons by linking responsibility with deterrence. In its early nuclear history, India challenged these hegemonic perspectives but more recently adopted the deterrence model of responsibility to be granted recognition and legitimacy in the global nuclear regime. The article concludes that nuclear states’ success in linking deterrence with responsibility complicates the place of disarmament as an alternative nuclear responsibility discourse. Tying deterrence to responsibility reshaped the global order around the continual presence of nuclear weapons, narrowing moral agency and limiting a nuclear weapon-free future. Reclaiming responsibility will require moving beyond the typical state-centric politics of blame towards institutional and structural approaches to moral agency.

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Nasim, Jaweriya, Khushboo Fatima, and Sajida Noureen. "Strategic Balance between India and Pakistan with respect to “Balance of Power Theory”." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 12 (December 25, 2020): 236–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.712.9466.

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India and Pakistan have strained relations since their independence because of serious conflicts like the Kashmir issue and major wars of 1965 and 1971. There is a continuous struggle for dominance among both the states through nuclear weapons and alliances with other nuclear weapons states, which have been addressed in this paper. India had made South Asia nuclear; to which Pakistan develop its nuclear program. Moreover, India and the United States growing relationship have further created an imbalance in the region. In return, Pakistan started strengthening its ties with China to counterbalance the Indian threat. This has been discussed in the paper that both states have actually created balance against one another in the context of the balance of power theory. But it is not going to be long lasting as there is a negative peace among them, and a single event can trigger a major conflict and depict dominance of one over the other.

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Journal articles on the topic 'United States - Relations - India'

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